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According to the author, the use - by the actors involved - of this design could lead to changes in the balance of public policies that would make it possible to overcome the "governance trap" and leap toward a better position. This is precisely why, in section 1.1 of this chapter, the author points out the strategic interests of the United States in the Northern Triangle and, with a more proactive approach, sets out (in section 1.2) ten principles - or rather proposals - that US foreign policy should adopt toward the three countries in question. Thus, in the final pages of the book, the author outlines the three possible itineraries that are open to the countries of the Northern Triangle in the near future. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analecta Política is the property of Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we question whether the attainment by the FSLN of power in 2007 represented any changes with respect to the neoliberal agenda implemented since 1990. In order to address this, the paper is divided into three main sections. In the first section, we analyse the transformation of agriculture under the Sandinista Revolution (1979-1990) to establish what the agricultural policies of the early FSLN had been. In the second section, we present the policies that have been implemented since 1990 to privatize land, commercial, and banking activities, and the new role of agricultural producers' and wage workers' organizations, which have remained unchanged until now despite the return of the FSLN to power. In the third section, we describe the social policies implemented by the administration of Daniel Ortega and the changes made to the productive model. Finally, in the conclusions, we explain why the policies implemented since the new Sandinista government have been so similar to the model developed between 1990 and 2007, and highlight the most significant changes that have been introduced since 2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses Nicaragua's process of de-democratization focusing on three events: the gradual emergence of authoritarian elections after 2007; the constitutional reform of 2014, by means of which the political system became in legal terms once again hyper-presidential; and Ortega's capacity to establish a broad policy of alliances through a strongman logic with hegemonic intentions. The conclusions aim to identify the type of regime that has become consolidated in Nicaragua and how its authoritarian tendencies have sought to remove any uncertainty regarding the elections of 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonetheless, the (almost certain) victory of the Ortega-Murillo duo will mean the continuation of a dynastic and personalist regime - a type of regime, by the way, that always has problems when a changing of the guard is looming on the horizon. The second question we could ask is to what extent the COVID-19 health crisis has helped stabilize the Ortega-Murillo regime since the 2018 crisis. From 2007 to 2018 Daniel Ortega managed to set up a regime of a corporate nature that brought together the interests of big national capital, the Church, and the country's poorest sectors in the guise of a liberal democracy. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the social conditions and equality in Central America, following the peace accords that were agreed upon in the 1980s. The author comments on the economic development in the region and describes the impact of the democratization process for many Central American countries in these subsequent decades. The influence of this political change on improved social policies is also examined.

This study considers the activation of indigenous identity during episodes of collective action in Peru. There has been a sharp increase in social conflict in the country in recent years, particularly over natural resources which tend to be found in territories belonging to Peru's native peoples. Several recent studies have suggested that, in this context, both Amazon and Andean Indians self-identify as indigenous. Starting from the premise that identity is a social construction, we seek to answer the following research questions: do communities involved in conflicts over natural resources in the Peruvian Amazon and Andes self-identify as indigenous; do these discourses reflect an awareness of an external context or potential allies that are favourable to indigenous demands; and how are these claims to indigenous identity received and reflected by local opinion? To answer these three questions, we study conflicts over natural resources throughout the Department of Cusco in 2008, using original data from official declarations made by social organisations, in-depth interviews, and local press archives. Our analysis stresses the importance of a contextual understanding of political identities and the perception of a favourable Political Opportunity Structure in the activation of indigenous discourses in the Andes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past two decades have seen the emergence of various political actors in Latin America for whom indigenousness is their basic social identity. The appearance of indigenous movements at this time can be attributed to a change in the structure of political opportunities in response to globalization, which has created a situation in which policy making is no longer controlled by governments but increasingly the result of the interaction of a wide variety of actors. Indigenous peoples have been empowered by alliances with actors that have provided them greater capacity for applying pressure through relationships, including churches, anthropologists, and international advocacy networks. The emergence of indigenous movements has created an international regime on the rights of indigenous peoples, the adoption of a new jurisprudence with regard to indigenous peoples, and the creation of autonomous territories, though there is still no agreement on the best way to articulate these territories. Some of these movements have been more successful than others; the indigenous peoples of the lowlands have benefited from the greater participation of their movements in the international environment, but their triumphs tend to be local. While progress is tangible, the events of the past two decades indicate the limits of the permeability of Latin American polyarchies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After leading a revolutionary process in Nicaragua during the 1980s and losing power in the 1990 elections, the FSLN once again gained power through the elections of November 2006. In order to achieve this, the FSLN had to shed its vanguardista, corporative image. This entailed profound changes in its organisation, symbols and strategies. This article interprets these changes and the type of party created as a result of them (in light of the literature on organisational change within political parties). It argues that the FSLN's process of «adaptation» has made the party organisation more personalised and less institutionalised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the evolution of the political left in Guatemala from the coup d'état that ousted Guatemalan president Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán in 1954 to the 2003 Guatemalan elections. It explains that, during this time, the left split into a guerrilla faction and the communist Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo, but then united under the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (URNG) in the 1980s. It notes that, despite winning the right to political participation after negotiating an end to its long-standing conflict with the Government of Guatemala in 1996, the URNG and the Guatemalan left have enjoyed limited electoral success.