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In group-living species, reproductive variation among individuals of the same sex is widespread. By identifying the mechanisms underlying this reproductive skew, we gain fundamental insights into the evolution and maintenance of sociality. A common mechanism, social control, is typically studied by quantifying dominance, which is one of many attributes of sociality that describes how individuals exert influence on others and is an incomprehensive measure of social control as it accounts only for direct relationships. Here, we use the global reaching centrality (GRC), which quantifies the degree of hierarchy in a social network by accounting for both direct and indirect social relationships. Using a wild, free-living population of adult female yellow-bellied marmots (Marmota flaviventris), we found a positive relationship between the reproductive skew index and GRC: more despotic social groups have higher reproductive skew. The GRC was stronger predictor for skew than traditional measures of social control (i.e. dominance). This allows deeper insights into the diverse ways individuals control other group members reproduction, a core component in the evolution of sociality. Future studies of skew across taxa may profit by using more comprehensive, network-based measures of social control.

The link between gender equality and fertility has been the topic of a growing literature. Using data from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) of 2012 (n = 27,062 individuals, 39 countries), and applying multi-level modelling techniques, we explored the associations between individual gender egalitarian attitudes, societal gender equality and fertility ideals. The results show that individual gender egalitarianism is negatively associated with fertility ideals even across a broad set of countries from different regions. Additionally, we find that while societal gender equality is positively associated with fertility ideals, we also observe a small but statistically significant interaction effect between individual attitudes and societal gender equality. The cross-level interaction suggests that the negative fertility implications of individual egalitarian attitudes are amplified rather than mitigated in gender equal contexts. Thus, while the findings point to the potential importance of context and societal gender equality, they do not clearly confirm dominating theories. In future, the interplay between individual attitudes and societal support should be further explored in cross-country research, and more studies should include countries from the global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When considering the introduction of a new intervention in a budget constrained healthcare system, priority setting based on fair principles is fundamental. In many jurisdictions, a multi-criteria approach with several different considerations is employed, including severity and cost-effectiveness. Such multi-criteria approaches raise questions about how to balance different considerations against each other, and how to understand the logical or normative relations between them. For example, some jurisdictions make explicit reference to a large patient benefit as such a consideration. However, since patient benefit is part of a cost-effectiveness assessment it is not clear how to balance considerations of greater patient benefit against considerations of severity and cost-effectiveness. The aim of this paper is to explore the role of a large patient benefit as an independent criterion for priority setting in a healthcare system also considering severity and cost-effectiveness. By taking the opportunity cost of new interventions (i.e., the health forgone in patients already receiving treatment) into account, we argue that patient benefit has a complex relationship to priority setting. More specifically, it cannot be reasonably concluded that large patient benefits should be given priority if severity, cost-effectiveness, and opportunity costs are held constant. Since we cannot find general support for taking patient benefit into account as an independent criterion from any of the most discussed theories about distributive justice: utilitarianism, prioritarianism, telic egalitarianism and sufficientarianism, it is reasonable to avoid doing so. Hence, given the complexity of the role of patient benefit, we conclude that in priority practice, a large patient benefit should not be considered as an independent criterion, on top of considerations of severity and cost-effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: This research aims to analyze Virginia Woolf (1882-1942)’s Orlando: A Biography (1928) based on environmental narrative, egalitarian philosophy and ecosophy to criticize anthropocentrism. The theoretical framework is mainly based on Arne Naess’s philosophies of egalitarianism and ecosophy which show how Woolf, through environmental narratives, clarifies the significance of nature and environment. Naess believes that a systematic discipline in terms of philosophical view is essential to develop interconnectedness between humans and nature or ecological system. He assumes that self-realization is linked with ecological awareness, then knowing ecology or ecologism leads to ecosophy. In the novel, Orlando, as the main character, reaches a kind of ecological self-recognition and egalitarian tendency. When she is among gypsies, she is drawn to the eyecatching beauty of nature and she knows that how humans can be attached to nature without pay attention to their anthropocentric interest. The article finally indicates that how all living beings, including humans are respectful and humans are not unique species and must not spoil lands and nature to satisfy their own desires. Background of the Study: This study focuses on Orlando: A Biography and it is framed to investigate the novel by illustrating the environmental narrative through egalitarian philosophy and ecosophy. It also demonstrates that how humans seek the value of life, and their happiness and satisfaction. Virginia Woolf, as a British novelist, in Orlando ponders the various effects of time, from fifteenth century to the turn of the nineteenth century, on nature and environment. Woolf’s fictional character is subjectively a symbol of highlighting the egalitarian culture via environmental narratives. Woolf has utilized the natural world to portray the significance of its trouble created by humans. Therefore, she puts a lot of stress on nature, environment, and non-humans in her works. She can be regarded as a philosopher who has developed egalitarian culture designating respect for all the living beings and she struggles to show the interaction between humans and the earth that should be modified in a better way. Methodology: The present study applies the egalitarian philosophy and ecosophy which are categorized in the theory of ecocriticism. Ecocriticism is an interdisciplinary study that concentrates on common grounds, relationships and affiliations exit between two different fields of study: ecology and literature. Arne Naess who is an eco-philosopher and ecocritic by turning to ecocriticism announces that the relationships between humans and nature can be possible by increasing ecological wisdom and awareness. Naess relies on biospherical egalitarianism that is to consider the environment as an entity that has its right to be safe. He believes that the rights of the environment are as important as human rights. The species’ equality is proposed by Naess. He comes to conclusions that all living beings must live on the planet earth without spoiling one another’s benefits and rights. As a result, this study illustrates how Naess as an ecocritic attempts to modify the interaction of humans, nature, and environment. Conclusion: Orlando is Woolf’s attempt to reveal how nature and environment have the same rights to be kept alive. Woolf uses environmental narrative to show the right place of humans in nature. She criticizes anthropocentrism and challenges the anthropocentric views through her narrative. She thinks that people need the ecological awareness to reach an egalitarian perspective not to hurt nature and environment any longer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous work has established that gender, age, and self-control can predict Death Anxiety (DA), the distress that centers around thoughts of one's mortality. However, it has not been determined if DA is associated with Delay of Gratification (DG; a tendency to forgo immediate rewards to receive a more favorable outcome in the future), attitudes toward gender roles (as compared to gender identity itself), and Death Reflections (DR; positive goals that occur when contemplating death). To examine these relations, 131 adults (45% women; aged 23–67 years) completed questionnaires that assess these constructs. We found that greater DG, egalitarian gender role attitudes, and engagement with DR were all associated with reduced DA. Gender identity was not associated with any variable, including DA. Age correlated independently with DA, but not when included in the regression models. These results demonstrate that elements of self-regulation and prosocial attitudes may predict baseline DA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding how initiatives to support Black-owned businesses are received, and why, has important social and economic implications. To address this, we designed three experiments to investigate the role of antiegalitarian versus egalitarian ideologies among White American adults. In Study 1 (N = 199), antiegalitarianism (vs. egalitarianism) predicted viewing initiatives supporting a Black-owned business as less fair, but only when the business was competing with other (presumably White-owned) businesses. In Study 2 (N = 801), antiegalitarianism predicted applying survival-of-the-fittest market beliefs, particularly to Black-owned businesses. Antiegalitarianism also predicted viewing initiatives supporting Black-owned businesses as less fair than initiatives that targeted other (presumably White-owned) businesses, especially for tangible (vs. symbolic) support that directly impacts the success of a business. In Study 3 (N = 590), antiegalitarianism predicted rejecting a program investing in Black-owned businesses. These insights demonstrate how antiegalitarian ideology can have the effect of maintaining race-based inequality, hindering programs designed to reduce that inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A just or fair distribution of environmental bads and goods is important for solving environmental social dilemmas and is a core idea of environmental justice politics and research. Environmental justice is mostly associated with egalitarianism as the sole justice principle for all people. In contrast, we argue that it is important to uncover and consider heterogeneity in justice concerns to achieve socially accepted solutions to environmental social dilemmas. With noise pollution as an example, we explore citizens' preferences for justice principles regarding the allocation of politically initiated environmental benefits. In our survey in four European cities, respondents were asked to choose between different outcomes of a program to reduce road traffic noise in line with the following four notions of distributive justice: equal shares, equal outcomes, the greatest benefit for the least advantaged (Rawls), and the greatest benefit for the greatest number (Bentham). We found that most respondents chose Rawls' principle, a preference that was stable over time but weaker when explicitly introducing the veil of ignorance. The preference for Rawls notwithstanding, we observed substantial heterogeneity in justice preferences. Multinomial logit analyses of survey and geo-referenced data on noise exposure showed that respondents with a higher socio-economic status and lower exposure to traffic noise were more likely to choose Rawls' principle. Taken together, our study confirms the prominence of Rawls' principle, demonstrates empirically the heterogeneity of justice preferences, and calls for more direct measurements of such preferences in research on environmental social dilemmas, environmental justice, and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is important to understand men's participation in action for gender equality as true societal change necessitates aid from allies. In the present study, we investigated whether critical consciousness (CC) may be a tool men use to combat sexism. CC entails three interrelated components: critical reflection, critical efficacy, and critical action. According to the theory, people will act to change unjust social systems if they have critically reflected on injustice and possess internal efficacy. Additionally, external efficacy may stymie action for those who also have greater reflection. Men (N = 680) attending a predominantly White, liberal arts college in the United States answered questions about two forms of critical reflection (perceived inequality and egalitarianism), internal and external efficacy, and their participation in action for gender equality. Structural equation modeling was used to evaluate the hypothesized model that men who engaged in critical reflection would act for gender equality if they also possessed higher internal and lower external efficacy. Internal efficacy mediated the connection between perceived inequality and action and the connection between egalitarianism and action. External efficacy did not mediate relations between perceived inequality or egalitarianism and action. Our findings indicate that men may act if they have critically reflected on gender inequality, hold egalitarian views, and possess internal efficacy. Results suggest CC may be a resource men can use to serve as allies and help create a more gender-equitable society. Public Significance Statement: Gender equality will not be achieved without men's participation in actions to dismantle sexist social structures. The findings from this study suggest that men may act for gender equality if they possess critical consciousness regarding sexism and gender equality. Experiences that allow men to reflect critically on gender inequality, develop more egalitarian views, and feel confident in their understanding of gender equality issues may empower them to act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fundamental role of unions in reducing economic inequality, social psychology still needs to incorporate the systematic study of unions concerning the contemporary theories of intergroup inequality. In this study, we do so by testing the reciprocal relationship between trust in unions and social‐dominance orientation egalitarianism (SDO‐E) over time. Using data from the Longitudinal Social Survey of Chile, which is a panel study with a representative sample of urban areas, we carried out a Random Intercept Cross‐Lagged Panel Model with four waves (2016–2019, N = 2972–2153). We controlled the main effect by sex, age, political ideology and educational level. The results show a positive relationship between SDO‐E and trust in unions within and between levels. This means that people who trust in unions also tend to have higher SDO‐E (between effect), and an intraindividual increase in trust in labour unions tends to be followed by an increase in SDO‐E (within effect). Trusting unions as an institution that promotes the hierarchy reduction between workers and employers helps increase people's SDO‐E over time. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been argued that Prioritarianism violates Risky Non-Antiegalitarianism , a condition stating roughly that an alternative is socially better than another if it both makes everyone better off in expectation and leads to more equality. I show that Risky Non-Antiegalitarianism is in fact compatible with Prioritarianism as ordinarily defined, but that it violates some other conditions that may be attractive to prioritarians. While I argue that the latter conditions are not core principles of Prioritarianism, the choice between these conditions and Risky Non-Antiegalitarianism nonetheless constitutes an important intramural debate for prioritarians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unconditional basic income (UBI) is a redistributive policy proposal that is receiving increasing attention in the Spanish political sphere. Welfare attitudes literature has shown that support for UBI is higher among left‐wing citizens and those of lower socioeconomic status. However, previous studies have not addressed the mediating role of ideological values such as egalitarianism or meritocratism in supporting UBI. Furthermore, studies have not considered the interactive relationship between ideological and self‐interest motives when studying attitudes toward UBI. Drawing on modernization theory, we propose that individuals' socioeconomic status conditions the role of ideological motivations in shaping support for UBI. To test this hypothesis, we study data from two different surveys conducted in Spain in 2017 (N = 1958) and 2021 (N = 2004). Our findings suggest that ideology is a less relevant motivation for supporting UBI among the Spanish citizens of lower socioeconomic status, but it becomes increasingly salient among higher‐status citizens. Among the latter, egalitarian values lead leftists to support UBI, whereas anti‐egalitarian and meritocratic values lead rightists to anti‐UBI positions. We discuss these findings within the framework of modernization theory, addressing support for UBI by different social groups and the ability of this policy proposal to elicit broad‐based support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how speech and speech acts are central to Othering First Nations people in Australia. Werner Herzog's film, Where the Green Ants Dream (1984), centres around a fictional Dreaming story about green ants, which connect individual ancestral beings with the creation process, as well as forming the basis of First Nation law and culture. The Dreaming story projected in this film is intertwined with a specific nation of First Nations people and their connection and relationship to their Country (land). The film reveals an uneasy relationship between Dreaming and the positive law. In projecting First Nations people's speech and speech acts within the context of a trial, the film illustrates how the adversarial nature of the law (English common law versus First Nation laws and culture) does not always adequately deal with hard cases. This film manifests the trauma and violence of the white settler state upon First Nations people to illustrate the shortcomings of Australian legality and how the state reckons with the Other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite growing attention to income inequality in debates about European integration, our understanding of its effect on European Union support remains limited. Using European Social Survey data from 2002 to 2020, we analyse how income inequality and pro-redistribution attitudes shape diffuse and specific forms of support for the European Union. We find no direct effect of country-level income inequality, while individual support for redistribution has a negative effect on both. In line with benchmarking theory, inequality emerges as a contextual moderator: in unequal national settings, egalitarian citizens are comparatively more supportive of further integration than in more equal countries. This effect persists when we control for income position, suggesting an ideological rather than utilitarian basis for benchmarking European Union attitudes. We discuss implications in light of debates about a social Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study analyzes the link between egalitarian ideals and the rise in party polarization in Congress. To demonstrate how philosophical differences over conceptions of fairness, equality, and justice help explain the recent growth in partisanship over the past few decades, I argue one overlooked explanatory factor which assists in capturing this ideological rift is noncontributory welfare spending. Recovering annual ideal point estimates between 1947 and 2018 that are comparable with annual federal spending, I use multivariate time series models and find convincing evidence which suggests welfare outlays have a strong short- and long-run effect on polarization. Moreover, analysis of the roll call record also shows when ideal point estimates are recovered by specific policy area, lawmakers exhibit higher levels of ideological separation on welfare compared to, among others, policies such as defense and transportation. Robustness checks confirm these findings also hold even when controlling for income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The axiomatic foundations of Bentham and Rawls solutions are discussed within the broader domain of cardinal preferences. It is unveiled that both solution concepts share all four of the following axioms: Nonemptiness, Anonymity, Unanimity, and Continuity. In order to fully characterize the Bentham and Rawls solutions, three variations of a consistency criterion are introduced and their compatibility with the other axioms is assessed. Each expression of consistency can be interpreted as a property of decision-making in risky or uncertain environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research presents experiences and views on egalitarian women’s leadership based on cultural wisdom, at three universities in Indonesia and Malaysia. The purpose of this article is to review the achievements of egalitarian women leaders, at three universities in Malaysia and Indonesia, who uphold the principles of local culture, as basic values for personal and organizational development. This article analyzes data collected through interviews, media observations, and literature reviews. The study emphasizes that women’s leadership is not just a managerial practice, but also a commitment to building equality through the application of Indonesian and Malay cultural values. The approach to Indonesian and Malay cultural values in egalitarian women’s leadership practices is used to identify egalitarian women’s leadership in realizing the university’s mission towards an internationally reputable campus. Thus, even though in terms of organizational structure women’s leadership is not yet proportional, their influence is large at three universities in Malaysia and Indonesia. This study recommends future research to use a more exploratory approach, towards egalitarian women’s leadership based on cultural wisdom, but also as a basis for building more women-friendly and inclusive international universities.

This paper proposes a new way of thinking about the concept of dignity. It argues that existing conceptions of dignity in moral and legal philosophy fail to meet three key tests: conceptual soundness, analytical usefulness, and a capacity to vindicate the principle of moral egalitarianism. It suggests that we can better satisfy all three of these conditions if we treat dignity as a relational and political concept that is defined by a sense of what we are due. This means its content derives not from any transcendental truth or legal authority but has to be negotiated between different actors. It can then be asserted as part of an egalitarian project without needing to make reference to an external authority or a confused conceptual base. It seeks to show that this understanding of dignity is free of the conceptual confusion that plagues the existing conceptions; is closer to the ‘common’ understanding of dignity in ordinary language and thus more analytically useful; finally can be deployed more successfully in defence of the principle of moral equality.

The article focuses on the problem of social inequality in the Western cultural and civilizational paradigm. It is noted that in the history of Western philosophy and culture, there have always been two different approaches to understanding inequality. The first path of elitism involved the apology for inequality, proposing ideas of aristocracy (inequality within a single society) or racial domination (inequality between peoples and civilizations). This philosophical tradition can be called traditional-authoritarian (Plato, Aristotle) or romantic-conservative (H. Chamberlain). The second way is egalitarian, which insists on creating a society built on the idea of equality (the philosophy of liberalism and Marxism). If representatives of the liberal wing of egalitarianism (Locke, Bentham) focus on the justification of a society of equal opportunities with an emphasis on natural human rights, the tradition of Marxism tends to consider social contradictions caused by inequality as antagonistic. Therefore, protest, revolution, rebellion become a specifically Western way of eradicating inequality (Marx, Camus). At the same time, the article notes that the deep worldview basis of this way of solving the problem of inequality is the nihilistic nature of Western civilization, its "Faustian spirit" (Spengler). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on current research into space and religion, this article explores how religious identity is negotiated in the small Modern Orthodox Jewish community in the Norwegian city of Trondheim. The focus is on Jews who question the synagogue as an Orthodox site with its strict definitions of who has access to the religious services and sections of the synagogue, which reflects the ongoing construction of Jewish identity among Jews in Trondheim. Three significant factors constitute this negotiation: loyalty towards the first generations of Jewish immigrants who established the Orthodox tradition in Trondheim and founded an Orthodox congregation, the desire to create a congregation that lives up to the contemporary ideal of gender equality, the desire to be affiliated with a congregation for those who identify as Jews. This article argues that the way religious space is contested has much to say about the way Jewish identity is currently understood in the Nordic countries. A focus on space and place also proves useful when analysing religious identity in Europe more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Goffman's terms, qualitative interviews are social encounters with their own realities. Hence, the 'situational critique' holds that interviews cannot produce knowledge about the world beyond these encounters, and that other methods, ethnography in particular, render lived life more accurately. The situational critique cannot be dismissed; yet interviewing remains an indispensable sociological tool. This paper demonstrates the value that situationalism holds for interviewing. We examine seemingly contradictory findings from interview studies of middle-class identity (cultural hierarchies and/or egalitarianism?). We then render these contradictions comprehensible by interpreting data excerpts through 'methodological situationalism': Goffman's theories of interaction order, ritual, and frontstage/backstage. In 'situationalist interviewing,' we suggest that sociologists be attentive to the 'imagined audiences' and 'imagined communities'. These are key to identifying the situations, interaction orders, and cultural repertoires that lie beyond the interview encounter, but to which it refers. In sum, we argue for greater situational awareness among sociologists who must rely on interviews. We also discuss techniques and measures that can facilitate situational awareness. A promise of situational interviewing is that it helps us make sense of contradictions, ambiguities, and disagreements within and between interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Derek Parfit held that in evaluating the future, we should ignore the difference between necessary persons and merely possible persons. In this article, I look at one of the most prominent alternatives to Parfit's view, namely Michael Otsuka and Larry Temkin 'shortfall complaints' view. In that view, we aggregate future persons' well-being and deduct intrapersonal shortfall complaints, giving extra weight to the complaints of necessary persons. I offer here a third view. I reject Parfit's no difference view in that I register a difference between necessary and possible persons. But I also reject the Shortfall View and replace its intra-personal complaints with an inter- personal complaints mechanism. I argue that the value of a population is its aggregate prioritarian value minus the egalitarian complaints that necessary persons hold. I show that the egalitarian view has all the explanatory power of the Shortfall view in easy cases, while significantly improving on it in three sorts of tough cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I reflect on the implications that ultimatum and dictator game experiments might have for public policy and for the debates over egalitarianism. Experiments suggest that people are more inclined to redistribute when outcomes are influenced by luck than effort. This can create difficulties for public policy when people hold contrasting views over whether luck or effort determine outcomes. The results also appear to play into forms of luck egalitarianism. However, they may also be consistent with an alternative understanding of egalitarianism as the impulse to have rules that treat people equally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To elucidate how ingroup identification is implicated in attitudes towards gender equality, it is important to consider that (1) people simultaneously identify with more (a nation) vs. less abstract groups (gender), and (2) gender collective narcissism is the specific aspect of ingroup identification likely to inspire opposite attitudes towards gender equality among men (negative) and women (positive), but (3) national narcissism is likely to align with men's interests and inspire negative attitudes towards gender equality among men and women. In Study 1, we demonstrate that gender collective narcissism is the same variable among men and women. In Study 2, we show that among women (but not among men) in Poland, gender collective narcissism predicts intentions to engage in normative and non-normative collective action for gender equality. In Study 3, we show that gender collective narcissists among women endorse an egalitarian outlook, whereas gender collective narcissists among men reject it. In contrast, national narcissism predicts refusal to engage in collective action for gender equality and endorsement of an anti-egalitarian outlook among women and among men. Thus, national narcissism and gender collective narcissism among men impair pursuit of gender equality. Gender collective narcissism among women facilitates engagement in collective action for gender equality. Low gender collective narcissism among men and low national narcissism may also facilitate support for gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International carbon allocation confronts the conflict between efficiency and equality. Previous research based on the intergroup bias perspective has attributed carbon allocation preference to the defence of ingroup interests (i.e., national interests) while overlooking the critical role of trade‐offs between competing moral values. Integrating the contingency theory of justice and moral philosophical theories of utilitarianism and egalitarianism, we proposed that the moral‐values trade‐off between utilitarianism and egalitarianism determines carbon allocation preference through justice reasoning. Analysis of large‐scale survey datasets (Study 1) revealed that aggregated national endorsement of utilitarianism over egalitarianism predicted greater efficiency preference in total and per capita carbon emission levels. Study 2 demonstrated that experimentally manipulating endorsement of utilitarianism versus egalitarianism boosted efficiency (vs. equality) preference in carbon allocation, and justice reasoning characterized by enhanced efficiency‐focused justice and diminished equality‐focused justice accounted for these effects. Using a 'manipulation‐of‐mediator' design, Study 3 further confirmed the causal link in the mediation model. By highlighting the significance of moral trade‐offs in shaping carbon allocation preference, this research not only provides a novel moral perspective in understanding debates on international carbon allocation but also has important implications for fostering international carbon abatement cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that on an equality-based theory of democracy's value, randomly selecting legislators is more democratic than electing them. In sections 1 and 2, I describe how a legislature composed of randomly selected legislators might operate and what an equality-based theory of democracy's value consists in. In section 3, I evaluate arguments made in support of election-based democracy by democratic theorists and demonstrate why these arguments fail on their own terms. In section 4, I argue that when compared to electing legislators, randomly selecting legislators better answers to four democratic ideals embedded in equality-based theories of democracy's value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a polemic, an attempt to make some necessary corrections required by a reading of the text by Tomasz Szkudlarek Instrumentalizm a autonomia edukacji [Instrumentalism and the autonomy of education. It contains interpretations (criticism) of the issue of educational equality in conservative pedagogy - the author does so on the basis of the article Edukacja, ktra ocala i tworzy: pozosta ju tylko awangardowy konserwatyzm?" Education, that saves and creates: is only avant-garde conservatism left (Kostkie. The texts represent two opposing pedagogical currents: critical pedagogy (neo-Marxist) and conservative pedagogy in the Catholic tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We introduce a new core selection to minimum cost spanning tree problems satisfying continuity, population and cost monotonicity, solidarity, and ranking. We prove that it Lorenz dominates every other allocation in the irreducible core of the problem, including the celebrated folk solution unless they yield the same outcome. Therefore, among the core selections satisfying solidarity, our solution generates the most egalitarian outcome for each problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African studies, in contemporary times, have paid significant attention to the place and value of the individual and the structures or institutions of the society where justice play a very definite role. Justice has to do with respect for the right of the individuals or every member of the society. This is because the tendency of the basic structures and principles of today's society to reduce the individuals to an instrument is very high. The rights of the human person are inalienable hence are present at birth and continue throughout life. Is this recognized by every society and their leadership? Have class structures not relegated the right of some individuals to the background? Is there justice for the common man in Nigeria? The problem at hand now is can we formulate, modify and justify a set of principles, structures and standards that could guarantee equity, fairness, justice and ultimately, social order in society? Understanding this problem is one of the purposes of this study. To ensure this, the study adopts the phenomenological and critical analysis methods and argues for effective and efficient distribution of justice; such that will ensure social order and value for human life as well as dignity for the human person in all the classes of the society in Nigeria and Africa especially the class of the common man. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the heart of many forms of Hinduism is a multiple-layered vision of becoming concentred in the divine reality. Across three millennia of Hindu socioreligious history, various texts, teachers, and traditions have envisioned a world suffused with divine presence within which individuals are engaged in projects of self-negating reformation. Central to many of these images of divine-human alignment is the notion of bhakti, which defies straightforward translation: bhakti encompasses various ontological, experiential, cultural, and sociological dimensions of Hindu worldviews. Thus, bhakti is interwoven with the scriptural cosmologies, ritual practices, affective sensibilities, spiritual disciplines, and material cultures associated with Hindu lineages founded by several paradigmatic gurus. Some of these templates are sketched with Sanskrit philosophical and theological vocabularies; they have also been articulated, especially over the last millennium, with the vernacular idioms of Bengali, Hindi, Marathi, Gujarati, Tamil, and others. Bhakti is encountered in diverse socioreligious contexts of Hindu life – as an attitude of self-effacing dedication to an icon (mūrti) of the divine reality (brahman) placed in a massive stone temple or a small household shrine; as an expression of effervescent joyfulness in congregational singing (bhajana) or seasonal festivals of a deity; as the animating force on arduous pilgrimages to sacred sites (tīrtha); as a colloquial way of expressing one’s heartfelt reverence for a teacher; as a transformative vehicle for energizing egalitarian communities, and so on. So, to speak of bhakti is to engage with inquiries into the nature of the human self, the relation between humanity and divinity, the structure of the spatiotemporal world, the goal of human existence, and so on. A comprehensive exploration of bhakti would take an individual through the crisscrossing labyrinths of polycentric patterns of Hinduisms (Lipner 2010) – a lifelong (academic) quest. Given the limited scope of an encyclopaedia entry, this article will focus on some north Indian expressions of bhakti. With the help of this overview as well as its bibliography, the reader will hopefully be able to venture out into terrains of bhakti in other regions.

Why, if at all, should we object to economic inequality? Some central arguments – the argument from decreasing marginal utility for example – invoke instrumental reasons and object to inequality because of its effects. Such instrumental arguments, however, often concern only the static effects of inequality and neglect its intertemporal consequences. In this article, we address this striking gap and investigate income inequality's intertemporal consequences, including its potential effects on humanity's (very) long-term future. Following recent arguments around future generations and so-called longtermism, those effects might arguably matter more than inequality's short-term consequences. We assess whether we have instrumental reason to reduce economic inequality based on its intertemporal effects in the short, medium, and the very long term. We find a good short and medium-term instrumental case for lower economic inequality. We then argue, somewhat speculatively, that we have instrumental reasons for inequality reduction from a longtermist perspective too, primarily because greater inequality could increase existential risk. We thus have instrumental reasons to reduce inequality, regardless of which time-horizon we take. We then argue that from most consequentialist perspectives, this pro tanto reason also gives us all-things-considered reason. And even across most non-consequentialist views in philosophy, this argument gives us either an all-things-considered or at least weighty pro tanto reason against inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to determine the practice of teaching sociology using an egalitarian pedagogy approach in the Practice of Field Experience (PPL) II of Teacher Professional Education Program (PPG) Pre-service at SMAN 1 Masbagik, East Lombok. The method of this research was qualitative research with a phenomenological approach. The subjects of this study were students of the PPL II of PPG Pre-service at SMAN 1 Masbagik, East Lombok. Data collection techniques were observation, interviews, and documentation, while the data analysis technique used was interpretative phenomenological analysis. In the practice of learning sociology at PPL II PPG Pre-service, students as professional teacher candidates applied innovative learning models such as discovery and inquiry learning, Project Based Learning (PjBL), Problem Based Learning (PBL), and Cooperative Learning. These learning models emphasize student-centered learning where students are encouraged to be active, independent, critical, creative, interactive, and collaborative. At this point, the practice of learning sociology prioritizes group discussions, problem solving through case studies and assignments (field studies). Besides applying innovative learning models, students from the Field Experience Practice (PPL) II PPG Pre-service also used an egalitarian pedagogical approach, namely sociology learning which was designed to be more fun and meaningful so as to create learning that is more humane, dialogical, and participatory. Learning here is interpreted as learning together so as to create an egalitarian relationship between the teacher and students in the classroom where the teacher acts more as a facilitator, motivator, and inspirer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue for a normative reconstruction, from a decolonial perspective of critical theory in Brazil and Latin America, of a democratic ethos that despite its weaknesses and normative deficits is capable of fostering an increasingly deliberative, participatory, and egalitarian democracy by making extensive use of new digital technologies (comprising both AI systems and digital governance). Its argumentative core boils down to the promotion of intersectional egalitarianism (socio-economic, gender, racial-ethnic, environmental) through digital inclusion, which seems only feasible to us from a perspective capable of accommodating the normative claims of a critical decolonial theory combined with a naturalistic view of sustainability, within a research program that I dubbed “mitigated social constructionism” in response to the phenomenological deficit of normative and naturalistic theories (including critical theory and neurophilosophy). If what matters is normativity, then to avoid the divide between naturalism and non-naturalist normativity one nonfoundationalist alternative is to resort to hermeneutical and procedural accounts of normativity as helpful clues to making sense of the naturalism-normativity problem, avoiding reductionist interpretations of both naturalism (Churchland) and normativism (Parfit). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Egalitarianism can be defined as the view which holds that a situation improves on at least one aspect if the value contained in this situation is distributed more equally among individuals. Despite having more followers, part of the theory was ignored by them: egalitarianism takes into consideration all sentient beings, but the non-human animals, which are the majority of them, were not included in the texts on the subject, making this literature incomplete and inaccurate. Because of this, it is necessary to study the consequences that this view has for non-human animals. Among the few who discuss, are Horta, Faria, Holtug, Lippert-Rasmussen, Person and Vallentyne, who are my bibliographical references to show six consequences of egalitarianism for non-human animals: (1) to reject speciesism, (2) do not harm non-human animals for self-benefit, (3) to engage yourself in ativism in favor of non-human animals, (4) actively assist non-human animals regardless of where these animals live, which includes animals who lives in the nature, (5) to give priority to attend non-human animals needs and (6) these five consequences above are independent of the kind of egalitarianism that is assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía UIS is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This response to the other Articles in this issue acknowledges the importance of some of the obstacles to sound antitrust-policy analysis that others find insurmountable but contends that they can and must be overcome, explains why I think some critiques of my approach are ill-specified and indefensible, clarifies some oligopolistic-conduct-related concepts my study uses about which one contributor poses questions, restates in my terminology the arguments of two contributions that delineate and evaluate particular E.U. antitrust policies and comments on some of the normative claims these two articles consider, and expresses my appreciation of the positive book review that two scholars have supplied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many domains of research suggest that high favourability to social power and low favourability to egalitarian ideals predict more prejudice against other groups. In the present article, we describe theory and evidence suggesting that the relations between power, egalitarianism and prejudice may be reversed for one group: fat men. Using both implicit and explicit measures, we found across four studies (N = 602) that target gender moderated the relation between values and attitude toward fat people. For male targets, implicitly but not explicitly measured positivity toward power (over egalitarian) values predicted significantly more spontaneous positive attitudes toward fat (over slim) people. Further, implicit attitude toward power (over egalitarian) values predicted the time‐pressured decision to choose a fat male. Together, the implicit evaluation of values allows us to identify processes in inter‐group attitudes and behaviours that would not be possible to detect using explicit measures of values alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present literary study posits the argument that contemporary women's poetry depicts androgyny as a subversive tool against patriarchal order and gender-specific behaviors. The selected poetry of American and British women writers is explored for the representation of androgynous role and the ways it problematizes and challenges patriarchal stereotypical norms of gender identity and gender determined attitudes and performances. To substantiate the claim in relation to this particular motif in contemporary women's poetry, the theoretical concepts of flexible performativity, inter-gender egalitarianism and enhanced artistic capability from within the broader theory of Androgyny are applied to substantiate the claim in the analysis of the poetic works. A close reading of the selected poetry is done to show that androgyny is employed as a subversive tool in the selected body of creative writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A just or fair distribution of environmental bads and goods is important for solving environmental social dilemmas and is a core idea of environmental justice politics and research. Environmental justice is mostly associated with egalitarianism as the sole justice principle for all people. In contrast, we argue that it is important to uncover and consider heterogeneity in justice concerns to achieve socially accepted solutions to environmental social dilemmas. With noise pollution as an example, we explore citizens’ preferences for justice principles regarding the allocation of politically initiated environmental benefits. In our survey in four European cities, respondents were asked to choose between different outcomes of a program to reduce road traffic noise in line with the following four notions of distributive justice: equal shares, equal outcomes, the greatest benefit for the least advantaged (Rawls), and the greatest benefit for the greatest number (Bentham). We found that most respondents chose Rawls’ principle, a preference that was stable over time but weaker when explicitly introducing the veil of ignorance. The preference for Rawls notwithstanding, we observed substantial heterogeneity in justice preferences. Multinomial logit analyses of survey and geo-referenced data on noise exposure showed that respondents with a higher socio-economic status and lower exposure to traffic noise were more likely to choose Rawls’ principle. Taken together, our study confirms the prominence of Rawls’ principle, demonstrates empirically the heterogeneity of justice preferences, and calls for more direct measurements of such preferences in research on environmental social dilemmas, environmental justice, and beyond.

This paper demonstrates the connections between certain cultural traits of Scandinavia, a scholarly interest in rhetorical practice and the workings of rhetoric, and a recent interest in audience-oriented research methods. Scandinavia is characterised by a tradition of practical rhetoric, egalitarianism, high trust, and low scores on power distance and masculinity in Hofstede’s culture comparison tool. This, I suggest, is reflected in an interest in the everyday pragmatic functions and workings of rhetoric, paving the way for the use of audience research.

Urgent transfers of severely impaired patients with chronic neurological disability (PwND) from a neurological physical and rehabilitation medicine (nPRM) to an intensive care unit (ICU) or an emergency room (ER) served as the basis for this study. We hypothesized that human and structural factors interfered with but were not directly related to the acute context. We decided to use a qualitative methodology, based on in-depth interviews with 16 ICU/ER physicians. We used mixed bottom-up and top-down methods. We interpreted our data using a thematic approach based on the key principles of grounded theory, which were modified with consideration of the literature. Three main domains emerged. The impact of the clinical setting notably implied the patient's clinical typology between the acute event and the chronic background, but also bed availability. Key elements of the telephone negotiation were confidence and perceived usefulness of the transfer. Finally, the otherness of some categories of patients, transferred with more difficulty, involved those with cognitive impairment. The existence of healthcare pathways for many years has created an organizational culture between departments of nPRM and ICUs. But urgent transfers also imply organizational ethics, as a balance should be struck between utility and equity. Structural and human factors interfere in urgent transfers, involving the settings within health pathways, the key elements of negotiation to get confidence and a perceived utility of transfer, and certain categories of people, especially those with cognitive impairment. Transfers that imply negotiation between practitioners from physical and rehabilitation medicine and intensive care unit departments, lead to a need of organizational ethics, as a balance should be struck between the principles of utility and equity. The development of facilitating tools such as a commitment charter is of paramount importance as it can support ethical decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the possibility that women and men have distinct behavioral reactions to victimization. We conducted an experiment to elicit preferences for in-group egalitarianism and individual competitiveness for a random sample of 751 individuals in Sierra Leone (aged 18–85) to contrast the behavioral consequences of victimization during the 1991–2003 civil war across sex and parental status. Our results show that mothers and fathers display the highest level of cooperation, yet conflict exposure does not affect them. Egalitarianism increases after victimization only among non-parents, with an effect stronger for males, who are the least egalitarian to start with. Conflict exposure tames everyone's competitive tendencies, but has the opposite effect for mothers, the least competitive group in the absence of conflict. Measures of competitiveness among 191 parents from Colombia show a similar pattern. Our results suggests that conflict, by closing sex and parental gaps in behavior, may prime individuals toward strategies that either benefit the group or the individual, depending on sex and parental role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous media studies have largely examined the media construction of 'leftover women' in the Chinese-medium news media that are pervaded by patriarchal content. Yet, little attention has been given to the thematic content surrounding leftover women in the Chinese English-medium news media which seem to be more liberal in their stance. To fill this niche, this study employs a key keyword analysis to examine the dominant thematic concepts related to leftover women in the Chinese English-medium news media. The findings illustrate that the key keywords in the news reports belong to three thematic categories, namely social actors and attributes, dating activities and relationships, and other social matters. These thematic categories are intertwined with one another to construct the overall representations of leftover women suggesting ideological implications for both patriarchy and egalitarianism. The usefulness of employing corpus techniques to examine overarching themes in gender representations is also highlighted in this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Korowai of Indonesian Papua have shifted their political order from rejecting relations of authority, to actively subordinating themselves to government patrons and implementing state structures locally. This shift was caused by how internal complexities of the past Korowai egalitarian system have interacted with dramatic macrostructural changes in the intruding state. Previously, I linked Korowai ideas about opacity of minds to political egalitarianism. Analyzing the new political shifts here, I emphasise again how opacity doctrines are embedded in wider processes of exchange and kinship that involve attributing thoughts to others, trying to influence those thoughts, and trying to deal in egalitarian ways with unequal economic conditions, as well as with the intrinsically power-laden dynamics of intersubjectivity itself. The Korowai example suggests wider lessons in how state formation takes hold at extreme colonial and market peripheries, and how doctrines of the knowability of minds articulate with practical institutionalisation of state administrative hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the relationship between caste and Islam in Bengal at a time when they acquired heightened significance as markers of identity for the colonial state and between communities. Scholarship, mainly drawing on North India, has emphasised the contrast between the existence in practice of a hierarchical system of social stratification among Muslims and the ideals and traditions of Islamic egalitarianism. This article, however, shows that caste-based struggles and tensions produced a revolutionary Islam. I suggest that the subversive potential of Islamic egalitarianism, described in early Islam by Louise Marlow, was kept alive by low-caste Bengali Muslims. The social reality of caste enabled multiple understandings of what it meant to be a Muslim, and the more radical among them were subaltern ontologies—different meanings of what it was to be a Muslim in the world. Here, I analyse writings on caste by four unreliable narrators around the turn of the twentieth century—a British colonial ethnographer, an ashrāfī Muslim anthropologist, and two Muslim reformers—to describe the politics and lifeworlds of low-caste Muslim groups in Bengal. The article argues for a more nuanced understanding of this period of Islamic reform and development, one that is conscious of the subaltern currents shaping its course. I show how a reformist politics of 'rejection' of elite Islam emerged as a response to the problem of caste inequality. These discourses and practices repudiating elite Muslim titles, centring histories of labour, and emphasising equality as an embodied experience reveal the revolutionary potentialities of a subaltern Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first-order condition of the Nash bargaining solution equates the ratio of utilities to the ratio of marginal utilities. It turns out that this common ratio plays a role in determining whether the Nash solution, roughly speaking, is "more utilitarian" or "more egalitarian." More specifically, I propose a sense of proximity to utilitarianism and/or egalitarianism according to which, in bargaining problems with distinct utilitarian and egalitarian points, the Nash solution is closer to utilitarianism if the aforementioned ratio is smaller than one, and closer to egalitarianism if that ratio is greater than one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urgency of the research. Integration into the Western legal field, where equality is the most fundamental value, is one of the important steps in bringing our country closer to full membership in the European Union. Target setting. Focusing exclusively on the legal aspect of the problem, on compliance with the law, should not hide the fact that the idea of equality is a deeper philosophical problem. Equality as a moral value is culturally determined, depends on the worldview and ideological framework, on one or another paradigm of sociopolitical thought. The struggle against inequality as injustice for the purpose of affirming human dignity is existential in nature. Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. In the analysis of the ideas of social equality, inequality and justice through the prism of the main ideological paradigms of political philosophy, we rely on the ideas of the classics of philosophical thought (Plato, Aristotle, J. de Maistre, K. Marx, A. Camus) and on modern theorists of egalitarianism (J. Rawls, J. Pole, H. Phelps Brown, F. Hayek, R. Dworkin, etc.). The research objective. First, we will consider the different gradations of social equality, and look at the main arguments in favor of equality from the point of view of egalitarianism. Next, we will analyze how the idea of equality is interpreted in three key ideological traditions (paradigms) of Western social and political thought: liberalism, socialism, and conservatism. The statement of basic materials. The main gradations of social equality are considered, in particular, formal equality, equality of treatment, equality of opportunities, equality of consideration. It is noted that the philosophy of conservatism, as nostalgia for the state system of the ancient regime, denies equality and acts as an apologist for social inequality expressed in the idea of natural aristocracy. The philosophy of liberalism focuses attention on the formal aspects of equality before the law and political equality. Liberalism is based on the idea of meritocracy, where the equality of starting opportunities allows us to reveal the inequality of human potential. If the tradition of liberalism is characterized by a combination of the ideas of equality and individualism, then for socialism equality is necessarily connected with the idea of the dominance of the collective over the individual. The highest non-ideological gradation of equality is equality of consideration, which can also be called the ontological equality of all people. Conclusions. Certain gradations of social equality have been established, which are stages of gradual overcoming of inequality. Formal “equality before the law” based on the principle of like for like, equality of opportunities and equality of consideration were considered. It is noted that the philosophy of conservatism is characterized by a zero degree of equality, the philosophy of liberalism is characterized by a reliance on formal equality and equality of opportunities, and the philosophy of socialism is characterized by an understanding of social equality as equality of outcomes. As for equality of treatment, it can be considered a nonideological characteristic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Res Rhetorica is the property of Polish Rhetoric Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)