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c-di-GAMP was first identified in bacteria to promote colonization, while mammalian 2'3'-cGAMP is synthesized by cGAS to activate STING for innate immune stimulation. However, 2'3'-cGAMP function beyond innate immunity remains elusive. Here, we report that 2'3'-cGAMP promotes cell migration independent of innate immunity. 2'3'-cGAMP interactome analysis identifies the small GTPase Rab18 as a 2'3'-cGAMP binding partner and effector in cell migration control. Mechanistically, 2'3'-cGAMP binds Rab18 to facilitate GTP loading and subsequent Rab18 activation, which further promotes FosB transcription in facilitating cell migration. Induced synthesis of endogenous 2'3'-cGAMP by intrabreast tumor bacterium S. aureus infection or low-dose doxorubicin treatment facilitates cell migration depending on the cGAS/cGAMP/Rab18/FosB signaling. We find that lovastatin induces Rab18 deprenylation that abolishes 2'3'-cGAMP recognition therefore suppressing cell migration. Together, our study reveals a previously unidentified 2'3'-cGAMP function in cell migration control via the 2'3'-cGAMP/Rab18/FosB signaling that provides additional insights into clinical applications of 2'3'-cGAMP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores category traversing, the process through which migrants navigate state-imposed immigration categories. In the early twentieth century, Asian migrants were categorically excluded from entering the U.S. under the Asiatic Barred Zone, while exemptions were granted to merchants, diplomats and students. Drawing on immigrant case files from the U.S. National Archives, we highlight how Korean migrants navigate student status to circumvent race-based exclusion. At ports of entry, they curated a performance to present as a student in the eyes of immigration officials, with a proper display of scholarly knowledge and financial ability. Even after entry, failure to maintain student status invited scrutiny from officials. Responding to these demands, migrants agentially traversed the categories of student and worker to remain in a country that sought to exclude them. This paper contributes to this special issue by documenting (a) how migrants perform in accordance with state-imposed categories to navigate immigration regimes and (b) how they challenge those categories by traversing them as they see fit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The efficiency and stability of perovskite solar cells (PSCs) are influenced by various factors, such as controlling the migration of iodide anion (I−) and lithium cation (Li+), oxidizing the hole‐transport material of 2,2′,7,7′‐tetras(N,N‐p‐methoxyaniline)‐9,9′‐spirodifluorene (Spiro), and passivating the perovskite film. Herein, three multifunctional crown‐ether‐iodine (crown‐ether‐I2) supra‐molecules are investigated as activities in the hole transport layers (HTLs). Results indicate that the crown‐ether‐I2 can slowly release I2 to gently oxidize Spiro, and significantly improve the efficiency of PSCs. Moreover, the crown‐ether can contribute to stabilizing Li+ in HTL and passivating the defect sites on the upper interface of the perovskite layer, which can enhance the long‐term stability of PSCs. Furthermore, crown‐ether‐I2 can absorb I− to produce crown‐ether‐I3−, which can discharge I− to promote the self‐healing of I− defects and inhibit the migration of I− in the perovskite film, thereby further enhancing PSC's long‐term stability. PSC based on Dbenzo‐24‐Crown‐8‐Ether‐Iodine (DB24C8‐I2) achieves an impressive efficiency of 24.29%, which is much higher than that of the control device (22.28%). Additionally, the stability of the un‐encapsulated PSC with DB24C8‐I2 is significantly enhanced, while maintaining 96.9% of its original efficiency after 2000 h. This work provides an effective strategy for improving the efficiency and long‐term stability of PSCs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, irregularized migrants are pushed to rely on more and more clandestine means in attempts to reach so-called safe havens in Europe and elsewhere. Often, these actions are necessitated by governments instituting ever-more hostile and violent mechanisms of immigration control. Taking as its focus key developments in the UK’s morphing and expanding ‘quasi-carceral geography’ of immigration control, this paper considers some of these developments alongside Derek Gregory’s incisive essay titled analysis of ‘vanishing points’. The paper examines how the spectacular and invisible are instrumentalized simultaneously to produce spatialised legal vanishing points in the UK and beyond by scrutinising three distinct yet interconnected sites where vanishing points materialise, each successively more proximate to UK geographical terrain. Specifically, I examine the multi-scalar legal contestations that surrounded the UK-Rwanda Agreement; the invisibility and tactical ambiguities of juxtaposed border controls in Northern France; and the downgrading of rights, responsibilities, and accountability in amended rules for the accommodation of irregular migrant arrivals, focusing on the former military barracks of Manston, Kent, UK. Drawing on Gregory’s analysis as a framework, the paper traces the significance not only of law’s presence or suspension but also its application, morphing, and contestation within these sites – and more generally – for the emergence and functioning of a continuum of extra-territorial, ambiguous, discretionary, violent spaces where possibilities for sanctuary, safe haven, or security are continually deferred or denied amidst the spectacular invisibility and persistent spatialised legal vanishing points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Created by Congress in 1996, the immigration enforcement program 287(g) has experienced several cycles of rapid expansion and contraction during different stages in the policy's relatively brief lifetime. It is an intergovernmental program where state and local agencies sign onto agreements with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), effectively deputizing law enforcement agents to implement federal immigration policy. Using logit models and the lens of bureaucratic discretion, we find that agencies in politically conservative jurisdictions and counties with proportionally large Hispanic populations were most likely to sign these agreements and maintain them during the program's lean years. Conservative counties were even more likely to have them when they have larger Hispanic populations and during times of Republican presidential administrations. This paper puts these findings in comparative perspective and links them to the worldwide trend of democratic decline and the rise of right-wing populism in Europe and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent migration research suggests using “displaced persons” as a broader, more inclusive term than “refugees”, affording us an opportunity to recall the historical genesis and transformation of the concept of “displaced persons”. The concept emerged in the 1940s in the context of the control of forced migration. This article traces the evolution of the term “displaced person”, arguing it was created as a “category of action” for bureaucratic and political purposes, rather than to describe social realities. Understanding this historical context reveals more broadly how such categories have always been tools for political control, underscoring the need for reflexivity in migration studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radical democrats highlight the emancipatory potential of citizenship rights insofar as they enable the enactment of political subjectivity by those who lay claim to them. However, the conjuncture(s) within which citizenship rights originate (and are rearticulated) matters for the kind of political subjectivity they afford. This article traces the articulation of citizenship rights in Britain in relation to three historical conjunctures: 1948 (in which the introduction of the status of Citizen of the UK and its Colonies (CUKC) coincided with imperial decline); 1981 (in which the status of CUKC was displaced by that of British Citizen as Britain reinvented itself as a nation-state) and; 2012 (in which the hostile environment for irregular migrants was instituted amidst sustained austerity for its citizens). This conjunctural analysis enables us to recognise the good character requirement (that underpins the deportation of Black Britons to former colonies) and the Right to Rent (that deputises immigration control to landlords) as after rights of the CUKC, that is, rights depleted of their political significance as belonging to a free and equal member of the polity. This, I argue, significantly limits any emancipatory potential that enacting citizenship rights in Britain might otherwise enable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the scholarship on immigration enforcement and environmental justice assumes that agencies negatively impact vulnerable and marginalized people as a result of individualized bias or arbitrariness in administration. This Article argues that, beyond idiosyncrasies or flaws in administrators themselves, the poor impact of administration on minorities emanates from institutional systems. In doing so, this Article introduces a framework of institutional oppression into the study of administration that illustrates how agencies subordinate minority interests to the ends of administrative competence and self-preservation. A healthy federal bureaucracy is sustained by administrative efforts to reduce institutional burdens, improve efficiency, conserve resources, and preserve the structures underlying the agency's power to regulate. In addition, a conventional justification for the existence of agencies is that they act on behalf of the public interest, and public interest theories of regulation prize criteria such as efficiency. Administrative actors, therefore, are motivated to pursue these values in order to maintain the administrative state. However, as this Article shows, agencies harm marginalized communities in pursuit of these institutional virtues. Put simply, agencies mistreat vulnerable people by acting as intended. Essentially, agencies that are operating as expected perpetuate systematic bias. Ironically, by prioritizing public interest values (such as efficiency), agencies may, in fact, cause harm. Arguably, this renders agencies less efficient to the extent efficiency requires not only speed and cost savings, but also good results. For example, immigration officials at the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) use arrest records to decide whom to deport, even if the targeted noncitizens were never convicted of a crime, because arrest records are inexpensive and accessible proxies for immigration data. The Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) failed to evacuate tens of thousands of poor people of color in the wake of Hurricane Katrina both as a result of the systematic management of an institutional history of limited resources and due to FEMA's post 9/11 placement as a subcomponent of DHS, whose focus on national security has overwhelmed FEMA's core mandate. The Bureau of Land Management approves gas and oil leases in rural towns quickly, even though the resulting rapid labor expansion reduces the safety of Native women, because focusing on rural communities for energy project expansion allows the agency to streamline its environmental review process. This Article's prescription is for institutional redesign. First, from the top down, filtered through legislation, Congress could utilize small-scale, targeted appropriations and pointed procedural interventions to influence how agencies exercise discretion. Second, from the bottom up, the President or agencies themselves could instigate efforts to use more accurate information and more meaningful process. Third, a focus on reviving a government of small, discrete agencies could shape and constrain administrative discretion in ways that encourage agencies to rebalance their priorities in the implementation of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrants' access to the national territory is filtered through categorisation processes that entangle the legal–administrative statuses produced by immigration controls with stratified access to social and political rights, representing a form of internal bordering. Drawing upon qualitative data on Civil Society Actors (CSAs) who provide services to homeless migrants in an Italian frontier town, this article identifies two main types of practices that can be used by CSAs to reshape internal borders: either de-institutionalising internal borders through the circulation of non-state resources or engaging with institutionalised internal borders by expanding or ensuring migrants' access to state resources through a mix of cooperation and conflict with governmental actors. The article contributes to the broader debate on the role of CSAs in drawing internal borders in frontier towns and discusses the policy implications of CSAs' actions at the local level and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current literature on internal bordering has suggested understanding health care as a key migration control field. This article takes a closer look at the humanitarian medical offices in Frankfurt am Main, Germany, and patients from Romania and Bulgaria in precarious life circumstances. It addresses the strategies identified in the accounts of frontline workers beyond the mere provision of access to free and anonymous medical attention. Based on 16 interviews with medical staff, social workers and administrative officers, two approaches emerged. One clearly strives for the formalisation of the human right to health care in close collaboration with, or by challenging the local bordering actors; the other insists on bypassing any point of contact with them, focusing exclusively on informal and direct solutions. The interviews showcase how the resulting strategies can contribute to internal bordering and debordering on an urban scale, and affect the individuals' trajectories as patients and as migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For $22.1 million, LexisNexis is currently helping Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) surveil, detain, and deport noncitizens. Like other data brokers, LexisNexis's role in the collection and sale of personal information has largely been ignored by regulators, judges, and the public. A recent lawsuit against LexisNexis in Illinois includes, among other claims, a claim of unjust enrichment. This often misunderstood and unpopular claim has a complex history which presents both a barrier to relief and an opportunity for advocates to push courts to clarify the doctrine. This Note examines the history of the theory of unjust enrichment, surueys its recent application in data privacy litigation, and argues that the contract between LexisNexis and ICE should be considered a case of unjust enrichment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of the Department of Homeland Security’s zero-tolerance policy (ZTP), over 5,000 children were separated from their parents at the U.S. southern border from 2017-2021, with over 1,000 still lacking confirmed reunifications. Separations also occur daily due to immigration raids, chaotic processing, and changing immigration policies. This article addresses the most fundamental question faced by families enduring such separations; how to mend attachment bonds that have been suddenly severed, especially within a population likely already traumatized. The paper begins by updating readers about separation in the United States and offers a concise summary of the consequences of child-parent separation. The paper then introduces Child-Parent Psychotherapy (CPP) as an intervention for affected families. This paper also uniquely applies CPP to older children and provides three case examples of its use in treating separated families. Finally, the paper offers general suggestions for supporting these families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we seek to establish a causal connection between border-enforcement actions or policies and metrics that might be used to measure relevant outcomes at the border. Applying quasi-experimental methods, we investigate the impact of surveillance technology on levels of U.S. Border Patrol apprehensions of unlawful border-crossers between ports of entry along the southwest border. Our analysis offers insights into some of the effects of surveillance technology and serves as a demonstration of concept for the usefulness of such statistical methods. The most robust finding is that deploying one type of technology – integrated fixed towers (IFTs) – is associated with decreased apprehension levels in the zones of deployment. Although we emphasize ambiguity in the meaning of the results and the uncertainty in statistical inference with relatively small numbers of deployments, we conclude that there is strong evidence that some migrants were deterred from crossing surveilled areas of the border. The results are more inconclusive for other surveillance assets, but there are suggestions that some may elevate apprehension levels, pointing to a boost to the U.S. Border Patrol’s situational awareness. Statistical methods both hold promise and have limitations for the study of the impact of border-enforcement measures beyond the analysis in this study. Although these methods cannot, on their own, yield clear answers in every case, they do have the potential to help policymakers understand and anticipate the impact and effectiveness of different border-enforcement measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chenghai Fault in the Chuan–Dian block terminates at the northwestern segment of the Red River Fault, and is a significant seismogenic structure. The kinematic evolution of this fault should be closely related to the regional tectonic deformation. However, it is difficult to obtain information on structural deformation of the Chenghai Fault due to the large amount of precipitation and well-developed vegetation. The Chenghai normal faulting may drive drainage reorganization in this region, which provides a new perspective for reconstructing and evaluating the tectonic history. High-resolution digital elevation models (DEM) obtained by remote sensing greatly facilitate the study of drainage evolution and active tectonics. We use two methods (χ-plot and Gilbert metrics) to measure the drainage divide stability based on the ALOS DEM (12.5 m resolution) and further reproduce the drainage evolution process in response to the asymmetric uplift by numerical modeling. The results show that the Chenghai–Jinsha drainage divide, hosted by the footwall block of the Chenghai Fault, is migrating westward (away from the Chenghai Fault) and will continue moving ~2.2–3.5 km to reach a steady state. Its migration is controlled by the Chenghai normal faulting. The Chenghai–Jinsha drainage divide formed close to the Chenghai Fault's surface trace and continues to migrate westward in response to the asymmetric uplift. It only took a few million years for the Chenghai–Jinsha drainage divide to migrate to its current location based on the numerical modeling. The restoration of the drainage reorganization implies that the Chenghai Fault initiated in the Pliocene, which probably results from kinematic reversal along the Red River Fault. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of public administration and nonprofit research centers on issues of race and gender, but citizenship remains underdeveloped for a variety of reasons, especially due to a lack of data on the undocumented community. The first research aim of this study is to identify how immigration enforcement affects undocumented student performance. The second contribution is to understand the effect of how legal service provision by immigrant-serving nonprofits comes into play. Theoretically, these services work toward helping buffer the negative implications of community arrests and deportations on student performance. We test our theoretical arguments using a unique dataset comprised of student-level performance metrics of 2 million Latino students – including nearly 225,000 undocumented students – in Texas public schools. These data are merged with county and district-level data that reflect the level of immigrant deportations and the presence of immigrant-serving nonprofits (ISOs) in their communities. This research finds that immigration enforcement negatively impacts undocumented student performance. Furthermore, ISOs can help limit these effects and improve educational performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally agreed that the channel‐head steady‐state elevations (zs) across a drainage divide are different when the drainage divide is moving. However, whether it is the hillslope or river channel that absorbs the cross‐divide difference in channel‐head steady‐state elevation (Δzs) remains unclear. These different views have consequences for both the methods used to measure drainage‐divide stability and tectonic reconstructions from channel profiles. Two methods for determining drainage‐divide stability include Gilbert metrics and χ‐plots, which emphasise the role of hillslopes and river channels, respectively. Here, we address this issue by deducing equations for estimating Δzs and identifying the absorbers of Δzs using numerical simulations and two natural cases. Our results show that both hillslopes and river channels absorb parts of Δzs in each case; however, the proportion absorbed varies from case to case. When the hillslope absorbs a greater proportion of Δzs, the river channel absorbs less, and vice versa. We suggest that both Gilbert metrics and χ‐plots should be applied when evaluating drainage‐divide stability; if either suggests the divide is unstable, then it is indeed unstable. Moreover, the river channel profiles on both sides of a drainage divide are in disequilibrium when the divide is moving, and the erosion rates are greater and less than the uplift rates at the expanding and shrinking sides, respectively. This underscores that drainage‐divide migration can significantly hinder the extraction of uplift history from channel profiles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapid evolution of digital technology, particularly in the domain of surveillance and identification, has brought forth a multitude of implications for the European Union’s approach to migration, asylum and border control. The use of digital technologies at the EU's external borders has emerged as a critical point of contention. By referring to ‘security-centric approach’ to describe the expansion of national security-related uses of digital technologies in migration and asylum, the article unveils the extent to which security considerations have permeated the use of digital technologies in this area. The analysis aims to demonstrate the predominance of this security focus and only a marginal role of efficiency, convenience and market needs objectives in the use of digital technologies in EU migration, asylum and border control policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrant destination states of the Global North generally seek to stem irregular migration while remaining committed to refugee rights. To do so, these states have increasingly sought to externalize migration control, implicating migrant origin and transit states in managing the movement of persons across borders. But do externalization policies actually have an impact on unauthorized migration flows? If yes, do those impacts vary across different migrant categories given that both asylum seekers and other migrants can cross borders without prior authorization? We argue that these policies do have an impact on unauthorized migration flows and that those impacts are distinct for refugees and other migrants. Using data on "irregular/illegal border crossings" collected by Frontex, the Border and Coast Guard Agency of the European Union (EU), we first find that the geographical trajectories of refugees and other migrants who cross EU borders without authorization are distinct. Using a novel method to estimate whether individuals are likely to obtain asylum in 31 European destination states, we find that "likely refugees" tend to be concentrated on a single, primary migratory route while "likely irregular migrants" may be dispersed across multiple routes. Through an event study analysis of the impact of the 2016 EU–Turkey Statement, a paradigmatic example of externalization, we show that the policy primarily blocked likely refugees while deflecting likely irregular migrants to alternative routes. Our findings ultimately highlight how externalization policies may fail to prevent unauthorized entries of irregular migrants while endangering refugee protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

County sheriffs hold a great deal of discretionary power at the county level; however, little is known about the decision-making of sheriffs. One key role they hold is overseeing county jails. In this role, county sheriffs choose how often to cooperate with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) when they make a detainer request of the county. This study investigates the factors influencing sheriffs' decision making, specifically whether sheriffs make discretionary decisions based on the will of the people. Using ICE data about cooperation with county jails, and Cooperative Congregational Election Study (CCES) data, we assess if sheriff cooperation with ICE is politically motivated, in congruence with preferences of the voters countywide, or are other factors potentially influencing sheriffs. We find that sheriffs' decision to cooperate with ICE is influenced by the demographics and economy of their county rather than their own political affiliation or their county's ideological stance on immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many contexts in the Mediterranean, Security Assistance (SA) is perceived to have contributed to state fracture or prolonged conflict. In Tunisia, in contrast, SA has increased the performance and capacities of the security forces in matters of counterterrorism and migration control. However, in this article, by analysing SA's reordering impacts, I argue that it has interacted with political developments to reconfigure Tunisia's volatile political landscape in two ways. Firstly, SA programmes have acted to reinforce the coercive capacities of Tunisia's security forces vis-à-vis the general population. Secondly, vertical SA practices contributed to the reconfiguration of power dynamics between different actors in Tunisia's security sector, helping consolidate power in the increasingly authoritarian hands of the executive as well as the increasingly politicized security forces. Furthermore, in the final section of this article, I reflect upon the entanglements between security assistance, Tunisian political economy and the economic interests of many provider states. In doing so, I make the case for a 'recoupling' of security studies and political economy in analysis of external interventions in the Mediterranean to better understand their reordering impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What do tests performed on human bodies tell us? Hormones and genetics have become increasingly central to contemporary understandings of identities and kinship. In this article, narratives around hormone and genetic testing are examined through two examples: the use of DNA testing in migration control and hormone testing in sports. In the name of "fair sport" and "fair migration", people are being tested because of regulations by the federation or by the state. Testing is said to produce better knowledge, where knowledge without testing is unreliable and defined as a problem which constitutes a risk to fair participation or belonging. In the narratives examined in this article, there is a simultaneous stabilization and destabilization of identity, gender and race. We argue for a slightly different articulation of molecularization, compared to how it has previously been conceptualized in canonized scholarly work. When considered as strategic and entangled with gender, race, and sexuality, molecularization appears as not only a development within or from biopolitics but also as a part of necropolitics. The relation between politics and molecularization is here centred on control by knowing the individual through biological tests, a form of control which we call testinaming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: In this article, we present a qualitative analysis of the events surrounding death or disappearance in autopsy and missing person reports from the Pima County Office of the Medical Examiner (PCOME) in Arizona to highlight how interactions between border enforcement personnel and migrants can be deadly. We reviewed PCOME records of undocumented border crosser deaths between 2000 and 2023 and observed three main types of deadly U.S. Border Patrol (USBP) practices: reckless motor vehicle pursuits, aggressive strategies used to detain individuals who are on foot, and the use of lethal force. Our findings reveal that these tactics, which we argue constitute forms of "excessive use of force," represent significant yet overlooked factors contributing to migrant death and disappearance in southern Arizona. We make the following policy recommendations: 1. Immediate measures to prevent the loss of life (A). The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) should mandate a ban on border enforcement methods that provoke fear, panic, or confusion. (B). DHS should take measures to substantially reduce the use of high-speed motor vehicle pursuits by USBP and other immigration enforcement officials. (C). DHS should ensure that USBP officers are compliant with Department of Justice (DOJ) standards on use of deadly force, in particular the policy that "Deadly force may not be used solely to prevent the escape of a fleeing suspect." 2. Investigate Border Fatalities Involving Border Enforcement Officers (A). We call on the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to conduct an official review of all medical examiner and coroner records along the U.S.-Mexico border for fatality cases in which border enforcement personnel were involved in any way in the circumstances surrounding death. (B). We encourage the formation of civilian review boards in border regions to review medical examiner and coroner records of migrant fatalities involving immigration officials as well as immigration officials' apprehension strategies immediately preceding fatal encounters with migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each year the United States government detains and deports hundreds of thousands of people who prior to their removal are held in confinement for an average of 55 days. The short and long-term effects of the coronavirus pandemic on migrant detention and deportation continue to be evaluated in real time, including how we can best study it. This paper provides a timely analysis on the relationship between immigration enforcement and confinement, public health emergencies, and ethnographic methods. It makes two contributions. The first is methodological and focuses on the challenges and opportunities of ethnographic methods in carceral settings when pandemic-related protocols have raised additional challenges to conventional in-person prison ethnography. The second contribution is empirical and documents how we adapted ethnographic methods to an interdisciplinary research design and to the exigencies of the pandemic to study the spread of the coronavirus in four immigrant detention facilities in New Jersey, USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration enforcement has intensified in the United States, but there is little evidence on its effect on U.S.-born individuals' labor outcomes. Exploiting the staggered rollout of a large, federal enforcement policy—Secure Communities (SC)—across local areas, we estimate a difference-in-differences model with time and location fixed effects. We find that SC reduced the labor supply of college-educated U.S.-born mothers with young children. If SC exposure occurred when children are below age three, the negative effects on labor supply persist over time. We further show increased cost of outsourcing household production, due to reduced undocumented immigrants' labor supply, is an important mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) increasingly seeks cooperation with transit and sending countries to prevent irregular migration and enforce returns. Yet, these countries have little incentives to engage in such cooperation. To overcome interest asymmetries, the EU has sought to link trade and migration control in its preferential trade agreements (PTAs). Drawing on a comprehensive dataset of migration provisions in all PTAs signed between 1960 and 2020 and a qualitative analysis of key policy documents, we show that the inclusion of such provisions does not follow patterns of interdependence and strategic priorities resulting from problem pressure. Rather, the proliferation of migration control provisions in EU PTAs is best explained by the institutional framework guiding the negotiation of these provisions. Whilst reflecting the political will to use PTAs as a 'carrot' to incite third‐country cooperation, these findings also show the limits of targeted action on migration control via commercial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the role of populist leaders as gatekeepers on social media, seeking to understand how André Ventura, president of Chega!, uses news to legitimize his political discourse. The methodology involved collecting 90 tweets containing legacy media news features, posted by Ventura on the social media platform X. These tweets cover key political events such as the resignation of Portugal's Prime Minister, the dissolution of the Portuguese Parliament, and European elections. Quantitative analysis using Voyant Tools identified key terms related to Ventura's ideological stance, while Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) examined how these terms support his political narrative. The findings reveal a strategic use of news to promote themes like nationalism, immigration control, corruption and social dichotomy between "us" and "them". Ventura's tweets leverage news headlines to enhance his persuasive appeal, acting as heuristic shortcuts to reinforce his political messages. This study highlights the relevance of understanding social media's role in promoting populism and suggests avenues for future research, including comparative analyses of other populist leaders and the impact of these narratives on voter behavior and perceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are migrant communities policed in cities of the Global South where racially securitized discourses and colonial institutional legacies shape contemporary police practice? Critical criminologists advise that postcolonial perspectives offer valuable insights on imperial legacies, while allowing us to expand conceptual and empirical analyses of crime, policing, justice, and social order. Building on this agenda, this paper explores the intersection of postcolonial policing and immigration enforcement in the context of urban encounters between police officers and Afghan and Bengali migrants in urban Pakistan. It considers how the securitization of migration and migrants impacts their routine interactions with street-level enforcement officers. Based on ethnographic findings from Karachi, this paper argues that migrant encounters with urban policing can be captured by what I call the "postcolonial condition of policing" wherein prejudiced security policies enable expansions in police power without addressing structural inequalities within the police, facilitating reliance upon informal procedures and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This new collaborative research brief updates and builds on a previous analysis of a 2017-18 survey examining the harmful impacts of immigration enforcement on Latinx children of undocumented immigrants. This research brief summarizes key findings from “Schools Under Siege: The Impact of Immigration Enforcement on Educational Equity” (Gándara and Ee, 2021) but updates the analysis with more recent data.

Much attention has been paid to sanctuary policies and local-level immigration enforcement recently. Still, there is a dearth of scholarship on why specific policies are pursued at the local and state levels. This study examined the theoretical conditions that produce anti-sanctuary policies at the state-level and 287(g) program membership. QCA analyses revealed that demographic and political conditions, alongside increases in violent crime, were the most salient causal conditions for explaining the adoption of anti-sanctuary policies. However, these same conditions were poorly explained adopting the 287(g) program. States that experienced significant increases in their Hispanic population alongside either increases in Republican voting during presidential campaigns or increases in violent crime were conjunctive and sufficient explanations of states adopting anti-sanctuary policies. This provides support for the ethnic and racial threat hypothesis as well as evidence as to the role of politics in formulating local immigration enforcement decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background A growing literature has documented the social, economic, and health impacts of exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies in the early 21st century for Latiné communities in the US, pointing to immigration and immigrant policies as forms of structural racism that affect individual, family, and community health and well-being. Furthermore, the past decade has seen an increase in bi-partisan exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies. Immigration enforcement has been a major topic during the 2024 Presidential election cycle, portending an augmentation of exclusionary policies towards immigrants. Within this context, scholars have called for research that highlights the ways in which Latiné communities navigate exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies, and implications for health. This study examines ways in which Mexican-origin women in a midwestern northern border community navigate restrictive immigration and immigrant policies to access health-promoting resources and care for their well-being. Methods We conducted a grounded theory analysis drawing on interviews with 48 Mexican-origin women in Detroit, Michigan, who identified as being in the first, 1.5, or second immigrant generation. Interviews were conducted in English or Spanish, depending on participants’ preferences, and were conducted at community-based organizations or other locations convenient to participants in 2013–2014. Results Women reported encountering an interconnected web of institutional processes that used racializing markers to infer legal status and eligibility to access health-promoting resources. Our findings highlight women’s use of both individual and collective action to navigate exclusionary policies and processes, working to: (1) maintain access to health-promoting resources; (2) limit labeling and stigmatization; and (3) mitigate adverse impacts of immigrant policing on health and well-being. The strategies women engaged were shaped by both the immigration processes and structures they confronted, and the resources to which they had access to within their social network. Conclusions Our findings suggest a complex interplay of immigration-related policies and processes, social networks, and health-relevant resources. They highlight the importance of inclusive policies to promote health for immigrant communities. These findings illuminate women’s agency in the context of structural violence facing immigrant women and are particularly salient in the face of anti-immigrant rhetoric and exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies.

To reveal the connections between the 2024 moment magnitude (Mw) 7.5 Noto earthquake in Japan and the seismicity swarms that preceded it, we investigated its rupture process through near-source waveform analysis and source imaging techniques, combining seismic and geodetic datasets. We found notable complexity in the initial rupture stages. A strong fault asperity, which remained unbroken in preceding seismic swarms, slowed down the rupture. Then, a second rupture initiated at the opposite edge of the asperity, and the asperity succumbed to double-pincer rupture fronts. The failure of this high-stress drop asperity drove the earthquake into a large-scale event. Our observations help unravel the crucial role of fault asperities in controlling swarm migration and rupture propagation and underscore the need for detailed seismological and interdisciplinary studies to assess seismic risk in swarm-prone regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Applying nation branding literature and the work of Erving Goffman on dramaturgy to the situation of asylum-seeking children in Norway and in the UK, this paper develops a comparative framework for understanding why child rights appear to be de-prioritised in the current climate of 'migration control'. The paper identifies historically grounded differential approaches towards child rights and children in the two countries, which currently appear to merge into a common trajectory of migration control, framed in terms of national security and economic productivity. It explores similar tensions in both countries between the discourses of national migration management on the one hand and children's welfare and rights on the other. It finds that universal rights which should protect the welfare of all children are limited and fragmented by ideas of nationalism and foreignness. Despite a more robust legal framework for child rights, Norway is on a similar pathway as the UK; a worrying indictment of how nations fulfil their obligations towards children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Police and security presence in healthcare settings have grown. There are few studies exploring perceptions of these law enforcement agents among US Latine immigrants, who can be vulnerable to immigration enforcement actions due to past and ongoing criminalization and anti-immigrant policies. Objective: To explore Latine immigrants' perceptions of law enforcement in healthcare settings. Design: Exploratory, semi-structured qualitative interviews asked participants about their perspectives of law enforcement in healthcare settings. Participants: English- and Spanish-speaking adult patients (n = 19) from a Federally Qualified Health Center (FQHC) in Los Angeles, CA, serving predominantly low-income Latine immigrants. Approach: We used the framework method for analysis to establish a codebook and inform our thematic interpretation. Key Results: We identified three themes: (1) perceptions of safety offered by police officers are separated from the role of immigration officers; (2) perceptions of police officers are integrated into broader perceptions of the healthcare system; and (3) lived experiences, including immigration status, influenced valence response to officer uniforms and perceptions of officers. Most participants viewed police officers positively as maintaining order and safety, separating them from federal immigration enforcement actions, and reflecting on local, state, and organizational "sanctuary" or immigrant-friendly policies. Individuals with precarious immigration status more often saw officers as intimidating. Immigration enforcement remained a key concern. Conclusions: Differentiating police and security roles from immigration enforcement in healthcare could improve Latine immigrant trust and access. Future studies should explore perspectives of Latine immigrants in localities without sanctuary laws or organizational immigrant-friendly policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In rivers worldwide, multiple scales of dunes coexist. It is unknown how the larger, primary dunes interact with secondary bedforms that are superimposed. We test the hypothesis that streamwise variability in the sediment flux inferred from the downstream migration of secondary bedforms explains migration of the host dune, based on bathymetric data from a lowland, sand‐bedded river. Results indicate that transport estimated from secondary bedform migration increases along the host dune stoss, eroding the stoss slope. When the superimposed bedforms disintegrate at the primary lee slopes, results indicate that all sediment transport associated to secondary bedform migration is arrested in the lee of the host dune, explaining migration of the host dune. When secondary dunes persist however, only part of the sediments transport linked to secondary dunes contributes to the migration of the host dune. This study gives novel insight into the fundamental mechanisms controlling the kinematics of compound dunes. Plain Language Summary: Dunes are undulating features that can develop on a sandy river bed. They migrate downstream as a result of sediments moving from the stoss, the upstream facing slope of the dune, to the lee, the downstream slope of the dune. Sometimes, multiple scales of dunes coexist, where trains of small dunes travel over larger dunes. In this study we investigate how two dune scales interact and how they contribute to the downstream transport of bed sediments. This is done based on a series of field campaigns in the River Waal. The results indicate that migrating secondary dunes contribute to the displacement of the host dune, the dune over which they migrating. In some cases, secondary dunes travel over the host dune stoss and disintegrate at the host dune lee, depositing sediment there. In other cases, secondary dunes travel over the full length of the host dune toward the next, downstream dune. In this case, part of the sediments transport linked to the secondary dunes contributes to the downstream displacement of the host dune, and part of the sediments are transported to the next primary dune. Key Points: Secondary bedforms are omnipresent and are key to understanding primary dune behaviorSediment transport rates linked to migration of superimposed river bedforms increase over the host dune stoss and decrease over the lee sideSecondary bedforms control migration of the host dune, both when they persist over the host dune and when they disintegrate at the lee side [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public concern about immigrant criminality in the U.S. is reflected in news coverage of immigration, which tends to associate the topic with ‘illegality’ and crime. Although these media characterizations have increased in recent years as local policy action on immigration has intensified, little research has examined whether or how these two phenomena are connected. This study assesses whether local television news coverage of immigration and crime increases the likelihood of county sheriffs adopting 287(g) agreements deputizing officers to enforce immigration law. Employing fixed effect logistic regressions, this study finds that sheriffs’ departments in counties exposed to more news coverage of immigration and crime are more likely to adopt 287(g) agreements. These increases are particularly pronounced in counties with Republican sheriffs as well as areas experiencing above-average immigrant population growth, suggesting that news media may act as an external, politicizing agent that turns seemingly innocuous demographic changes into events that warrant punitive policy action. These findings position news media as an important context of immigrant reception that can trigger threatened responses in local immigration policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cell migration through complex 3D environments relies on the interplay between actin and microtubules. A new study shows that, when cells pass through narrow constrictions, CLASP-dependent microtubule stabilisation at the cell rear controls actomyosin contractility to enable nuclear translocation and preserve cell integrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the practice of using aid to control migration, which we refer to as 'inducement aid'. We examine two potential objections to inducement aid, each of which concerns a message that the practice communicates to two corresponding audiences: would-be migrants and other developed states. We suggest that the first objection has intuitive force but is undermined by a powerful reply. This finding seems to bolster the intuitive appeal that inducement aid might exhibit as a non-compulsory and apparently option-enhancing form of migration control. However, we argue that the second objection, which targets inducement aid in its capacity as a form of development assistance, has greater power. Developing the second objection, we argue that inducement aid threatens the establishment and maintenance of important international norms, thereby risking degrading the options of the world's poorest people and setting back the cause of cosmopolitan morality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, feminist legal geographers have pressed for deeper engagement with the lived experience of law’s spatial logics including methodologies that extend beyond the study of legal discourse, practice, and enforcement to include ethnographic and other qualitative approaches that centre the experiences of those living with legal precarity. Building upon the work of feminist political geographers concerned with intimacy geopolitics, the concept of everyday geo-legalities emphasizes the ways that people interpret the spatiality of law, legal practice, and state policing and how it affects their lives, livelihoods and im/mobilities. This research reveals how undocumented im/migrants in a small, rural poultry town interpret and socially negotiate their racialized legal status in terms of im/mobility, heighted workplace pressure, increased job-related health risks, persistent fears of immigration raids, family separation and deportation, and prejudice and policing due to discourses of racialized criminalization. Social and familial relations, however, are central to the everyday negotiation of these dynamics, as community connections and care emerge from experiences of marginalization. This paper thus emphasizes how social relations are central to analysing the complexities and contradictions of everyday legal geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political philosophy has long treated the nation-state as the starting point for normative inquiry, while paying little attention to the ongoing legacies of colonialism and imperialism. But given how most modern states emerged, normative discussions about migration, for example, need to engage with the colonial and imperial history of state immigration controls, citizenship practices, and the nation-state more generally. This article critically reviews three historical studies by Adom Getachew, Radhika Mongia, and Nandita Sharma that engage in depth with this history. The studies historicize concepts that are central to discussions in political philosophy: the categories of citizen and migrant, the concept of 'nationality,' and the principle of self-determination. I argue that this historicized form of conceptual analysis helps us challenge the default authority of concepts that are deeply embedded in the political structures that we inhabit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ceuta and Melilla are considered exemplary models of the border spectacle. The fences of these cities typify the notion of ‘Fortress Europe’ and impel the emotional engagement of the inhabitants with migration control policies. This article focuses on the experiences of local activists who have resisted migration containment policies. Through a close examination of the emotional geographies of activism in border areas, and the effect of migration policies on the everyday, this article aims to uncover the civic emotions underlying the lived realities of activists. Furthermore, by addressing the methodological challenges of investigating social emotions, this study integrates visual elicitation methods into ethnographic research. The evocative power of cinema allows films to act as visual stimuli that convey the intimate narratives of activists, which encompass compassion, outrage, or fatigue in the context of pro-migrant mobilization. By drawing on the mundane experiences of borders, this article delves into the intersection of emotions, activism, and borders to elucidate experiences against migration control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Endothelial cells lining the vessel wall are connected by adherent, tight and gap junctions. Adherent junctions are common to all endothelial cells, whereas tight and gap junctions graduate within different vascular segments. Endothelial cellcell junctions sustain vascular homeostasis and to control the transendothelial migration of inflammatory cells. Tumor cells need to weaken endothelial cell-cell junctions to penetrate the endothelial barrier and transendothelial migration and metastasis of tumor cells are tightly controlled by endothelial cell-cell junctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deep carbonate reservoirs are attractive targets for gas development. These reservoirs are deeply buried, and commonly possess strong heterogeneity and poor seismic data quality, making the identification of favorable production areas ("sweet spots") challenging. Furthermore, sedimentary facies and fault systems markedly impact reservoir quality, and identifying these features in seismic data is also crucial for sweet spot identification. To solve these problems, we propose a dual-factor-controlled sweet spot identification method with two steps. First, sedimentary facies and faults are identified separately at different seismic scales using different attributes by the steerable pyramid (SP) method. The SP method decomposes the original seismic data into high-frequency and low-frequency data. The amplitude attributes from high-frequency data are used to identify sedimentary facies, and coherence attributes based on low-frequency data are used to characterize the fault systems. Second, after separately identifying the sedimentary facies and faults, the two attribute volumes are merged together to identify reservoir sweet spots. The results are verified by using well production data. The results of a field study in the Dengying Formation deep carbonate reservoir in the central Sichuan Basin, China, indicate that reservoir sweet spots are primarily developed in ideal sedimentary facies along strike-slip fault systems. Sedimentary facies generally control the type and distribution of reservoirs, whereas strike-slip fault systems control the migration and accumulation of gas. In addition, the fault systems serve as karst channels that further improve the reservoir properties. The proposed dual-factor method might help to maximize exploration potential in deep carbonate reservoirs with similar settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European migration control regime claims to strife for ‘orderly’ and safe conditions of migration, yet systematically generates the opposite. This paper explores the role of informality in creating solutions to enable control and produce order in the European migration control regime by examining two areas of border policy characterised by high degrees of regulation and contestation : the implementation of the Dublin III Regulation (2013) and transnational negotiations over readmission agreements between European states and deportable people’s assumed countries of origin. We focus on Sweden and Switzerland, two countries perceived as having high degrees of ‘formality’ in their migration control regimes, and draw on ethnographic material generated between 2015 and 2018 in Swiss and Swedish migration control agencies. We demonstrate the central role of informality in making formal regulations 'work'. The Dublin Regulation necessitates tacit toleration of informality to be enforced, and readmission agreements rely on informal, transnational politics that neither follow migration law nor respectthe rights and lives of people on the move. The article underscores the importance of debunking the myth of an ‘orderly’ migration control regime, informality is what makes European migration control ‘work’, often to the detriment of people on the move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: A growing literature has documented the social, economic, and health impacts of exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies in the early 21st century for Latiné communities in the US, pointing to immigration and immigrant policies as forms of structural racism that affect individual, family, and community health and well-being. Furthermore, the past decade has seen an increase in bi-partisan exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies. Immigration enforcement has been a major topic during the 2024 Presidential election cycle, portending an augmentation of exclusionary policies towards immigrants. Within this context, scholars have called for research that highlights the ways in which Latiné communities navigate exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies, and implications for health. This study examines ways in which Mexican-origin women in a midwestern northern border community navigate restrictive immigration and immigrant policies to access health-promoting resources and care for their well-being. Methods: We conducted a grounded theory analysis drawing on interviews with 48 Mexican-origin women in Detroit, Michigan, who identified as being in the first, 1.5, or second immigrant generation. Interviews were conducted in English or Spanish, depending on participants' preferences, and were conducted at community-based organizations or other locations convenient to participants in 2013–2014. Results: Women reported encountering an interconnected web of institutional processes that used racializing markers to infer legal status and eligibility to access health-promoting resources. Our findings highlight women's use of both individual and collective action to navigate exclusionary policies and processes, working to: (1) maintain access to health-promoting resources; (2) limit labeling and stigmatization; and (3) mitigate adverse impacts of immigrant policing on health and well-being. The strategies women engaged were shaped by both the immigration processes and structures they confronted, and the resources to which they had access to within their social network. Conclusions: Our findings suggest a complex interplay of immigration-related policies and processes, social networks, and health-relevant resources. They highlight the importance of inclusive policies to promote health for immigrant communities. These findings illuminate women's agency in the context of structural violence facing immigrant women and are particularly salient in the face of anti-immigrant rhetoric and exclusionary immigration and immigrant policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What types of policies has the European Union (EU) implemented to control migration flows in recent decades, and what are their strategies? This paper aims to explore the measures developed by the EU to manage migration flows and identify how they operate. While a securitisation approach, such as activities of border control, has been widely discussed by scholars in this field, it is worth exploring and understanding other kinds of instruments aimed at curbing irregular flows through executing programs such as the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF), developed in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings to address the "root causes" of the displacement. In light of this, this research conducts a case study and qualitative content and descriptive analysis of documents on the EUTF. Preliminary findings indicate patterns in what motivated the EU to undertake these actions and present the main strategies of the Fund in the North Africa region. However, some factors may have led to disappointing outcomes for the EUTF, such as the increase, in 2019, of nationals leaving the North Africa region towards Europe, as reported by UNDESA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies whether media cues can motivate interest in reporting suspected unauthorized immigrants to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Using web search data and automated content analysis of cable news transcripts, we examine the role of media coverage on searches for how to report immigrants to ICE and searches about immigrant crime and welfare dependency. We find significant and persistent increases in news segments on crime by after Trump's inauguration, accompanied by a sharp increase in searches for how to report immigrants. We find a strong association between daily reporting searches and immigration and crime coverage. Using searches during broadcasts of presidential speeches, we isolate the specific effect of anti-immigrant media coverage on searches for how to report immigrants to ICE. The findings indicate that the media's choices regarding the coverage of immigrants can have a strong impact on the public's interest in behaviour that directly harms immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the evolving landscape of immigration detention and its intersection with punishment and society scholarship. Topics include the dual role of immigration detention as a measure of both migration control and crime control, the transformation and variability of detention facilities and their purposes, and the involvement of diverse stakeholders in the management and supervision of detainees using advanced technologies and practices.

Notwithstanding punitive implications, immigration detention as an administrative deprivation of liberty represents a characteristic police measure, targeting deportable noncitizens with limited rights and protections. Drawing on an analysis of the detention system in Finland, I discuss different functions of immigration detention, focusing on police powers in the governance of mobile populations. In Finland, immigration detention is separated from the criminal justice system and delegated to the police, who possess broad powers to impose coercive measures for the enforcement of immigration decisions and social control in the absence of effective judicial supervision. Despite being affiliated with the removal of rejected asylum seekers, immigration detention also is intertwined with crime prevention and control of irregular migration. In addition to deprivation of liberty in the first place, police measures support removal procedures that continue during detention, as well as other administrative strategies to control deportable people and deter unauthorized residency, involving varying degrees of coercion. Though connected with criminal justice and manifestations of penal power in border criminology discussions, immigration detention can arguably be better understood as a coercive police measure, which can be employed alongside other administrative means for immigration enforcement outside of the criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on immigration enforcement and bordered penality frequently depict immigration detention as a system of confinement enforced in closed, relatively opaque facilities geared towards the expeditious deportation of non-citizens. This notion is actually a synecdoche of the diverse forms of containment and the varying, more or less dispensable roles played by detention practices within immigration enforcement systems. This paper challenges this perspective by considering prominent changes taking place in the detention field across Europe, which can be seen as signals of a gradual detention crisis. In this respect, it explores the versatility of detention practices, which have made the detention system particularly resilient. Despite this resilience, though, the paper unveils and maps the obsolescence of detention centric models of immigration enforcement, which manifests itself in the jurisdictions in which detention systems either are largely irrelevant or have been shrinking in the recent past. Additionally, the paper examines the consolidation of the hotspot archipelago in Mediterranean Europe, which has expanded the containment capacity of the border control apparatus and made it increasingly plastic. Yet the hotspot system is in itself an additional manifestation of the obsolescence of detention-centric models of enforcement. After having scrutinised these different dimensions, the paper concludes by exploring the promises and pitfalls of a changing detention landscape and suggesting directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]