Search

The question posed in this article focuses on whether partisanship affects government transitions. The way governments assume power in Canada is an intriguing part of politics, but we have only a limited knowledge of transition mechanics. There has been no investigation into whether transitions have an inter-governmental dimension, for instance, nor have transitions been studied with the government's partisan complexion in mind. This article addresses this gap in the literature by examining the 2003 Ontario Liberal transition through intergovernmental and political lenses. Using indicators to assess the role and impact of partisanship, the Ontario case suggests that partisan complexions matter in how the transition process is planned and executed. The provincial team will seek advice on the matter from their federal cousins, for example, and will recruit experienced political staffers from Parliament Hill to be part of the new sub-national government. Shared partisanship may also predict whether harmonious relations with Ottawa will prevail during the first several months in power. The article concludes by asserting that in provinces where political party organizations formally overlap or are informally intertwined across the federal divide, partisanship can play a role in determining how a new government prepares and implements its transition process. Cet article pose la question de savoir si l'esprit partisan a des incidences sur les transitions gouvernementales. La maniere dont les gouvernements assument le pouvoir au Canada constitue un element fascinant de la politique, mais nous n'avons qu'une connaissance limitee des mecanismes de transition. Aucune enquete n'a ete entreprise pour savoir si les transitions ont une dimension intergouvernementale, par exemple, et aucune etude n'a ete menee sur les transitions en tenant compte de la nature partisane du gouvernement. Le present article se penche sur cette lacune dans la documentation en examinant la transition au gouvernement liberal en 2003 en Ontario suivant les optiques politiques et intergouvernementales. En se servant d'indicateurs pour evaluer le role et l'impact du sectarisme politique, le cas de l'Ontario laisse entendre que la nature partisane a des incidences sur la maniere dont le processus de transition est planifie et execute. L'equipe provinciale cherchera a obtenir des conseils sur la question aupres de ses cousins federaux, par exemple, et recrutera du personnel ministeriel experimente sur la Colline du Parlement pour faire partie du nouveau gouvernement sous-national. Le sectarisme politique partage peut egalement laisser prevoir si des relations harmonieuses avec Ottawa predomineront pendant les quelques premiers mois au pouvoir. En conclusion, l'article affirme que dans les provinces oU les organismes de partis politiques se chevauchent formellement ou sont informellement imbriques dans le clivage federal, l'esprit partisan peut jouer un role en determinant comment un nouveau gouvernement prepare et met en oeuvre son processus de transition., This article focuses on whether partisanship affects government transitions. The way governments assume power in Canada is an intriguing part of politics, but we have only a limited knowledge of [...]

This article tackles the puzzle of the best practices to acquire an interview with a politician. It seeks to assist researchers who must persuade gatekeepers in busy political offices to present an elected representative with an interview request. Our research is based on a copious review of the literature and is punctuated by fresh insights collected via interviews with 32 academics, journalists and political staff in six countries. We argue that researchers must tailor their approach when placing interview requests to elected officials and make careful use of email, websites, social media and online reputation management. For ease of reference three summary tables are presented. This synopsis about securing interviews with election candidates and legislators can inform qualitative research recruitment with other types of political elites in a rapidly evolving digital environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines how the advent of digital-communications technology, particularly social media, has contributed to an increased wariness by political elites to grant interviews to researchers. Errant remarks, misquotes, and comments taken out of context can exact a heavy price. Thus, politicians and their gatekeepers are far more cautious and risk averse than in decades past, which puts qualitative research methods—and the rich data they produce—in peril. Insights drawn from 32 qualitative, semi-structured interviews with social scientists, political journalists, and political staffers in six countries revealed that academics who submit interview requests should expect to be subjected to online scrutiny—a vetting—by gatekeepers before any access is granted. Digital screening aims to assess the authenticity and objectivity of the researcher. Our findings suggest that scholars who want to pursue qualitative research with politicians must practice online reputation management and perhaps even delve into personal marketing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political advisors to heads of government occupy such a privileged sphere of influence that their role is a source of consternation among democratic idealists. Interviews with advisors to prime ministers of Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the UK inform a small body of comparative literature about political advising in the Commonwealth. The authors find that first ministers consider input from many advisors and therefore the counsel of any one advisor is of limited impact. Further research is needed to understand the extent to which these agents project the power of the executive office and make decisions on the principal's behalf. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]