Search

The Syracuse AUDIT (Assessment of Urban Dwellings for Indoor Toxics) project is a birth cohort study of wheezing in the first year of life in a low-income urban setting. Such studies are important because of the documented serious risks to children's health and the lack of attention and published work on asthma development and intervention in communities of this size. We studied 103 infants of mothers with asthma, living predominantly in inner-city households. Our study combines measurements of a large panel of indoor environmental agents, in-home infant assessments, and review of all prenatal and postnatal medical records through the first year of life. We found multiple environmental pollution sources and potential health risks in study homes including high infant exposure to tobacco smoke. The prevalence of maternal smoking during pregnancy was 54%; postnatal environmental tobacco smoke (ETS) exposure was nearly 90%. The majority (73%) of homes showed signs of dampness. Participants' lives were complicated by poverty, unemployment and single-parenthood. Thirty-three percent of fathers were not involved with their children, and 62% of subjects moved at least once during the study period. These socioeconomic issues had an impact on project implementation and led to modification of study eligibility criteria. Extensive outreach, follow up, and relationship-building were required in order to recruit and retain families and resulted in considerable work overload for study staff. Our experiences implementing the project will inform further studies on this and other similar populations. Future reports on this cohort will address the role of multiple environmental variables and their effects on wheezing outcome during the first year of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the focus which welfare programs have on employment. The author's beliefs regarding the way in which this focus on employment detracts from issues such as violence against women and absent fathers are discussed. The article raises questions regarding the success of a welfare program whose sole focus is re-employment. A model for a public assistance program in which family values are crucial and fathers are encouraged to become involved with their children's lives is discussed.

This article explores the various and complex processes through which black women have been constructed as expendable. Drawing insights from Ralph Elison's (1952) Invisible Man, I explore the means by which black women are rendered invisible within the contemporary American polity and within the black community, suggesting that the discursive production of invisibility is a necessary precondition for making them targets of the ever expanding War on Drugs and its intersection with education, housing, and welfare policies. Indeed, I argue that the production of black women's invisibility not only situates some black women below the threshold of public concern, but paves the way for policies that that perpetuate their inequitable social, political, and economic positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This pilot study sought information on African American men's preferences for partner notification methods for a common sexually transmitted infection called trichomoniasis. Two focus groups of African American men were convened at a public STI clinic where they were being treated for trichomoniasis. The groups identified a sexual hierarchy in men's preferences for methods of partner notification. The hierarchy consisted of main men (Cake Daddies), second men (Second Hitters), and third or fourth men (Third Players), with placement depending on age, income, and social status. Health department employees affirmed the existence of a sexual hierarchy in a separate focus group. Sexual and economic bartering formed the basis of the hierarchy, and the secrecy involved in such arrangements presented a considerable challenge for STI control. Disease intervention specialists who were responsible for contact tracing spoke of cat-and-mouse methods in contacting the men without understanding fully exactly how the hierarchy influenced men's responses to partner notification. The findings suggest that STI control efforts must take the sexual hierarchy and its privacy implications into account if partner notification methods are to be acceptable to African American men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1996, state legislators, members of the U.S. Congress, and more recently President George W. Bush, have called for the protection of monogamous, heterosexual marriage and the promotion of marriage among poor women. The thrust of this policy making is directed at African American families, among which female headship doubled between 1965 and 1990. This doubling is temporally associated with enacting the legislation directed toward the War on Drugs, which resulted in a tripling of the African American prison population. In Syracuse, New York, the swelling African American population behind bars has resulted in a skewed sex ratio, in which women significantly outnumber men. The authors use national, state, and local epidemiological, environmental, and ethnographic data to argue that the proliferation of marriage-promotion policies is heterosexist and blames African American women for demographic realities over which they have little control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]