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A growing literature examines parental sex preferences for their children among migrant communities in Western countries and investigates whether migrants’ preferences align with those of the native population. Changes in preference may indicate cultural and structural assimilation into the destination country. We adopted a dissimilation from origins conceptual perspective and compared migrants’ behavior to that of their non-migrant peers in the origin country. We used the unique 2000 Families dataset, which includes multi-generational data on both early labor migrants to Europe and non-migrants from the same regions of origin in Turkey. The study provides the first examination of parental sex preferences for their children and fertility among Turkish migrants and their descendants in Europe and their non-migrant counterparts in Turkey. The findings show ongoing son preference among first-generation migrants and their children, thus supporting the theory of cultural persistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Millions were affected by COVID-19 school closures, with parents and schools caught unprepared. Education is expected to play a role in creating equal opportunities, so transferring schooling responsibilities to families may have increased learning inequalities generated by family backgrounds. We examined the time students spent on home learning and explored the role of the schools' distance teaching provision in explaining differences traditionally attributed to parental education, eligibility for free school meals, ethnic background and single parenthood. Using the Understanding Society COVID-19 dataset, we found children who received free school meals, single-parent families and children with parents with lower formal education qualifications and Pakistani or Bangladeshi backgrounds spent significantly less time on schoolwork. However, schools' provision of offline and online distance teaching and homework checking significantly increased the time spent on learning and reduced some inequalities, demonstrating the policy relevance of digital preparedness to limit learning loss in school closures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do the social and cultural specialists differ from the technocrats and other social classes with respect to their socio-political, cultural and economic preferences and behaviour? If they do, is this attributable to their level and field of education? The social and cultural specialists are assumed to form "new" social class and the technocrats "old" social class. A typical social class should differentiate itself with respect to moral attitudes, socio-political behaviour and lifestyle forms. To reveal whether these assumed classes are indeed typical classes, we have studied a variety of socio-political, cultural and economic preferences and behaviour of members of these social classes using the Family Survey of the Dutch Population (FSDP) 1992, 1998, 2000 and 2003. To unravel the net differences between the social and cultural specialists and the technocrats, we controlled for the field of study, the level of education and background factors. Taking these control factors into consideration, the social and cultural specialists differentiate themselves substantially from the technocrats in their socio-political and especially economic preferences and behaviour. With respect to their cultural preferences and behaviour, they do not differ significantly from the technocrats.

When compared with native-born women, migrant women have lower employment likelihoods. However, to reveal the relationship between migration and employment, migrant women need to be compared to those remaining in the origin regions and across generations. This study is the first to fill this gap by employing a dissimilation-from-origins and across-generations perspective. We test the hypothesis that migration to more welfare-state based and liberal contexts increase women's employment likelihood among migrants and the second generation. The 2000 Families data enable a unique comparison of Turkish international migrants, including Turkish-origin women born in Europe, and their non-migrant counterparts from the same regions in Turkey. Furthermore, we theorize and test whether differences in employment are explained by differences in family composition, education, and culture (religiosity and gender attitudes). We find migration leads to a higher likelihood of paid employment for the second generation and international migrant women, in that order. Education and religiosity are the main explanatory factors for differences between non-migrants and the international migrants, including the second generation. Parenthood, while explaining differences between migrant and destination 'native' women, hardly explains differences between migrant women and their non-migrant counterparts. Overall, we find strong support for the hypothesis that migration increases women's employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Byline: AySe Guveli (1), Ariana Need (1), Nan Dirk Graaf (1) Keywords: Social class; field of study; the social and cultural specialists; the technocrats Abstract: Do the social and cultural specialists differ from the technocrats and other social classes with respect to their socio-political, cultural and economic preferences and behaviour? If they do, is this attributable to their level and field of education? The social and cultural specialists are assumed to form anew' social class and the technocrats aold' social class. A typical social class should differentiate itself with respect to moral attitudes, socio-political behaviour and lifestyle forms. To reveal whether these assumed classes are indeed typical classes, we have studied a variety of socio-political, cultural and economic preferences and behaviour of members of these social classes using the Family Survey of the Dutch Population (FSDP) 1992, 1998, 2000 and 2003. To unravel the net differences between the social and cultural specialists and the technocrats, we controlled for the field of study, the level of education and background factors. Taking these control factors into consideration, the social and cultural specialists differentiate themselves substantially from the technocrats in their socio-political and especially economic preferences and behaviour. With respect to their cultural preferences and behaviour, they do not differ significantly from the technocrats. Author Affiliation: (1) Radboud University Nijmegen ICS / Sociology, 9104, 6500 HE, Nijmegen, The Netherlands Article History: Registration Date: 13/04/2006 Accepted Date: 06/04/2006 Online Date: 26/08/2006

Research commonly compares the educational outcomes of migrants and the second generation to their native peers in destination countries, often finding the former groups lagging behind in education. Their outcomes are rarely compared to their non-migrant peers in the origin countries. Using the dissimilation from origins perspective, we ask whether Turkish-origin men and women in Europe benefit from migration by comparing their educational outcomes to non-migrants in Turkey. At the same time, we comparatively examine the intergenerational transmission of education to determine to what extent individuals capitalise on their parents and grandparents' resources. Analysing the novel 2000 Families data, we show that migrants and their descendants in Europe obtain higher levels of education than their non-migrant peers in Turkey. While both men and women experience educational benefits from migration, women's gains are higher. Another salient finding is that Turkish-origin parents in Europe are less able to pass on their socioeconomic resources to their children than their counterparts in Turkey. Overall, the findings corroborate the theory of the dissimilation of Turkish-origin Europeans from their Turkish peers in educational attainment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Edward Telles and Christina Sue's Durable Ethnicity: Mexican Americans and the Ethnic Core makes a key contribution to academic, social and political debates on international migration, assimilation, ethnicity, and identities. This novel account of Mexican Americans' manifestation of ethnicity draws on 70 qualitative interviews and a random sample of about 1500 US-born Mexican Americans. Written fluently and in a moving style, it probes the "cultural assimilability and Americanness" of Mexican Americans. This research and its findings are relevant to a broader range of audiences in the US and are of special interest to academic and public debates on immigration and integration in Europe. In what follows, I will reflect on the book's main findings and conclusions and review the newly developed symbolic-consequential ethnicity scale. I will conclude by discussing the relevance of the findings for the European migration experience and suggest the need for comparative research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis research is the first to examine the consequences of international migration for housing tenure through comparisons between the ‘settler’ migrants who originated from Turkey and are now living in multiple European destinations and their ‘stayer’ and ‘returnee’ counterparts based in Turkey. The data is drawn from personal interviews performed as part of the pioneering 2000 Families Survey with 5980 individuals nested within 1770 families. The settlers differ considerably from their stayer and returnee counterparts in that they turn more towards tenancy than homeownership in their current country of residence in Europe. Strikingly, the results reveal that the least integrated reside in countries governed by liberal expansion regime (esp. Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands), promoting policy measures to ease transition of lower social classes into homeownership. The results also demonstrate an increased tendency for homeownership amongst the children of asset-rich parents across both Turkey and Europe, independently of migration status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Erikson, Goldthorpe, and Portocarero (EGP) class scheme that was constructed for an industrial employment structure is adjusted by using new class theories so that the evolution of the structure from industrial to postindustrial can be accounted for.

Despite recent advances, critical areas in the analysis of European migration remain underdeveloped. We have only a limited understanding of the consequences of migration for migrants and their descendants, relative to staying behind; and our insights of intergenerational transmission is limited to two generations of those living in the destination countries. These limitations stem from a paucity of studies that incorporate comparison with nonmigrants -- and return migrants -- in countries of origin and which trace processes of intergenerational transmission over multiple generations. This paper outlines the theoretical and methodological discussions in the field, design and data of the 2,000 Families study. The study comprises almost 50,000 members of migrant and non-migrant Turkish families across three family generations, living in Turkey and eight European countries. We provide indicative findings from the study, framed within a theoretical perspective of "dissimilation" from origins, and reflect on its potential for future migration research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The headscarf ban in Turkey has provoked heated debate both in and outside the country. A great deal of research considers the broader philosophical, political, historical, and social implications of the ban but to this point, no large-scale study has focused on the social and economic implications for the women themselves. This study addresses this issue, arguing that the intensification of the ban after the 1980s served the exclusionist aims of the elite to protect their privileged positions and to slow social and regional mobility. Using data collected in 2007 from 1,206 women, we show that women have been affected negatively in a variety of ways. Veiled women have a significantly lower level of education and are substantially more likely to be unemployed than unveiled women. Veiled women from cities where the ruling party argues for banning the headscarf in the public domain have lower levels of education and a higher level of unemployment than veiled women in cities where the ruling party is against the ban. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]