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Novel externalities are social activities for which the emerging cost (or benefit) of the spillover is unknown and must be discovered. Negative novel externalities have regained international salience following the COVID-19 pandemic. Such cases frequently are invoked as evidence of the limits of liberal political economy for dealing with public emergencies. Through a re-reading of classical political economy with the modern state's confrontation with infectious disease in mind, we defend the comparative efficacy of liberal democracy against authoritarian alternatives for coping with these social problems. Effective responses to novel externalities require producing and updating trustworthy public information and an independent scientific community to validate and interpret it. Those epistemic capacities are prevalent in liberal democratic regimes with multiple sources of political power, an independent civil society, and practices of academic freedom. Our analysis highlights the theoretical value of polycentrism and self-governance beyond their more familiar role, of increasing accountability and competition in the provision of local public goods, towards facilitating effective national policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to shed light on the so-called post-truth moment and the responses of Walter Lippmann, Carl Schmitt, and John Dewey to the unstable basis and implications of truth—empirical or scientific, moral and axiological—in politics. At stake historically and today is an attempt to find political authority grounded in truth so as to preserve an autonomous sphere of freedom for the individual against the potentially irrational subjectivism backed by coercive force. Lippmann and Schmitt mirror the contemporary distrust (or insistence as inescapable fact) of subjectivism and the rejection of pluralism as offering truth as an ordering principle for politics. I argue that Dewey's turn to inquiry and his conception of truth and politics provides a timely defense of participatory democracy and a democratic ethos necessary to commit to acting on verifiable truth claims. I conclude by applying Dewey's insights to current scholarship on truth, inquiry, and polarization today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Neoliberalisme menjadi persoalan dalam realitas sosio-politik di Indonesia karena mengubah peran hukum dan pemerintahan sebagai pelayan pasar. Akibatnya, kebijakan pemerintah kerap kali meletakkan kepentingan bisnis di atas kepentingan publik. Namun, sikap kekristenan terhadap neoliberalisme masih ambigu karena sebagian menilainya selaras dengan kekristenan, sedangkan sisanya berpendapat sebaliknya. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis neoliberalisme guna menyelesaikan ambiguitas tersebut. Untuk memenuhi maksud penelitian, penulis mengumpulkan data dengan metode studi kepustakaan. Karya Walter Lippmann menjadi fokus penyelidikan karena gagasannya merupakan pionir perkembangan neoliberalisme. Sementara itu, teologi John Calvin digunakan sebagai lensa untuk mengkritik neoliberalisme. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa tujuan neoliberalisme adalah menata orientasi hukum dan pemerintahan agar menyelaraskan diri dengan kepentingan pasar. Jika keselarasan sudah tercapai, Lippmann meyakini kebebasan individu otomatis terwujud. Setelah membandingkan dengan teologi Calvin, penulis berpendapat neoliberalisme bertentangan dengan kekristenan karena telah mereduksi natur manusia menjadi instrumen ekonomi belaka. Dengan demikian, sikap kekristenan adalah mengawasi neoliberalisme dengan kritik untuk mengantisipasi dampak negatifnya bagi masyarakat.

Resumo O objetivo do texto é apresentar o livro Il faut s’adapter: sur un nouvel impératif politique, de Barbara Stiegler. Na obra, a autora desenvolve uma genealogia crítica do neoliberalismo considerando as fontes evolucionistas que embasam o pensamento político de Walter Lippmann e de John Dewey. Desse modo, a partir da constatação de uma lacuna na genealogia do neoliberalismo apresentada por Michel Foucault em Nascimento da biopolítica, Stiegler procura mostrar as bases naturalistas que informam o debate norte-americano nos anos imediatamente anteriores à formulação teórica do neoliberalismo. O livro aborda as concepções opostas dos autores estadunidenses quanto à democracia, ao “novo liberalismo” e à ideia de atraso da espécie humana em relação à aceleração da sociedade industrial do início do século XX. Ao evidenciar o embate entre os autores, Stiegler argumenta que o pragmatismo de Dewey se apresenta como a primeira crítica política e filosófica do neoliberalismo vindouro. Analisando Il faut s’adapter também à luz do contexto em que o livro se inscreve, a resenha pretende mostrar como a obra constitui uma contribuição relevante para a pesquisa sociológica sobre o neoliberalismo, especialmente para os estudos foucaultianos sobre o tema.

El presente ensayo reconsidera las críticas de John Dewey a Walter Lippmann tomando como eje los argumentos esgrimidos en las sucesivas reseñas que Dewey fue haciendo de las obras de Lippmann. Se sostiene que las críticas que Dewey lanzó en estas reseñas, así como luego en The Public and its Problems (1927) ya apuntaban en una dirección que quedó más explícita en los años treinta, cuando Dewey respondió con lenguaje socialista a un Lippmann que apelaba a algo más que a la autoridad de expertos para contrarrestar las derivas de la democracia. En el debate que mantuvieron, no solo se pusieron en juego dos visiones de la relación entre democracia y voluntad popular, sino dos concepciones discrepantes sobre las bases económicas de una sociedad abierta y las condiciones necesarias para el ejercicio de la libertad.

From uncovering the structure of the atom to the nature of the universe, spectral measurements have helped some of science's greatest discoveries. While pointwise spectral measurements date back to Newton, it is commonly thought that hyperspectral images originated in the 1970s. However, the first hyperspectral images are over a century old and are locked in the safes of a handful of museums. These hidden treasures are examples of the first color photographs and earned their inventor, Gabriel Lippmann, the 1908 Nobel Prize in Physics. Since the original work of Lippmann, the process has been predominately understood from the monochromatic perspective, with analogies drawn to Bragg gratings, and the polychromatic case treated as a simple extension. As a consequence, there are misconceptions about the invertibility of the Lippmann process. We show that the multispectral image reflected from a Lippmann plate contains distortions that are not explained by current models. We describe these distortions by directly modeling the process for general spectra and devise an algorithm to recover the original spectra. This results in a complete analysis of the Lippmann process. Finally, we demonstrate the accuracy of our recovery algorithm on self-made Lippmann plates, for which the acquisition setup is fully understood. However, we show that, in the case of historical plates, there are too many unknowns to reliably recover 19th century spectra of natural scenes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some ideas crucial for the development of communication as a field are both contemporary and also based on classical philosophical thinking. An example of this is philosopher Benedict of Spinoza's ideas on the power of images and the importance of emotions to explain human behavior. This article delves into how Spinoza's ideas have been transmitted to classic public relations authors such as Walter Lippmann and Edward Bernays through the works of their masters and their mentors: George Santayana, who was one of Lippmann's philosophy professors at Harvard, and Sigmund Freud, an uncle of Bernays whose psychoanalysis theory shaped Bernays’ approach to persuasion. In contrast to these public relations masters of persuasion who had a pessimistic view of the human condition, Spinoza's Ethics is based on a positive anthropology of man that squares well with contemporary and more ethical relationship-building approaches to public relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay demonstrates that the management and contestability of power is central to Dewey's understanding of democracy and provides a middle ground between two opposite poles within democratic theory: Either the masses become the genuine danger to democratic governance (à la Lippmann) or elites are described as bent on controlling the masses (à la Wolin). Yet, the answer to managing the relationship between them and the demos is never forthcoming. I argue that Dewey's response to Lippmann for how we ought to conceive of the relationship between citizens and elites if power is not to become arbitrary is located within a larger framework that avoids the problematic distinction Wolin draws between the demos and representative government. For Dewey, the legitimacy of decision-making, and, indeed, the security of freedom, is determined not merely by our actual involvement, but the extent to which non-participation does not preclude the future contestability of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]