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Public discourse about autonomous regions and de facto ‐‐‐ or unrecognized ‐‐‐ states can influence the policies that parent states adopt to respond to these entities. I theorize that public discourse about autonomous regions will underscore commonalities with the parent state. Public discourse about de facto states will treat the state as a separate entity. I employ newspaper data as a measure of public discourse about Adjara and Abkhazia, Georgia. Using sentiment analysis and topic models, I show that public discourse about autonomous regions discusses domestic politics whereas discourse about de facto states emphasizes international relations. This analysis of public discourse offers insight into the ways in which people in parent states discuss separatist entities and how leaders may wish to steer public discourse about these regions in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we elaborate on the central themes of our recent book, The New Nationalism in America and Beyond (OUP, 2022), before responding to the comments and criticisms of several esteemed colleagues (Phil Gorski, Cynthia Miller‐Idriss, and Sophie Duchesne). In sum, our book argues that the relative success of right‐wing populists among the white majorities of the West – including Donald Trump in the US, Marine Le Pen in France, and the Brexit Campaigners in the UK – is partly due to the way in which they draw upon long‐established ethnic nationalist myths and symbols in their political communication. By adapting this cultural content to the contemporary context, these elites are ensuring that their messaging resonates among their target populations. In making this case, our book seeks to demonstrate the value of taking culture seriously in the analysis of the so‐called ‘new nationalism.’ [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article was initiated by our discomfort regarding recent policy developments in Nordic early childhood education (ECE) where previous decades’ policies on creating solidarity, equality and universal access to social welfare and promoting democratic participation are seemingly waning. While from a global perspective, these policies might seem inclusive and democratic, if understood within the context of Nordic policy frames and broader policy changes in Sweden and Denmark, their undemocratic coercive moves and racist undertones become visible. By focusing on the intersections of language and place in selected policies, we respond to the questions: ‘what is the problem represented to be’ and ‘what are the solutions offered?’ (Bacchi, 2012). We argue for the urgency of further research as the identified policy shifts indicate the prevalence of a more virulent form of nationalism in the Nordic ECE space threatening its Nordic democratic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the division and conflict during the formative phase of Turkish nationalism in the Early Republican Period. Turkish nationalism, the founding ideology of Türkiye, was oriented towards identity and state building, and it developed an ethno‐secular vision. In contrast, Turkism‐Turanism nationalism, emerging from civilian circles, adopted a critical stance towards the official ideology and the prevailing understanding of ideology during that period, as evidenced by Atsız Mecmua. Using discourse analysis, this study examines prominent themes in Atsız Mecmua, such as anthropological Turkishness, Turanism, militarism, and a holistic approach to history. Conversely, communism in its ideological sense and identities other than Turkish were depicted as the other. Atsız Mecmua attempted to foster a new conception of nationalism to challenge Kemalist nationalism, seeking to forge Turkish unity through militarism and a fascist state model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ballet Parade premiered at the Théâtre du Châtelet on 18 May 1917, performed by the Ballets Russes with a plot conceived by Jean Cocteau, music by Erik Satie, choreography by Léonide Massine, and set designs by Pablo Picasso. It is characterised by Picasso’s Cubist set designs, a folkish plot, and a thinly textured, repetitive musical score juxtaposing light classicism and ragtime numbers, augmented by extra-musical noises, including a typewriter and a Wild West revolver shot. Parade’s light-heartedness contrasted viscerally with the contemporary realities faced by Parisians in 1917. Just 125 miles from the front and subject to air raids, the sights, sounds, and dangers of war were familiar to the audience of the ballet’s premiere, and many of them found Parade offensive. Despite this seeming incongruity, I argue that Parade was not incidental to the First World War but was a result of and response to the war surrounding it. A contextual analysis of Parade demonstrates some of the concerns of artists working during the war, the tensions and disagreements that emerged among artists, and how the direction of their art was shaped both during and after the war. Moreover, Parade also serves as an artistic ‘case study’ that can provide historians with a clearer understanding of the day-to-day realities, anxieties, and opinions of the people living in Paris during this unique moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zimbabwe has distinct urban nationalist myths stemming from the colonial period—urban modernity and economic exceptionalism. The modernity myth has been constructed from the colonial period and came to be associated with urban order, lifestyle and social mobility. The economic exceptionalism myth refers to Zimbabwe's past exceptional economic performance during the colonial and early postcolonial periods. However, the economic crisis and informalisation from the late 1990s have challenged these myths as neither previous practices of urban modernity nor the feeling of exceptional economic performance is attainable any more. In this context, people in the informal sector reimagine what these nationalist myths mean to them. In particular, they engage in debates about which economic practices are modern enough to be implemented in urban areas, especially in the city centre, and how to identify themselves make a claim to urban modernity. The memory of economic exceptionalism in the meantime acts as a reference point in discussions about future national development. All these translate into the question of legitimacy—of the informal economy and its practices and the government that failed to uphold the modernity and exceptionalism myths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An American world history text—read, interpreted, and used in entirely unintended contexts—shaped what we now see as a quintessentially Japanese concept: the way of the samurai (bushidō). William Swinton's 1874 textbook, Outlines of the World's History , was widely read in Japan both in the original and in translation. Proponents of the new and evolving idea of bushidō in the 1890s found Swinton's chapter on European chivalry particularly useful, adopting his logic to assert the existence of a way of the samurai, akin to European chivalry, as the basis of Japan's civilized national character, while defining that way as fundamentally opposed to the immoral "woman worship" of the West. In sum, Swinton's textbook fueled a backlash in 1890s Japan that would give rise to a conception of chivalry without women: a purportedly native way of the samurai, inherently male supremacist, thought to constitute Japan's national spirit, with a mission to civilize Japan and, for some proponents, the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Romanian music has many histories. From composer George Enescu to Dictator Nicolae Ceauțescu, the Romanian music reflected multiple faces of becoming and corresponding, streaming from a varied cultural diversity and gravitating towards the central European canons. The process of creating the Romanian music shaped a dynamic and fluid image of the place and people it represents, balancing its pendulum between the western aspiration and the eastern inspiration. Moreover, it has not just one history, but many ones because the Romanian music is not a monolithic tradition, but a fusion of various customs and influences that fluctuated their presence more or less obvious along this time of becoming. Seen in a long run framed between the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, folk music reveals as the constant component of each ideological narrative that emerged from both nationalism and socialism. This span of time is vital to understand the complex and mercurial nature of the popular or the folk that has a relation to music and song not because it describes a historical reality, but because it has been used historically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postage stamps, despite being somewhat cloaked over time by both obscurity and sheer ubiquity, are important official, primary source state documents. The iconography and visual data on the stamp have been used by states to project an official narrative, at times crossing into propaganda. Scholars have analysed these data to access how a given state has sought to portray itself to both domestic and international audiences. Over the course of its first 30 years of post-Soviet independence, Kazakhstan has produced 1130 visually distinct postage stamps. Visual content analysis reveals that much (nearly 45%) of this state's philatelic representation can be assigned to two thematic categories: Nature and Notable People. Iconographic representations found on Kazakhstan's first stamp issue (and others featuring the Golden Man), selected representations of flora and fauna species, a selection of stamps displaying Nursultan Nazarbayev imagery, and other selected stamps displaying multiple themes are scrutinized. These representations additionally project a concretization of the state and its territory, as well as sovereignty. While the messaging medium is miniature, for Kazakhstan the narrative itself is monumental. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gobustan, a prehistoric site 60 km south of Baku, has an impressive collection of rock carvings from different prehistoric eras. Near the site, a national museum presents the prehistoric findings in a narrative that connects them with modern-day Azerbaijan, calling the hunter–gatherer tribes that lived in Gobustan 'our ancient Azerbaijani ancestors'. While many nation-building projects dig deep into the past, reconstruct it, claim ancient civilizations as their own and sometimes even invent historical narratives that never happened, the Gobustan Museum and the narrative it implies (that prehistoric people living in 15,000 BCE were Azerbaijanis) seems like 'overkill', an exaggerated effort to connect the past and the present. The data from the museum points to a larger story: the construction of national identity and collective memory in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. This paper presents some of the author's anthropological field research findings in the museum and explains why the narrative of 'ancientness' is so essential in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cricket in India has evolved much beyond its fundamental definition as a game or form of entertainment in the present century. The liberalization process in the 1990s, followed by the drastic social changes in the country, impacted the game, leading it to acquire new meanings as cultural text. Currently, Indian cricket forms part of collective enjoyment, forming people's habitus and playing a central ideological role in the politics of ethnonationalism. This article attempts to analyze Indian Cricket using Slavoj Zizek's concept of "national Thing," to critically understand its potential to evoke hyper‐nationalism in the Indian polity. The concept of "national Thing," proposed by Zizek, postulates that the recourse to nationalism can cause a pleasure‐in‐pain situation and evoke extreme "enjoyment" (jouissance), which functions on the idea of sudden sense of loss. Drawing insights from this, this paper theoretically investigates sport‐induced nationalism in cricket in the backdrop of escalating neo‐nationalist sentiments in India. Additionally, the article expounds on how cricket becomes a "lost Thing" in Indian popular culture by critically analyzing the Indian film Kai Po Che (2013), in which cricket emerges as a social and political entity, intervening with the lives of ordinary youths in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics, Eileen Gu attracted considerable attention and sparked numerous discussions on Chinese social media. Using the method of textual analysis, this paper examines the various responses of Chinese women, particularly Chinese feminists, to Eileen's achievements on Chinese social media, framing these responses within recent studies of neoliberalism's undoing of feminism as well as long-standing debates about the relationship between feminism and nationalism. This paper argues that discussions about Eileen on Chinese social media not only illustrate how neoliberalism is absorbed, reworked, and resisted in its transnational circulation but also demonstrate how nationalist narratives can be strategically used by Chinese feminists to validate their feminist positions. It further enriches existing scholarship on neoliberalism with a transnational perspective, reaffirms the importance of contextualizing the relationship between Third World feminism and nationalism, and highlights the significance of uncovering indigenous feminist resources in Third World countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the dynamic sociopolitical transformation underway in Saudi Arabia, contextualizing it within the framework of territorial nationalism and examining the intricate interplay of historical, religious, and nationalist factors. The study explores various elements, including the burgeoning youth population, the reshaping of the rentier economy, internal structural changes within the ruling dynasty, the influence of Wahhabi-Salafi ideology, the evolving role of the religious institution, the women's rights issue, and the process of militarization. It sets these developments within the broader context of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's endeavors to foster territorial nationalism. The article assesses the implications of contemporary modernization strategies, elucidating their connection to key aspects such as oil revenues, petro-dollar accumulation, advancements in the entertainment sector, and the resurgence of nation-building initiatives. The analysis encompasses an exploration of external factors that mold Saudi Arabia's trajectory, encompassing dynamics in international relations, regional conflicts, and shifts in the geopolitical landscape, and offers insights into the multifaceted nature of Saudi Arabia's ongoing transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an account of how digital-media communication enables the negotiation of nationhood from the bottom up. It explains how conservative understandings of national belonging can be challenged and co-constructed in the process of public communication over a given discursive event. Using a discourse-historical approach and multimodal critical discourse analysis focused on Manizha's performance on the Eurovision Song Contest, the author shows the role of race, gender, citizenship, and origins for the construction of a sense of national belonging in the Russian Federation right on the eve of the full-scale war with Ukraine. The author argues that despite the commonly shared racialized understanding of Russian nationhood and the state-imposed conservative values that shape it, there was a dynamic toward a more inclusive understanding of national belonging that was advanced by some popular celebrities and picked up, bottom-up, by minority groups and liberal-minded RUnetizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of Hong Kong identity has traditionally been positioned in a local–national dichotomy, where Hong Kong identity is viewed primarily as a local identity while the label of national identity is reserved for identification with the Chinese nation. Hong Kong nationalism, on the other hand, is generally considered a new phenomenon, the study of which has focused predominantly on the political activities in the post-handover period. Drawing on Partha Chatterjee's theory of anti-colonial nationalism, this paper seeks to broaden the understanding of Hong Kong nationalism by examining the nationalistic sentiments manifested during the Chinese language campaign (1964–1971). This paper draws on archival materials to shed light on the presence of anti-colonial nationalism in colonial Hong Kong, an aspect often overlooked or considered a mere extension of Chinese nationalism from mainland China. This paper also discusses the distinctions between anti-colonial nationalism in Hong Kong and Chinese nationalism, highlighting the intricate nature of the concept of Chineseness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Romantic-period studies have been keenly sensitive to the notion of mobility across borders, both in literal and figurative terms, investigating it in relation to issues of personal and national identity. This essay discusses Byron's various forms of border-crossing with specific reference to his Italian years, starting with the most immediate loco-geographic meaning of the term, that is, Byron's traversing the many frontiers that marked the Italian territory, partitioned in a plurality of states. The focus is on Byron's experience of the technologies of control which were set into place in the early nineteenth century, testified by his traveling papers and registered, often with a touch of humor, in his correspondence. Byron's musings on the practices and implications of the documentary control of mobility and identity spilled over, in a more serious key, into the concerns of his poetic output, notably in the lines of his 1819 lyric "To the Po." Translating the notion of borders and border-crossing onto the page, here Byron resisted the crystallizing of identity at work in the biopolitical domain by making the fluidity of the history-laden river Po the locus of his rebirth as transnational subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Turkish cultural history, there is an uninterrupted continuity in the education of the Traditional Turkish Arts (TTA), with clear links to the Ottoman past and Islam. This article discusses how TTA were preserved and incorporated into the educational curriculum in the early Republican era, despite discourses that established a direct disengagement between the Republican nationalist project and the Ottoman past. Turning then to the dissemination of TTA under the AKP's rule as a reflection of neo-Ottomanism as a multi-faceted strategy, this article reveals their overlap with neo-liberal policies that bring about their commodification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and under what conditions do ideologically similar nationalist parties adopt different positions and discourses about refugees and immigrants? We address this question by examining nationalist parties' approaches toward Syrian refugees in Turkey. Documenting these differences based on an original Twitter dataset and party manifestos, we argue that electoral dynamics under the new presidential system have shaped nationalist parties' discourses about refugees in the country. In particular, we explore how pre-electoral alliances and a strategic opening in the political space have motivated nationalist parties to amplify, ambiguate, or silence their otherwise conservative and nativist refugee discourses. Additionally, we maintain that urbanization has influenced the discursive strategies of nationalist party elites toward immigrants and refugees, giving rise to contradictory forms of nationalism in urban areas, including both far-right and liberal nationalisms. Overall, this study offers valuable insights into the complex interactions between refugee politics, electoral dynamics, nationalism, and urbanization in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adaptation to modernity generated among the Jews different amalgamations between European and Jewish concepts and brought about diverse and often opposed ideological trends and movements. One was Zionism, built on a concoction between Jewish tenets such as Shivat-Zion (Return-to-Zion) and European nationalism and secularisation. The result, Jewish statehood, failed to eradicate or diminish the tensions between non-Jews and Jews with the old Jew-hatred now transferred to Israel. This article examines the ideological background of the Zionist idea and the interaction among its components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing works on the sources of secessionist agitations in postcolonial Africa tend to be methodologically nationalist but also circumvent the diasporic dimension. Particularly, the resurgent ethnic separatism amongst Igbos in southeastern Nigeria has been predominantly analysed from the theoretical standpoints of relative marginalisation and material deprivation that focus on domestic politics in post-war Nigeria. We broaden this literature by underscoring the diasporic dimension of this secessionist conflict. Drawing on the literature on diaspora nationalism with a focus on the case of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB)—a transnational separatist movement—we reveal evidence showing how the Igbo diaspora instigate and exacerbate separatist tensions in the homeland by reviving collective memories of the macabre Nigeria-Biafra war (1967–1970) and reimagining alternative political futures for ethnic Igbos devoid of the state's grand narratives of nationhood. We contend that the diasporic dimension is profoundly critical to comprehending separatist agitations in southeastern Nigeria with implications for wider postcolonial African contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1968, Equatorial Guinea's emergence as an independent nation signaled a pivotal chapter in Spain's national identity, deeply grounded on an imperial narrative. Around this juncture, Leandro Mbomio was etching his mark on Spain's cultural milieu as a sculptor. His success and persona reflected the image, voice, and thought the Francoist state sought in its former African subjects. Amid Spain's stringent media censorship, the official narrative that emerges from Mbomio's career is captivating. He was celebrated as "the black Picasso" and deemed emblematic of Black culture in Spain. This paper seeks to answer the following questions: How did the portrayal and reception of Mbomio reflect Spain's shifting views on Equatorial Guinea, "Black Africa", and the broader understanding of "Blackness" at the time? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revisiting the citizenship regimes of Myanmar and India through a comparative lens, this article argues that a specter of the "potential foreigner" is decisive in the adjudication of citizenship in both countries. Citizenship is conceptualized not only on the basis of who is a citizen, but a perennial suspicion towards those who may not be. We frame this argument in the context of increasingly restrictive atmospheres in both countries, epitomized by violence towards the Rohingya in Myanmar and the Citizenship Amendment Act in India. This paper employs an historical perspective, tracing the evolution of citizenship since the partitions of Burma and Pakistan from India. It interrogates the very notion of foreignness that is embedded in these discourses, through a detailed description of the religious, ethnic, racial, and administrative "other" etched in the legislative and socio-political fabric of both countries. In order to develop the idea of potential foreigner as a key element of national identity and citizenship policy, the paper examines crucial legislation over the last three-quarters of a century, and the consequences of linking narrowing definitions of ethno-national belonging to citizenship status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) has developed cultural policy initiatives that seek to promote cultural Europeanization with the purpose of constructing European identity narratives and facilitating citizens' sense of belonging to Europe and the EU. The article focuses on the citizens' perspective to cultural Europeanization through ethnographic research on one central action in the EU cultural policy, European Heritage Label (EHL). We analyse the interviews conducted in selected EHL sites with Central and East European (CEE) citizens who were visiting the sites as well as with cultural heritage practitioners working at three EHL sites located in CEE countries. We ask how the practitioners and the visitors engage with European identity narratives and elaborate their European belonging. We especially scrutinize how everyday encounters and experiences, such as mobility, shape identifications with 'Europe' and perceptions of what is 'European'. The interviews are interpreted in the theoretical framework of 'being' and 'becoming' European. This framework indicates a centuries-long liminal position of the Central and Eastern Europe. It enables us to scrutinize CEE citizens' sense of belonging to Europe in an intersection of dual Europeanization, i.e. cultural Europeanization and 'Europeanization' of the CEE countries to overcome this liminal position and become 'true' Europeans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How has the Europeanisation of football at the level of governance (due to for example the effects of the Bosman ruling and the formation of the UEFA Champions League) – influenced the identities of football fans? This paper explores how such structural Europeanisation in football is influencing identifications among fans. Based on an analysis of articulations in selected online message boards, we distil the positioning of fans towards 'Europe' in football, and the factors which shape it. We control for three main avenues of impact: the club level, the league level, and the societal context. Our inquiry is based on a set of paired comparisons of fan scenes for football clubs in four different European countries. Results show that the factor carrying the most explanatory power is the club's participation in European-level competition. Although this broadly confirms a 'contact hypothesis' – according to which the more fans are exposed to cross-border contacts, the less relevance they attribute to aspects of national belonging – significant variations of how frequent exposure to European-level competition translates into more Europeanised perceptions do exist. For European identity studies, the work corroborates that a lifeworld arena such as football can foster Europeanised identifications, albeit not in a uniform manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I discuss Lithuanian LGBQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual and queer) people's views on belonging to the West/EUrope. I will argue that the research participants' age group, location of residence, their (not)involvement with LGBTQ+ leisure culture and/or their migrant status made a significant impact towards forming their subjective sense of (not) belonging to the West, when they discussed their personal experiences of spending time abroad. When belonging to the West/EUrope was discussed against the backdrop of national belonging, the research participants syncretised the elements of the dominant nationalistic narrative, and the Rainbow Europe narrative in order to homosexualise the national canon and to construct an accommodating version of Lithuania as the Rainbow Nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholarship on postfunctionalism in European integration has drawn attention to how processes of Europeanisation are not restricted to policymakers, but exist equally (if not more significantly) in the quotidian. The 2016–2020 Brexit process and debates on the relationship between national identity and 'Europeanness' urge a new consideration of how Europeanisation is narrated in everyday discourses. This paper analyses British fictional portrayals of the EEC and EU and posits a new theoretical framework of 'Imperial Gothic 2.0'. Pre-2016 representations of the EU were entirely dystopian. But post-2016, Brex-Lit fiction has reversed this trend and the EU now appears as a flawless utopia. Early twentieth-century 'Imperial Gothic' saw popular fiction defined by themes of British decline and oppression by foreign powers; a century later, Brex-Lit has resurrected these themes by narrating Britain in terminal decline, reflecting cultural anxieties, a reversal of Self and Other, and a loss of identities. This 'Imperial Gothic 2.0' reveals anxieties which reflect and influence political action, and reveals the extent to which imaginations and narratives of the EU have transformed from depictions of a distant, technocratic entity used for comedy or conspiracy, into a site of intense emotional affiliation, nostalgia, anticipation, and regret. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of growing nationalisms and Euroscepticism, this paper develops the original concept of 'Everyday Europeanhood' on a theoretical level, building on related concepts, such as Skey and Antonsich's 'Everyday Nationhood', Billig's 'Banal Nationalism', Anderson's 'Imagined Communities' and Beck's 'Cosmopolitan Vision'. It applies the concept to the European Universities Initiative (EUI), seen as a tool to promote European identity, based on a common sense of belonging conveyed through everyday practice, among students and staff in European University Alliances. It is argued that, in the light of previous top-down European initiatives designed to symbolically reinforce a sense of shared European identity, the EUI seems more in phase with bottom-up 'everyday' processes of identity development. Taking the European University Alliance 'FORTHEM' as an example, core features, aspects, actions and outputs achieved so far within this alliance are categorised in the light of four dimensions of 'Everyday Europeanhood': 'Talking Europe', 'Choosing Europe', 'Performing Europe' and 'Consuming Europe'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-border regions are often deemed laboratories for initiatives to increase Europeanization. Our paper examines the German-speaking Community of Belgium in the Euregio Maas-Rhine to assess the relevance of everyday cross-border activities to the perception that living in a border region presents a unique opportunity to feel and think as a European. Departing from the assumptions of both Deutsch's transaction theory and Allport's contact hypothesis, we analyze Eurobarometer data (population-level surveys) and use data from focus groups with regional MPs. Results from quantitative data analysis suggest that perceptions of life in cross-border regions are positively influenced by frequent cross-border movement (functional dimension) as well as general trust in other people (emotional dimension). Our qualitative data from focus groups support the findings from the quantitative analysis and demonstrate further that it is not merely the quantity but the quality of contacts that contribute to a gradual 'growing together'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on Chinese football fans' reactions to the Japanese national team and their fans' behaviour during the World Cup 2022. Despite the historical and contemporary problems that make friendly relations with Japan difficult to achieve, football fans in China largely welcomed the good performance of the Japanese national team. This attitude may be described as 'thin cosmopolitanism' because Chinese fans' major frame of reference was still nationalistic. For them, the impressive performance of the Japanese national team means that Asians and the 'yellow race people' can also play good football. However, the Japanese fans, whose cleaning up of stadia received wide coverage during the World Cup, were criticized by the Chinese fans who interpreted the Japanese fans' action as reinforcing the existing global racial order. The findings of this paper help reveal the limits regarding football's role in contributing to a more cosmopolitan worldview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders liberal nationalism in light of the current autocratic nationalist threat. I argue that liberal nationalism cannot redress the social ailments which acclimatize people to the sorts of no-holds-barred political contestation favoured by autocratic nationalists – excessive polarization. I then argue that liberal nationalists do not recognize the degree to which 'in-group' racial solidarity motivates members of the racial/ethnic majority to preserve their status, and that the liberal nationalist approach to defending minorities' rights therefore risks either emboldening the majority to embrace autocracy or consolidating social hierarchies between the majority and minorities. On these bases, I show that democrats must seek to not only detach race/ethnicity from nationality but also redress those problematic racial/ethnic hierarchies. This suggests the need to develop liberal nationalism into multiculturalist nationalism. Multiculturalist nationalism, however, promises a sort of bounded solidarity that does not include all citizens: it makes use of targeted political antagonism against anti-democrats like White supremacists and Identitarians to help diffuse any social antagonism that might exist among minorities, inclusive members of the majority, and cultural conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing literature has noticed two competing ideas about the state-citizen relationship promoted in China's moral education curriculum: protecting one's freedom and rights, and contributing to and even sacrificing for the country. To reconcile this contradiction, this study uses the framework of 'neoliberalism as exception' to analyze the textbooks of Morality and Laws, the primary teaching and learning materials in China's moral education. Defining neoliberalism as a focus on individual conduct, including self-reliance, self-entrepreneurship, and individual rights and freedom, this study shows how these textbooks selectively employ neoliberal ideas to promote an understanding of personhood where students are expected to not only practice self-reliance but also prioritize collective and national interests over their rights and freedom. This selective adoption of neoliberal tenets contributes to China's economic development and national cohesion, but it risks perpetuating systemic inequity since all students are posited as coming from the same socioeconomic background. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian nationalism, the fusion of religious and national identities, has emerged as an important factor shaping public opinion on a range of issues. However, debates in the existing literature on the motivations behind support for Christian nationalism remain unresolved: Is Christian nationalism a response to secularization and/or a cover for discomfort with racial diversity and equality? Is Christian nationalism rooted in fear of social change, disgust about social change, or something else? We use an experiment embedded in a national survey of adults to isolate the effects of knowledge of both religious and racial demographic change among White Christians. Our analysis suggests that exposure to religious demographic change shifts support for Christian nationalism and perceptions of discrimination against Whites and Christians, but exposure to racial demographic change has limited impact. This effect is mediated by emotion—religious demographic change increases fear and disgust, which then influence support for Christian nationalism and perceptions of discrimination against Whites and Christians. Although our treatment suggesting exposure to racial demographic change had null effects, we note that racial attitudes do independently influence support for Christian nationalism and perceptions of discrimination against Whites and Christians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses three popular films from Kerala released post-2000, viz. Masala Republic (2014), Acha Din (2015), and Amar Akbar Anthony (2015) that depict the life of interstate migrant labourers. The attempt is to critically engage with the complex processes of narrativisation and characterisation, such as region, ethnicity, culture, body, etc. in Malayalam cinema to make sense of their effect on regional identity and othering processes. The construction of a regional or sub-national identity is explored from the spatial and social configurations of the 'outside' and the 'other' within the region as imagined by the Malayali public. This article also focuses on the popular imaginings of the assemblage of 'Bengali migrants' in these films and their significance in the larger societal spectrum. We argue that Malayalam films reinforce its region by othering migrants and their markers in contemporary cinema. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the life-stories and identity narratives of Turks of Western Thrace (Greece) focusing on the role of the Turkish–Greek border and its changing permeability. It suggests that people who have strong attachments to both sides of a national border experience spatial liminality and the border is a place of passage between not only territories, but also lived identities. For young Turks of Western Thrace, travelling to Turkey to work or study is an established strategy that is intertwined with major life events. Drawing on ride-along interviews and focusing on five participants, who travelled to Turkey during the Cyprus crisis, the article identifies the disciplinary power of bordering on identities and life-stories. By examining how different individuals dealt with this power, and how their circumstances affected the outcomes, it explores the tensions between agency and structure, state power and resistance, and categorisation and liminality during life-planning and identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to understanding how civil nuclear power shaped post-war British history through studying opposition to nuclear energy in Scotland. Over the second half of the twentieth century, pessimistic assessments challenged the optimism that had developed during the 1950s. Under devolution, Scottish administrations have used planning policies to block future nuclear generating plants, institutionalising a marked distinction with the rest of the UK. The origins of these differences are traced to anti-nuclear protests and the growth of a social movement coalition that linked anti-nuclear activism with growing public sentiment and electoral politics, particularly through the Scottish National Party (SNP). Reflections from oral history interviews are used to examine diverse local protest contexts supplemented by archives from the anti-nuclear movement and the SNP. During the 1970s, protests against Torness power station in East Lothian and the drilling of test bores for waste disposal in South Ayrshire were given a national orientation by SNP politicians. Over the course of the 1980s, the anti-nuclear coalition broadened through growing opposition to Torness and in response to the Chernobyl disaster. These changes encouraged a lasting symbiosis between pro-devolution and anti-nuclear sentiments which were subsequently embodied in policies pursued by devolved administrations during the 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As factionalism becomes increasingly prominent within the Conservative Party, understanding the worldviews of the respective groupings has become key to understanding the party itself. This is especially true regarding the one nation group which is the most numerous in Parliament. From the Cameron era, the term ‘one nation’ expressed leaders’ attempts to modernise the party, reckon with the Thatcherite social legacy, and carve out a distinct centre‐right identity which contained both socially liberal and distinctly conservative elements. However, reconciling ‘modern’ and ‘conservative’ views has been singularly difficult. Whilst bridging the two rhetorically and intellectually has been possible, leaders have struggled to translate such a synthesis into a viable governmental agenda that unites the party. Underlying this difficulty is fierce disagreement on immigration, sovereignty, nationhood and cosmopolitanism, resulting in one nation conservatism becoming a signal of intra‐party disagreement rather than unifying leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We recognise nationalist and centre‐seeking ethnic civil wars as distinct types of conflict and draw on key ideas from political sociology to make hypotheses about the causes of each. First, we argue that the character of states shapes antistate actors in ways that channel ethnic conflict in different ways, with pluralist states promoting nationalist warfare but integrative states contributing to centre‐seeking civil war. Second, we propose that the relative power of communities affects the type of ethnic civil war, arguing that centre‐seeking civil war is most common in situations of communal multipolarity whereas nationalist civil war is concentrated in regions with asymmetric power relations. And because historical statehood promotes elements of pluralist states and asymmetric communal power relations, we hypothesise that the risk of nationalist civil war is high in places with large and longstanding states. To test these hypotheses, we use ethnic fractionalisation to measure configurations of communal power and the state antiquity index to measure level of historical statehood, create a variable measuring the extent to which colonial states were pluralist, and run panel analyses of the odds of civil war onset. With one possible exception, the findings support our hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers two South Korean films, Wedding Campaign (Hwang, 2005) and Secret Reunion (Jang, 2010), to better understand the evolution of cinematic representations of North Koreans within the context of the multicultural South’s approaches to North Korean arrivals. I focus on how the two films construct North Korean defectors in relation to other ethnic groups. After considering governmental approaches to North Korean defectors and other foreign migrants, I examine how the films are distinguished from both Cold War tropes that present North Koreans as the dangerous Other and the narratives of the Sunshine era that embrace North Koreans based on shared ethnicity. I argue that these films’ depiction of North Koreans in relation to multiculturalism manifests neoliberal nationalism within a highly transnational, multiethnic South Korea, as well as the paradoxical nature of South Korean multiculturalism, which emphasises assimilation rather than cultural difference. Ultimately, these films demonstrate changing narratives of South Korea as a multicultural and globalising nation with an increasing emphasis on the latter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intellectual ‘invention of Iran’ is a potent image that owes its birth to the Orientalist practice of archaeology and historiography from the mid-19th to the latter 20th century: an intellectual enterprise that originated from the myth of Aryan race theory, the hypothesis of Aryan migration to the Indian subcontinent, and the subsequent positioning of Persian ethnie to be the sole author of Iran’s ‘glorious national past’. This Eurocentric narration has given rise to ‘Persianness’ as an ethnoracial form of supremacy akin to the role of Whiteness in Europe and the US. In this article, I not only examine the epistemic foundations of Iranian nationalism but, more importantly, show how the enduring legacy of the Orientalist interpretation of Iran’s past animates the work of contemporary Persian scholars and elites. I argue that the historical construction of Persianness as a privileged identity has essentialised seeing, thinking, knowing, and speaking like a Persian and thereby presented it as a natural order of things. This raciolinguistic invention sustains a habitus that perceives and treats the non-Persian histories and memories only through the lens of Persianness – in which they are by definition less-than. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, a series of global crises have triggered a heightened politicization of international policy efforts and a questioning of the role of global forums in the management of these crises. This article investigates the perspectives of diverse actors who mobilize against immigration to Norway, including actors from the mainstream right and left and from the far right and the far left, to analyse how they frame the impact of global political entities for migration. Based on an analysis of 27 interviews with politicians, social movement activists, and knowledge producers, we explore how radical actors employ anti-globalism frames to delegitimize refugee reception, whereas mainstream actors advocate for the regulation of migration by referencing global agreements. Ultimately, our study further nuances cleavage theory by examining how nationalism and populism intersect within the spectrum from moderate to radical viewpoints regarding the role of globalization in the realm of immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The indigenous education activist and feminist of the late Dutch colonial era, R.A. Kartini, has remained an enduring public icon for more than a century. While celebrated as a national hero in Indonesia, like many iconic women of the Global South, Kartini’s symbolic force has been readily appropriated for political ends. As a ‘floating signifier’, her image absorbs fluctuating meanings and ideologies, making the analysis of her representation at a given point in time a valuable approach to political analysis. This article focuses on Kartini’s portrayal in the second term of the Jokowi presidency in mainstream Indonesian online media discourse. Recognising the dialectical relationship between the online news media and dominant political discourse, we use critical discourse analysis to identify and examine the mainstream ideologies embedded in the news media’s representations of Kartini. Our analysis provides a snapshot of dominant Indonesian political discourse, revealing a set of intersecting ideologies: conservative feminism, neoliberalism, softened Islamic piety, and perfunctory nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractAmong a number of jurists and military officers, Julián Marías joined thirty-nine senators designated by the King to participate in the formulation of the 1978 Constitution. In his public interventions, collected in La España real, Marías makes the case for the monarchy: the King was to produce the nation he represented and resolve political fragmentation as the head of that nation. At stake was a particular understanding of national representation subservient to neo-liberal modernization, foreshadowing the aesthetic-representational character of the political to secure legitimacy through symbolism and charismatic mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Everyone, even when asserting unchallengeable authority from God or Science, thinks in language, in words and phrases, in expressions of moral, social and political impact, fighting words and words with and over which we fight. However, debates among the educated can be irrelevant elsewhere, ineffective against the highly motivated whose dogma instructs and guides them, their voting and their arming. The degeneration of "democracy" to "tyranny" such as Plato's Republic postulated threatens in some lands "of the free," while in others it seems inexorably in progress. Today "democracy," republic," "liberty/freedom," "justice," "law and order" are adduced by their actual enemies to complement "nationalism," "patriotism," and frightening "empire." Extremists on both sides decry "Tyranny!" each in fact seeking authoritarian power. All of which have instructive ancient precedents: in the History of the Peloponnesian War Thucydides offers horrific accounts of ancient nation-states "long ago and far away," more or less democratic, that abandoned common sense, moral sense, and with them regard for value words and truth itself. In the early 2020s CE many persons and governments have done little better during the still lingering pandemic. A second horror is prompted by Thucydides' report of civil war on Corcyra, telling how faction spawned riots, coups d'état, and outright civil war. The twenty-first-century media are uniquely potent, yet mechanics of seduction are timeless. Likewise techniques for winning true believers and votes, as illustrated by passages in Mein Kampf on the language of propaganda, its production and reception. Our hope is therefore Education for a New Era to help students to discover pitfalls of media(ted) "information," to achieve independent critical thinking at levels of basic language use and foundations of argument. Besides recognizing mis- and disinformation as harmful, they must learn themselves to judge thoughtless use, cynical abuse, or, worse yet, brazen disdain of vocabulary indicating moral/ethical value. Scientists have key roles in this drama; humanists larger ones yet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows the process of gestation, consolidation, and transformation of document appraisal in Colombia, based on a review of archival regulations. It is organized in four stages; the first one presents the background of the process related to the government's interest in the documentary heritage as a source of national identity; the second deals with the gestation of the process and the creation of its archival instruments; the third one responds to the consolidation as a result of the modification of procedures and instruments with the General Law on Archives as a framework; and the fourth focuses on the transformation of the process as a result of the impact of ICT on the production of archival documents. This journey allows identifying the relationship between the appraisal process and the interests of society, highlighting procedural issues in its application, to recognize the growth of the discipline over time and to emphasize the importance of studying the process continuously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This first article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the Narendra Modi regime in India. Often acerbic political rhetoric is attached to official policies of the regime, creating fear and hopelessness within sections of the population. In this study, five sets of political activities of the government are evaluated. First, cultural authoritarianism became apparent with complicity toward "cow vigilantism," slapping sedition charges against those showing political dissent, banning the history books of selected progressives, and stereotyping sections of the left and liberals as antinationals. Second, the demonetization policy was implemented without adequately following the economic protocols of the state. Third, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Bill indicates the thwarting of democratic and federalist ideas. Fourth, the Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens exercise in Assam demonstrate the communal‐fascist worldview of the regime in profiling population groups. Finally, the sloppy handling of the COVID‐19 pandemic and the new Information Technology rules show the government's callous approach toward science and privacy. By analyzing such political activities, the article points out that majoritarian religious nationalism, coupled with authoritarianism, has been the ideological expression of the Modi regime, coexisting with both state surveillance and electoral democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious sentiments have become a potent tool for political elites, altering national identities and citizenship criteria. This manipulation, driven by majoritarian ideologies, has marginalized religious minorities, leading to discrimination, violence, and legal persecution against them. Hindu, Islamic, and Buddhist nationalisms seem to collectively erode secular democracy in South Asia. Moreover, right‐wing populist leaders, notably Modi in India and the Rajapaksas in Sri Lanka, have merged religious nationalism with authoritarian political orientations posing a challenge to democratic foundations and impacting significantly on the dynamics of state and societal relations. This is the context in which this World Affairs 2024 special issue delves into the relationship(s) between religion, politics, and authoritarianism in the South Asian region. It examines the evolving "religion‐politics" nexus or "complex" to explicate the relationship between religion and authoritarianism, particularly with respect to authoritarian governments mobilizing religion as a readily available resource for popular political mobilization, legitimization, and power consolidation. India's BJP employs Hindutva ideology to marginalize minorities, Bangladesh's regime uses Islam for political legitimacy, and Sri Lanka's Sinhala‐Buddhist nationalism fosters exclusionary policies. By fostering social and cultural polarization, this fusion of authoritarianism with religious nationalism poses a serious challenge to the secular state. The articles in this special issue explore these themes comprehensively, delving into the ideological foundations of political decisions and their consequences for marginalized communities. By shedding light on this multifaceted interplay, the collection offers valuable insights into South Asia's sociopolitical landscape, serving as a vital resource for scholars, policy makers, and global observers seeking to understand the region's complex dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates how the use of affect in literature education invokes trajectories of nationalism and/or solidarity using the case of postcolonial Cyprus as example. For this, we analyse secondary school literature curricula and textbooks in both Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot educational systems. We do so by making use of affect theory – mainly 'affective nationalism' and 'affective solidarity' – met with Henri Lefebvre's 'rhythms' and 'truth of space,' and Raymond Williams' dominant, emergence, residual positions. Our focus questions are: What social, cultural, political meanings about the ethnic self and 'Other' are produced by literature curricula and textbooks? How can affect be used to regulate students and meanings in literature education, and what kind of 'alternative' affective meanings emerge? Our analysis shows that literature can be used in educational settings to evoke simultaneously conflicting affective ideologies and feelings. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed for literature education in postcolonial settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent popularity of nationalist movements bears witness to the continued power of national feeling in politics. This article considers the potential relationship between different kinds of national attachments and what we call active and allegiant citizenship—support for democracy, community participation, and prosocial behavior. We analyze these relationships using data from two waves of the European Values Study. We find that a set of attachments often called civic nationalism—including patriotism, national identity, and respect for one's country's institutions—are connected with better citizenship on virtually all of our outcomes, whereas ethnic nationalism is frequently connected with worse citizenship. These associations, however, tend to be weaker in the postcommunist states which have a different experience with both nationalism and democracy. The results suggest that national feeling can be a double-edged sword for citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates a correlation between Tibet's national identity and technological peripheralization through three intertwined tales involving Chinese, British and Tibetan radio stations in Lhasa between 1934 and 1950. Instead of a political backwater, Tibet was crucial to the competition between an expansionist British Empire and a growingly nationalistic Republic of China in the Himalayas throughout the first half of the twentieth century. As Britain and China monopolized the radio to substantiate their respective political ambitions, Tibet was compelled to adopt an image of geographical remoteness and technological underdevelopment. Upon breaking the foreign monopoly, the Tibetan government managed to appropriate this image for the propagation of its definitions of Tibetan state and national identities. Both the radio and the lack thereof in Tibet, therefore, became key to the Chinese, British and Tibetan governments' efforts in furthering their respective portrayals of the Tibetan state and nation, as well as Tibet's position in relation to its neighbours and the rest of the world. In addition to illustrating the interaction of power and technology in the creation of peripheral regions and competing identities, the history of radio in Tibet also reveals the essential roles played by the individuals who oversaw the radio's daily operations in such processes. Refusing to remain mere extensions of the state that they represented or the machine that they operated, these agents and technicians actively pursued their individual objectives, sometimes against the interests of their employers, shaping Tibet's modern political landscape in unexpected yet significant ways [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]