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The present contribution bears on the documentation and description of a few unusual sounds, i.e. double labial-velar articulations, in a number of Bantu zone C varieties belonging to the so-called “Sakata cluster” in the southwestern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). These phonemes, often considered typical of a linguistic area known as the “Macro-Sudan Belt”, are considerably more common in southern Central Africa than previously thought. The case of the Sakata varieties at hand represents one of particular interest considering the wide array of labial-velar articulations they present. First, we provide a spectral analysis of the data available to us, discussing the question of whether some of the sounds documented here should be described as labial-velar fricatives. Second, we proceed to review well-established models of sound change to test them against our data, with special focus on kiNgingele. We conclude by proposing that the presence of labial-velars in Sakata is part of a broader set of “uncommon” linguistic features present in northwestern Bantu: this, in turn, might point to the fact that the languages of the region went through stages of greater phonological diversity than suggested by today’s relative homogeneity. Sakata labial-velars may just be one trace of this diversity. Keywords: phonetic documentation, articulatory phonology, Bantu languages, acoustics, sound change

Due to the extreme scarcity of archaeological and historical data very little is known about the introduction of Southeast Asian crops such as banana, sugarcane, taro and greater yam in Africa and the role they played in the subsistence and lifeways of ancestral African communities. Therefore, we closely examine in this article comparative lexical data as a source to reconstruct the history of sugarcane in West-Central Africa. We focus more specifically on one branch of the Bantu language family, i.e., West-Coastal Bantu, in conjunction with data from Bantu languages spoken in the Congo rainforest and further south. We argue that despite their shared origins, sugarcane and bananas were not introduced in Africa as part of one single Southeast Asian package. Sugarcane made its way through West-Central together with crops of American origin such as maize, cassava, peanut, common bean, and (sweet) potato as part of the so-called “Columbian Exchange”, i.e., not earlier than the sixteenth century CE, while the ancestry of bananas in the Congo rainforest area likely goes back to the Early Iron Age, i.e., about 2,500 years ago.

Abstract Pottery traditions reflect the socioeconomic framework of past cultures, while the spatial distribution of pottery indicates exchange patterns and interaction processes. Material and earth sciences are employed here to determine raw material sourcing, selection and processing. The Kongo kingdom, internationally renowned since the late fifteenth century, is one of the most famous precolonial states in Central Africa. Despite the large number of historical studies relying on African and European oral and written chronicles, there are still considerable gaps in our current understanding of this political unit. Here, we provide new insights into pottery production and circulation within the Kongo kingdom. Implementing a multi-analytical approach, namely XRD, TGA, petrographic analysis, XRF, VP-SEM-EDS and ICP-MS, on selected samples, we determined their petrographic, mineralogical and geochemical signatures. Our results allowed us to correlate the archaeological objects to naturally occurring materials and to establish ceramic traditions. We identified production templates, exchange patterns, distribution of high-quality goods and interaction processes through technological knowledge transmission. Our results demonstrate that political centralisation in the Lower Congo region of Central Africa had a direct impact on pottery production and circulation. We expect our study to provide a sound basis for further comparative research to contextualise the region.

Despite linguistic and geographic diversity in South Eastern Bantu-speaking (SEB) groups of South Africa, genetic variation in these groups has not been investigated in depth. Here, the authors analyse genome-wide data from 5056 individuals, providing insights into demographic history across SEB groups.

In this article, we offer a historical account of the development of two phonemic ‘interior’ vowels, [ə] and [ɤ], and heterosyllabic vowel sequences in Ngwi, a virtually undescribed West-Coastal Bantu language spoken in the western part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. While interior vowels phonologized due to the loss of their conditioning environment, most heterosyllabic vowel sequences come from the fission of an erstwhile palatal on-glide diphthong, itself originating in a long [–high] vowel. This origin is exactly the opposite of what has been reported for other language families such as Romance, where certain heterosyllabic vowel sequences of the *iV type evolved into diphthongs. The Ngwi data also show that phonemic interior vowels exist in languages of the Niger-Congo phylum where they had not been reported before. The historical development of heterosyllabic vowel sequences in Ngwi might have parallels in several other Bantu languages from the wider Congo rainforest area, where phonetic and phonological documentation is still embryonic.

Lexical data has been key in attempts to reconstruct the early history of the banana (Musa sp.) in Africa. Previous language-based approaches to the introduction and dispersal of this staple crop of Asian origin have suffered from the absence of well-established genealogical classifications and inadequate historical-linguistic analysis. We therefore focus in this article on West-Coastal Bantu (WCB), one specific branch within the Bantu family whose genealogy and diachronic phonology are well established. We reconstruct three distinct banana terms to Proto-West-Coastal Bantu (PWCB), i.e. *dɪ̀‑ŋkòndò/*mà‑ŋkòndò ‘plantain’, *dɪ̀‑ŋkò/*mà‑ŋkò ‘plantain’ and *kɪ̀‑túká/*bì‑túká ‘bunch of bananas’. From this new historical-linguistic evidence we infer that AAB Plantains, one of Africa’s two major cultivar subgroups, already played a key role in the subsistence economy of the first Bantu speakers who assumedly migrated south of the rainforest around 2500 years ago. We furthermore analyze four innovations that emerged after WCB started to spread from its interior homeland in the Kasai-Kamtsha region of Congo-Kinshasa towards the Atlantic coast, i.e. dɪ̀‑kòndè ‘plantain’, kɪ̀‑tébè ‘starchy banana’, banga ‘False Horn plantain’, and dɪ̀‑tòtò ‘sweet banana’. Finally, we assess the historical implications of these lexical retentions and innovations both within and beyond WCB and sketch some perspectives for future lexicon-based banana research. Note: Changes were made to the title of this article after publication, on 9/20/2021.

This paper presents the noun class system of Bwala, a nearly undocumented and undescribed Bantu language of the Teke group spoken in the Kinshasa Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Genealogically speaking, Bwala belongs to the Kasai-Ngounie (Extended) subclade, one of the major monophyletic groups within West-Coastal Bantu. Bwala has seven singular classes (1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 14, 15) and five plural classes (2, 4, 6, 8, 10) which form nine singular/plural noun class pairings (1/2, 3/4, 5/6, 5/10, 5/4, 7/8, 7/6, 9/6, 14/6). The paper furthermore addresses the diachronic changes which the Bwala noun class system underwent with respect to Proto-Bantu (PB). We compare these to the changes identified by Hyman, Lionnet, and Ngolele (2019) for Teke-Ewo, a closely related variety, with the aim of identifying morphological innovations shared between varieties of the so-called Teke group (Bantu B70).

In the Bantu language Kirundi (JD62), the verbal prefix oo- has traditionally been described as either conditional or potential. In this article, we show by means of a corpus-based analysis of its uses that it is first and foremost a modal prefix, and its conditional use is only a secondary development. Dans la langue bantoue kirundi (JD62), le préfixe verbal oo‑ a été décrit comme un marqueur soit du conditionnel, soit du potentiel. Dans cet article, nous montrons à partir d’une analyse de corpus qu’il est avant tout un préfixe modal et que son usage comme marque du conditionnel n’est qu’un développement secondaire

In this article, the oldest Bantu dictionary hitherto known is explored, that is the Vocabularium Latinum, Hispanicum, e Congense, handed down to us through a manuscript from 1652 by the Flemish Capuchin Joris van Gheel, missionary in the Kongo (present-day north-western Angola and the southern part of the Lower Congo Province of the DRC). The manuscript was heavily reworked by the Belgian Jesuits Joseph van Wing and Constant Penders, and published in 1928. Both works are currently being digitized, linked and added to an interlingual and multimedia database that revolves around Kikongo and the early history of the Kongo kingdom. In Sections 1 and 2 the origins of Bantu lexicography in general and of Kikongo metalexicography in particular are revisited. Sections 3 and 4 are devoted to a study of Van Gheel's manuscript and an analysis of Van Wing and Penders' rework. In Sections 5 and 6 translation equivalence and lexicographical structure in both dictionaries are scrutinized and compared. In Section 7, finally, all the material is brought together.

Bantu speech communities expanded over large parts of sub-Saharan Africa within the last 4000-5000 years, reaching different parts of southern Africa 1200-2000 years ago. The Bantu languages subdivide in several major branches, with languages belonging to the Eastern and Western Bantu branches spreading over large parts of Central, Eastern, and Southern Africa. There is still debate whether this linguistic divide is correlated with a genetic distinction between Eastern and Western Bantu speakers. During their expansion, Bantu speakers would have come into contact with diverse local populations, such as the Khoisan hunter-gatherers and pastoralists of southern Africa, with whom they may have intermarried. In this study, we analyze complete mtDNA genome sequences from over 900 Bantu-speaking individuals from Angola, Zambia, Namibia, and Botswana to investigate the demographic processes at play during the last stages of the Bantu expansion. Our results show that most of these Bantu-speaking populations are genetically very homogenous, with no genetic division between speakers of Eastern and Western Bantu languages. Most of the mtDNA diversity in our dataset is due to different degrees of admixture with autochthonous populations. Only the pastoralist Himba and Herero stand out due to high frequencies of particular L3f and L3d lineages; the latter are also found in the neighboring Damara, who speak a Khoisan language and were foragers and small-stock herders. In contrast, the close cultural and linguistic relatives of the Herero and Himba, the Kuvale, are genetically similar to other Bantu-speakers. Nevertheless, as demonstrated by resampling tests, the genetic divergence of Herero, Himba, and Kuvale is compatible with a common shared ancestry with high levels of drift, while the similarity of the Herero, Himba, and Damara probably reflects admixture, as also suggested by linguistic analyses.

Despite its ancient and long-lasting importance to sub-Saharan African economies, there has been no systematic attempt to reconstruct Proto-Bantu vocabulary referring to the oil palm (Elaeis guineensis Jacq.). Scholars have identified four common noun stems for 'oil palm', i.e. *-bida (cl. 5/6, 7/8), o_bd (cl. 5/6), *-gadi (cl. 9/10), and *-tende (el. 3/4) but determined the stems' geographic distributions within the Bantu domain to be insufficiently widespread to reflect a Proto-Bantu origin. From the wider perspective of Niger-Congo, certain of these nouns undoubtedly reconstruct to a level higher than Narrow Bantu. This paper presents an onomasiological approach to the earliest Bantu 'oil palm' vocabulary, offering a diachronic semantic analysis of the main noun stems, and an evaluation of the historical implications of their current-day distribution, both with respect to each other and in the light of the available Niger-Congo data.

In historical linguistics, variation functions as an indicator of historical evolution. The set of Proto-Bantu reconstructions contains multiple slightly divergent forms and/or meanings which supposedly have a common origin based on their strong resemblance, but which cannot be directly connected by means of established Bantu phonological shifts or known semantic shifts. The term "osculance" has been used to refer to this phenomenon. As a likely sign of non-ascertained dialectal variability and unknown historical relations at or even beyond the Proto-Bantu level, these "osculant" clusters deserve more detailed study. Prerequisite to detailed study of these clusters, however, is determination of the genuineness of the osculance. In this paper, some exploratory tracks are set out via a case study of the sample pair o-kadang-/O-kang- (to fry, to roast).

The expansion of Bantu languages represents one of the most momentous events in the history of Africa. While it is well accepted that Bantu languages spread from their homeland (Cameroon/Nigeria) approximately 5000 years ago (ya), there is no consensus about the timing and geographical routes underlying this expansion. Two main models of Bantu expansion have been suggested: The ‘early-split’ model claims that the most recent ancestor of Eastern languages expanded north of the rainforest towards the Great Lakes region approximately 4000 ya, while the ‘late-split’ model proposes that Eastern languages diversified from Western languages south of the rainforest approximately 2000 ya. Furthermore, it is unclear whether the language dispersal was coupled with the movement of people, raising the question of language shift versus demic diffusion. We use a novel approach taking into account both the spatial and temporal predictions of the two models and formally test these predictions with linguistic and genetic data. Our results show evidence for a demic diffusion in the genetic data, which is confirmed by the correlations between genetic and linguistic distances. While there is little support for the early-split model, the late-split model shows a relatively good fit to the data. Our analyses demonstrate that subsequent contact among languages/populations strongly affected the signal of the initial migration via isolation by distance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]