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Interactions between people and large carnivores on shared landscapes can have harmful social and ecological consequences. Human–carnivore coexistence depends on an assemblage of sociological factors including effective management institutions that address the social costs of carnivore conservation and promote tolerance toward wildlife. In East Africa, large carnivores are particularly troublesome for herders who depend on livestock for subsistence and wellbeing. This paper provides an overview of human–hyena conflict in the Tarangire ecosystem of northern Tanzania. It presents descriptive results from a questionnaire survey (n = 1076) administered as part of an anthropological study (2019–2020; 2022; 2023) of human–wildlife interactions across twelve villages inhabited by Maasai agropastoralists. The survey instrument was designed through community-based participatory research methods to convey herder concerns about the impacts of spotted hyenas (Crocuta crocuta) on the livestock economy. Based on the perceptions and local ecological knowledge of Maasai interlocutors, the paper provides an overview of the spatial and temporal patterns of human–hyena interactions. Perceived frequencies of hyena attacks on kraaled livestock were unevenly distributed geographically, with those homesteads surrounding Manyara Ranch most heavily affected. Based on herder-reported livestock losses, the costs of depredation by spotted hyenas across the study area were estimated at approximately USD 904.84 per household per year. Most homesteads lacked fortified bomas and would benefit from the provision of lights and fencing materials to improve kraal structures. The paper's central finding is that spotted hyenas represent a pressing, everyday concern for local pastoralists. Unsurprisingly, herders despise hyenas and are intolerant of sharing landscapes with them. For carnivore conservation outside protected areas to thrive in Tanzania, conservationists and policy makers must engage more meaningfully with the lived experiences of local herders who bear the brunt of conservation costs on their livelihoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Abstract Ecological anthropology in China has a history of more than 70 years, and can be divided into four stages. The first stage was in the 1950s, which began with China’s identification of minzu and socio-historical surveys of ethnic minorities. This stage was characterized by refinement and application of the Economic-Cultural Type theory from Soviet ethnography. The second stage took place in the 1980s and 1990s, when China’s ecological anthropology research focused on explaining the relationship between local group culture and the environment, and how this changed in the process of modernization. Studies in this phase mainly concentrated on China’s southwestern and northwestern regions, and the theoretical trends of the “adaptation model” and “the cost of development” were formed, becoming central topics. The third stage was in the first decade of the twenty-first century, when Chinese ecological anthropologists focused on the natural and social consequences of changes in the ecological environment, and stressed the importance of exploring, protecting and transforming local ecological knowledge. Ecological anthropology research flourished in Hunan, Guizhou, and Guangxi as well as in the Daxing’anling and Xiaoxing’anling mountainous regions of Northeast China. The fourth stage was in the most recent decade, when ecological anthropologists expanded their research to cover disasters, biodiversity, local social vulnerability and promotion of ecological progress, and their research areas expanded to the southeastern coast, inland river basins and traditional farming areas in the Central Plains. This paper argues that the development of ecological anthropology in China has been driven by academic consciousness rooted in local field experience, accurate understanding of the research target and changes in social situations of the era, and in-depth dialogue with Western ecological anthropological theories. At present, China’s economic and social development patterns and the relationship between local people and their ecological environments are undergoing profound changes. Therefore, China’s ecological anthropology should respond and adapt to these new changes through solid ethnographic surveys, take root in local field experience, and draw on the wisdom of ecological civilization development in excellent traditional Chinese culture, to become aware of new theories and carry out innovative development.

Environmental perception goes through physiological, psychological, and cultural filters and can influence the selection and usage of species. Additionally, sharing cultural information is a crucial social strategy for our species' survival. From this standpoint, knowledge that aligns with the local context is typically the most widely "expressed" and/or "replicated" by individuals. Building upon this premise, our objective was to investigate whether knowledge about local medicinal plants is influenced by certain adaptive factors, such as perceived efficacy, perceived availability, and perceived frequency of diseases. The study was conducted with 73 individuals from five rural communities in Vale do Catimbau National Park, Buíque, Pernambuco, Brazil. A free list of medicinal plants and their therapeutic uses was employed. Using these free lists, we employed a salience index to determine consensus within the local diversity. We employed a generalized linear model with a binomial distribution to ascertain whether perceived efficacy, perceived availability, and perceived disease frequency account for the local consensus. Of the three variables analyzed, only perceived efficiency explained the local consensus on the use of medicinal plants (p < 0.002). This result indicates that perceived efficiency is the key factor determining the most popular medicinal plant when requested for memory recall, regardless of the perceived availability of the plant or the perceived frequency of diseases it treats. However, looking through the evolutionary perspective, the main question is to understand whether this factor is the only determinant in explaining the nature of the generation of medicinal plants' salience, or if other 'cofactors' of the social-ecological systems act together in an important way to guide this process as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on tradoecology of traditional commuities. Using the Yoruba as a case study, it examines the usefulness of tradoecology as a tool in studying the ecological anthropology of traditional communities. It aims for a sustainable environment in the face of on-going monumental destruction of the planet. Data reveal that the world is inundated with severe ecological problems with apocalyptic proportions. Under this pathetic condition, the research notes that traditional communities, like the Yoruba are worst hit as they lack the needed modern scientific means to confront the menace. The paper identifies and proposes tradoecology as eco-friendly and as a most appropriate mechanism for sustaining the environment. Methodologically, the study engages in ethnographic fieldwork in parts of Yorubaland, which are considered as pristine traditional communities to gain firsthand knowledge of tradoecology and thereby build up fundamental points on ecological anthropology of the people. Findings indicate that Yorubaland has immense traditional ecological mechanisms, which can ameliorate the gamut of ecological degradation confronting humanity. The paper concludes that the study of tradoecology and ecological anthropology of the Yoruba portends great value to anthropological and ecological studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In French-speaking Africa, the pioneers of the study of “traditional pharmacopoeias” were essentially military pharmacists, such as Joseph Kerharo in Senegal, Pierre Boiteau in Madagascar, Armand Bouquet in the Côte d'Ivoire or in the Congo, in connection with the laboratory founded by Portères. They explicitly intended to lay the foundations of an ethno-pharmacology rather than only the ethnobotanical part, because it focused on the preparation and administration of the pharmakon to treat disorders, “diseases”, and note solely on the plant raw materials. But the biological (etic) orientation has prevailed. These works say very little from the point of view of practitioners and patients (emic), which is the purpose of the study of health anthropology. A reversal of perspective such as the one operated by Marc Augé (1986) concerning the anthropology of illness has been attempted, proposing an anthropology of the remedy. It is a matter of going beyond the thoroughly discussed aporias by Tim Ingold (1992-2013) between cultural ecology and ecological anthropology, to attempt the alternative ecological anthropology he proposes, and working on the medicinal (pharmacological) properties of items as so many affordances selected in a given environment by a community of humans beings or animals. This article thus follows my own path from pharmacy to anthropology, and points out the deadlocks I have encountered.

Ecological anthropology in China has a history of more than 70 years, and can be divided into four stages. The first stage was in the 1950s, which began with China's identification of minzu and socio-historical surveys of ethnic minorities. This stage was characterized by refinement and application of the Economic-Cultural Type theory from Soviet ethnography. The second stage took place in the 1980s and 1990s, when China's ecological anthropology research focused on explaining the relationship between local group culture and the environment, and how this changed in the process of modernization. Studies in this phase mainly concentrated on China's southwestern and northwestern regions, and the theoretical trends of the "adaptation model" and "the cost of development" were formed, becoming central topics. The third stage was in the first decade of the twenty-first century, when Chinese ecological anthropologists focused on the natural and social consequences of changes in the ecological environment, and stressed the importance of exploring, protecting and transforming local ecological knowledge. Ecological anthropology research flourished in Hunan, Guizhou, and Guangxi as well as in the Daxing'anling and Xiaoxing'anling mountainous regions of Northeast China. The fourth stage was in the most recent decade, when ecological anthropologists expanded their research to cover disasters, biodiversity, local social vulnerability and promotion of ecological progress, and their research areas expanded to the southeastern coast, inland river basins and traditional farming areas in the Central Plains. This paper argues that the development of ecological anthropology in China has been driven by academic consciousness rooted in local field experience, accurate understanding of the research target and changes in social situations of the era, and in-depth dialogue with Western ecological anthropological theories. At present, China's economic and social development patterns and the relationship between local people and their ecological environments are undergoing profound changes. Therefore, China's ecological anthropology should respond and adapt to these new changes through solid ethnographic surveys, take root in local field experience, and draw on the wisdom of ecological civilization development in excellent traditional Chinese culture, to become aware of new theories and carry out innovative development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern thinking about the ground tends to take it as a purely material base for the unfolding of history and ideas emerging on its surface. In this article, I question above-ground visions of city building by drawing on both the history of ground engineering and ethnographic fieldwork carried out in Paris with geotechnicians. I address the difficulties that theorists have faced over past centuries in modelling soils, and the contemporary practice of building piles underneath buildings to anchor them. From this unfolds an understanding of the ground as produced through an equilibrium between forces and materials in which buildings become participants, rather than a solid base upon which they stand. Looking at the activities of foundation builders, we find that the inertia of the urban soil no longer betokens an absence of activity or movement, but is rather a continuous achievement, a slow and dangerous process of balancing tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the traditional culture in Kaş-Kekova Specially Protected Area will be opened to discuss for the impact on the environmental problems caused by human activities and the contribution to the solution of these problems. The Specially Protected Area (SEPA) is a conservation status and Kaş-Kekova has acquired this status due to its characteristics such as rich biodiversityand, cultural heritage, underwater treasures. However, Kaş-Kekova SEPA is threatened mostly due to human activities. In 2015, a fieldwork focusing on culture-environment relations was conducted in the region in order to identify the problem correctly and to find solutions. In the fieldwork observation, in-depth interviewing and visualization techniques were used. Although an ecological anthropology approach which explores the interrelation of human with natural environment has been adopted in the study, due to the global world economy system prevails all over the world nowadays, evaluations have been made with a broader scale and a political attitude. Thus, the results of this study which is done with an approachment can be called as new ecological anthropological showed that the problems are not caused by traditional culture. Moreover, if this culture is continued, the pressure on Kaş-Kekova SEPA will also decrease.

The four books under review can be considered case studies about the different aspects of identity creation and maintenance among selected groups of people in various African areas. Every one of those books inspects a similar phenomenon, but each examines it from a different perspective. The books discuss complicated and everchanging relations among individuals and their own bodies, group identity, history, institutions, ecology, and their relations toward space. What unites those books is their interest in the recent history of selected populations, and especially in practices, which helped those groups to sustain their sense of identity throughout turbulent phases of their history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Fifty years ago Lake Chad was one of the largest inland lakes of Africa. It was also extraordinarily well stocked with fish. Neither is the case anymore. Gudja and the other fishermen of the Gilam quarter of Blangua face great difficulties in surviving from fishing. But is it so, as claimed by some, that the reduced fish stocks of today can be explained by the lack of water? By joining Gudja and his fishing pals in their work out on the lake, and through encounters with traditional authorities and modern administration, the underlying causes of the fish scarcity are revealed.

An attempt is made to summarize the emergence and evolution of a sub-territory in anthropology, namely ecological anthropology. First the name of this discipline is considered, that deals with the interrelationship of culture and nature from cultural ecology to human ecology concluding to ecological anthropology. Here the word ecology appears in an attributive compound suggesting that it is a field of anthropology using ecological concepts as well. The second part of the article provides a brief history of the discipline from the beginnings (determinism, possibilism) through the emergence of the cultural ecology theory by Julian H. Steward and the work of neo-evolutionists (White, Sahlins, Harris), to the most 'ecological' investigations of the neo-functionalists (Vayda, Rappaport, Moran) who introduced the use of the category ecosystem in their research. The latter concept is analysed a bit more in details, mainly with the work of Roy Rappaport in the focus. The third part presents the different approaches of the last 30 years, ranging from environmental history up to radical ecology. It emphasizes the importance of ethno-science and cognitive anthropology, which appear in ecological anthropology in the fifties (Conklin) and flourish up today. Finally the process of 'sacralisation' of the research in ecological anthropology is outlined, namely the emergence of spiritual ecology and the investigation of traditional ecological knowledge which can help in resources management of the modern world just as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

O artigo desenvolve os conceitos de antropologia ecológica criticando as noções de objeto e de rede e, por extensão a teoria do ator-rede. Desafiando a noção estabelecida de "objeto", propõe-se a retomada da noção de "coisa", porosa e fluida, perpassada por fluxos vitais, integrada aos ciclos e dinâmicas da vida e do meio ambiente. A seguir, a teoria do ator-rede, de Latour, Law e Callon é criticada por manter e reproduzir uma divisão metafísica entre sujeitos e objetos (atribuindo a estes uma agência fetichizada) e ignorando a distribuição desigual de fluxos e sentidos ao longo da rede. Numa discussão inspirada em Heidegger e Deleuze, é proposta a ideia alternativa de "malha" (meshwork) para pensar a cultura material e as relações de comunicação, integração e fluxos entre coisas.The article broadens the concepts of Ecological Anthropology by criticizing the notions of object and network, and - by its extension - the Actor-Network Theory (ANT). Challenging the established notion of 'object', it proposes the return of the notion of 'thing', porous and fluid, permeated by vital flows, integrated into the dynamics of life and of the environment. Hereafter the Actor-Network Theory (of Latour, Callon and Law) is criticized for maintaining and reproducing a metaphysical division between subjects and objects (assigning to these a fetishized agency) and ignoring the unequal distribution of flows and directions along the network. In a discussion inspired by Heidegger and Deleuze, the article proposes an alternative idea of 'mesh' (meshwork) to think about the material culture and the communication relations, integration and flows among things.

The object of my study is to analyse the representations of former smugglers in the border forest area, which directly affected the nature of the work they performed. By the analysis of the empirical material through the theory of ecological anthropology, I will refer to the classifi cation of the area indicating the nature of the relationship between man and environment. Th e classifi cation of this area is the proof, that environment and human exist in mutual interaction and significantly influence one another, they cannot be perceived as separate or contradictory facts. The perception of this environment primarily depends on the actions former smugglers carried out in this area and it is also shaped by how the environment influenced the bearers of studied representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A presente crise ecológica conduziu a uma revisão de paradigmas em antropologia, e ao questionamento da contribuição da disciplina para a elaboração das políticas ambientais e para a luta dos movimentos ambientalistas. Este artigo argumenta que a antropologia é valiosa para aqueles que pretendem construir uma sociedade mais sustentável. Primeiro, produzindo informação e conhecimento crítico acerca dos significados das atitudes perante o meio natural de humanos modernos e premodernos. Segundo, e mais importante, a antropologia poderia contribuir, mediante pautas metodológicas, para o estudo das relações entre cultura e ambiente. Por um lado, entendendo essas relações como resultado de processos contraditórios de produção de sentido, enraizados na transformação e apropriação desigual da natureza, e contra a visão consumista da cultura. Por outro lado, entendendo-se a cultura como um processo histórico, a antropologia seria capaz de superar os erros derivados do relativismo cultural radical, que até o presente tem limitado a participação da disciplina na elaboração das políticas ambientais.The current ecological crisis has led to a critical review of anthropology's mainstream paradigms and to questions over its contribution to environmental policy-making and the political aims of environmental movements. This article argues that anthropology is valuable in two ways for those attempting to build a more sustainable society. Firstly, it produces critical information and knowledge about the meanings of pre-modern and modern human attitudes towards the natural environment. Secondly, and more importantly, by providing methodological guidelines for studying relations between culture and the environment, anthropology allows us to understand these relations as the outcome of mutually contradictory processes of producing meaning ­ one rooted in the unequal transformation and appropriation of nature, the other opposed to a consumerist vision of culture. At the same time, by apprehending culture as a historical process, anthropology is capable of overcoming the failures of radical cultural relativism which have so far limited the discipline's participation in environmental policy making.

El sistema turístico obliga a tener en cuenta tanto a la sociedad local, como a los visitantes, por lo que todos los estudios deben ir dirigidos a buscar el bienestar de ambos, tratando de minimizar los impactos negativos, ya sean sociales, culturales, físicos o económicos. En cuanto al patrimonio antropológico, puede afirmarse que la única manera de comprender su realidad es acercándose a él para observarlo como producto de la sociedad en permanente estado de cambio, al mismo tiempo que se descifra la interrelación de todos sus componentes. Es necesario interpretar al ser humano en el medio en el que se ha desarrollado y sigue haciéndolo. Sólo de esta forma estaremos en capacidad de planificar una serie de acciones vinculadas al uso del patrimonio con fines turísticos, sin perjudicar el normal desarrollo de la comunidad que lo ha originado.The tourist system forces us to consider as much the local society as the visitors, that is the reason for which all the studies must go directed to look for the well-being of both, trying to diminish the negative impacts, either they are social, cultural, physical or economic. As far as the anthropological patrimony, it can affirm that the only way to include/understand its reality is approaching him to observe it like product of the society in permanent state of change, at the same time that deciphers the interrelation of all its components. It is necessary to interpret to the human being in the means in which it has been developed and it continues doing it. Only of this form we will be in capacity to plan a series of tie actions to the use of the patrimony with tourist aims, without harming the normal development of the community that has originated it.

The relations that bind to diverse types of tourists and to the inhabitants of the visited places have originated a series of cultural characteristics that are, nowadays, subject of study by the anthropologists. However, we cannot to obviate another type of relations that are of great interest for understanding the changes that are taking place because of the tourism: the people's relations with their environment. The modification of the ecosystems, whose objective is to promote and to facilitate the tourist expansion, it has influenced directly the ways of life of the different receiving communities from the tourism, chang-ing, in addition to its surroundings, the form in that they are related to it. In this paper the study of those questions is approached from the frame of the Ecological Anthropology and its application to the Cultural Tourism

African tropical rainforests are decreasing rapidly because of the expansion of agricultural lands and commercial logging. In addition to habitat loss resulting from deforestation, an increase in the bushmeat trade threatens some wildlife species with extinction. Among these, African great apes are especially vulnerable because of their long life cycle and low reproduction rates, large range size, and high risk of being infected by diseases of human origin. Thus, conservation of biodiversity in African tropical rainforest, especially of great apes, is an urgent problem. In order to find a solution, the participation of the local population is essential. It is also important to implement development projects in order to resolve conflicts between conservation policies and local lifestyles. It is therefore necessary to pay enough attention to both people and animals and to move towards an integrated approach geared at the relation between local societies and the environment.Japanese ecological anthropology and primatology, which developed simultaneously through longterm field research in various regions of Africa, offer a suggestive idea to tackle the issue. Their interdisciplinary achievements may provide clues to establish a system of biodiversity conservation along with concerns for local welfare. As the outcome of cooperation between primatologists and an ecological anthropologist, this article discusses possibilities for synthesizing the two academic domains and realizing biodiversity conservation in African tropical forests based on a collaborative project in and around the Moukalaba-Doudou National Park in Gabon.Primatologists describe in detail their relationships with local people which allow them to conduct effective field research. They have developed scientific knowledge on great ape ecology as well as intimate relationships with local trackers. On the other hand, the ecological anthropologist illustrates relationships between local people and wildlife and deals with the local perception of animals. Local people have coexisted with great apes regarding them as similar to humans and giving them cultural value. The negative aspect of great apes for local people, such as crop-raiding, is also pointed out.Finally, the authors demonstrate how their interdisciplinary collaborative project integrates biodiversity conservation and local development, and then discuss the importance of ecotourism projects based on local initiatives. The synthesis of the scientific knowledge and close relationships that primatologists established with local people with the deep understanding of local culture acquired by ecological anthropologists, leads us to suggest implementing an ecotourism based on various narratives created through collaborative research activities.

The recovery of local varieties is an area of growing interest, in which different social actors and institutions with various interests and motivations are present. The initiatives consist of a process of building a new status of social relevance by introducing native varieties as biodiversity, a concept and a problem associated with it and assumed as crucial worldwide. Similarly, local varieties are subject to a process of patrimonialization and as image of the territory, like other elements of popular culture and history related to the idiosyncratic, the vernacular and the natural. All this is related to the specific ways of producing rurality and redefining territories in contemporary societies and fleshing out the political agendas. To analyze the interests and actions of different groups involved in this process is the main objective of this study, resulting from two research projects carried out in southern Spain through anthropological fieldwork, including participant observation and interviews. The recovery process of local varieties is a manifestation of the various ways in which the rural context undergoes a process of reconfiguration, of resignification of its culture and appreciation of its potential, which until recent times remained discredited and invisible. This research shows how it may be possible to create alliances between different stakeholders to defend the rural environment, having biodiversity as the field of dispute and negotiation; and conceived as a key factor for the survival of life and one of the main assets of rural society for a new social contract with the rural sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mana (01049313) is the property of Contra Capa Livraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In studying indigenous climate knowledge, two approaches can be envisioned. In the first, traditional knowledge is a cultural built-in object; conceived as a whole, its relevance can be assessed by referring to other cultural, economic, or technical components at work within an indigenous society. In the second, the accuracy of indigenous climate knowledge is assessed with western science knowledge used as an external reference. However, assessing the accuracy of indigenous climate knowledge remains a largely untapped area. We aim to show how accurate the culturally built indigenous climate knowledge of extreme climatic events is, and how amenable it is to fuzzy logic. A retrospective survey was carried out individually and randomly among 195 Eastern African farmers on climatic reasons for loss of on-farm crop diversity from 1961 to 2006. More than 3000 crop loss events were recorded, and reasons given by farmers were mainly related to droughts or heavy rainfall. Chi-square statistics computed by Monte Carlo simulations based on 999 replicates clearly rejected independence between indigenous knowledge of drought and heavy rainfall that occurred in the past and rainfall records. The fuzzy logic nature of indigenous climatic knowledge appears in the clear association of drought or heavy rainfall events, as perceived by farmers, with corresponding extreme rainfall values, contrasting with a fuzzy picture in the intermediate climatic situations. We discuss how the cultural built-in knowledge helps farmers in perceiving and remembering past climate variations, considering the specificity of the contexts where extreme climatic events were experienced. The integration of indigenous and scientific climate knowledge could allow development of drought monitoring that considers both climatic and contextual data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examined the hypothesis that traditional social-ecological fire systems around the world include common elements of traditional fire knowledge (TFK). I defined TFK as fire-related knowledge, beliefs, and practices that have been developed and applied on specific landscapes for specific purposes by long time inhabitants. In all, 69 distinct elements of TFK were documented in 35 studies, including accounts from 27 countries on 6 continents. On all 6 continents, 21 elements (30%) were recorded, and 46 elements (67%) were recorded on 4 or more continents. The top 12 most commonly reported elements, which were included in > 50 % of the studies, were fire effects on vegetation; season of the year; fire effects on animals; moisture of live or dead fuels; the onset or end of rainy season, dry season, or timing of rain; burning illegal or regulated by central government; fire intensity, heat output, i.e., hot or cool fire; frequency, return interval, time since fire; fire control; firebreaks, barriers; consequences of not burning; and plant or animal phenology. Traditional fire knowledge was multifaceted: 13 studies included more than 25 elements. Practicing traditional fire management also entails understanding the ways in which multiple elements interact and influence one another. Three classification systems provide insight into TFK systems, including typologies of agroecological type, pre- and postindustrial anthropological fire regimes, and viability status. The longevity of traditional fire knowledge and practice faces serious threats at precisely the time when climate change promises disruptions in fire activity that will be problematic for indigenous and nonindigenous societies alike. Central governments tend to adopt the pathological response of command and control during times of fire increase, further constraining traditional fire management. The opposite is needed: to seriously engage traditional practitioners in solving fire problems of global significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Traditional habitat knowledge is an understudied part of traditional knowledge. Though the number of studies increased world-wide in the last decade, this knowledge is still rarely studied in Europe. We document the habitat vocabulary used by Csángó people, and determine features they used to name and describe these categories. Study area and methods: Csángó people live in Gyimes (Carpathians, Romania). The area is dominated by coniferous forests, hay meadows and pastures. Animal husbandry is the main source of living. Data on the knowledge of habitat preference of 135 salient wild plant species were collected (2908 records, 44 interviewees). Data collected indoors were counterchecked during outdoor interviews and participatory field work. Results: Csángós used a rich and sophisticated vocabulary to name and describe habitat categories. They distinguished altogether at least 142-148 habitat types, and named them by 242 habitat terms. We argue that the method applied and the questions asked ('what kind of place does species X like?') helped the often implicit knowledge of habitats to be verbalized more efficiently than usual in an interview. Habitat names were highly lexicalized and most of them were widely shared. The main features were biotic or abiotic, like land-use, dominant plant species, vegetation structure, successional stage, disturbance, soil characteristics, hydrological, and geomorphological features. Csángós often used indicator species (28, mainly herbaceous taxa) in describing habitats of species. To prevent reduction in the quantity and/or quality of hay, unnecessary disturbance of grasslands was avoided by the Csángós. This could explain the high number of habitats (35) distinguished dominantly by the type and severity of disturbance. Based on the spatial scale and topological inclusiveness of habitat categories we distinguished macro-, meso-, and microhabitats. Conclusions: Csángó habitat categories were not organized into a single hierarchy, and the partitioning was multidimensional. Multidimensional description of habitats, made the nuanced characterization of plant species' habitats possible by providing innumerable possibilities to combine the most salient habitat features. We conclude that multidimensionality of landscape partitioning and the number of dimensions applied in a landscape seem to depend on the number of key habitat gradients in the given landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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An eco-city is a city designed with consideration of environmental impact, inhabited by people dedicated to minimisation of required inputs of energy, water and food, and waste output of heat, air pollution-- CO2, methane, and water pollution. The development of Ecological Anthropology has very little discussions on the formation of Eco-cities. Anthropologists over the years have talked on urbanisation process predominantly through cultural interactions but focussed little on the said city environment and its implications. The present paper tries to understand the city environment in India in the background of ecological anthropology and its development in India. Following are some of the cultural practices which may lead to the formation of ecocities in the coming years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh is a low-lying alluvial country with a population of some 150 million. Because of it's long (700km) coast line on the Bay of Bengal, Bagladesh is one of those countries which is likely to be a significant victim of climate change. Studies have shown that a large portion of coastal Bangladesh will be severely affected by the projected sea level rise associated with global warming. One major consequence of such a rise in sea level is salt water intrusion into the coastal regions. This is already occuring, with the result that thousands of traditional Bagladeshi farmers are now struggling to adapt as the increasing salinity impacts their drinking water, sanitation, and livelihoods. This paper focuses on how these people, who are engaged in agriculture and traditional livlihoods, respond to this salt water intrusion. It's findings are based on field work and observation in the field of Ecological Anthropology This paper seeks to contribute to the growing field in Anthropology known as 'Anthropology of Climate change'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary approaches within contemporary ecological anthropology are cultural ecology, historical ecology, political ecology and spiritual ecology. The cumulative approach developed on by fusing these approaches is applied dimension of ecological anthropology known as environmental anthropology. Human populations have ongoing contact and impact upon the land, climate, plant and animal species in their vicinities and these elements of their environment have reciprocal impacts on humans. The theme of traditional ecological knowledge is important for the consideration of a broad range of question related to nature-environment relations. Different groups of people in various parts of the world perceive and interact with nature differently, and have different traditions of environmental knowledge. Their perceptions and knowledge are partly shaped by their values, worldview and environmental ethics. In the exploration of environmental ethics and religion toward an ecologically sustainable society, indigenous peoples and traditional ecological knowledge have attracted considerable attention from both scholars and popular movements. The lesson from this field study, under the theoretical outline of cultural and human ecology includes the importance of cultural conservation of forest resources, adaptive management, uses of traditional ecological knowledge and development of religious/spiritual conservation ethic. This may contribute to the development of an interdisciplinary conservation science with a more sophisticated understanding of social-ecological interactions. The findings thus could be used for formulating better policies for sustainable management of forest/natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we first discuss various vantage points gained through the authors’ experience of approaching conservation through a “cultural lens.” We then draw out more general concerns that many anthropologists hold with respect to conservation, summarizing and commenting on the work of the Conservation and Community Working Group within the Anthropology and Environment Section of the American Anthropological Association. Here we focus on both critiques and contributions the discipline of anthropology makes with regard to conservation, and show how anthropologists are moving beyond conservation critiques to engage actively with conservation practice and policy. We conclude with reflections on the possibilities for enhancing transdisciplinary dialogue and practice through reflexive questioning, the adoption of disciplinary humility, and the realization that “cross-border” collaboration among conservation scholars and practitioners can strengthen the political will necessary to stem the growing commoditization and ensuing degradation of the earth’s ecosystems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article profiles Roy Rappaport, ecological anthropologist. Rappaport became involved in anthropology when he became a proprietor of Avaloch. He joined the University of Michigan's Department of Anthropology when he was 39 years old. Among his works include “Pigs for the Ancestors,” and “Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity.” The author's insights on Rappaport's contribution in the anthropology of religion and in defining “engaged” anthropology are also discussed.

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This review discusses changes in Amazonian indigenous anthropology since the synthesis presented in the Handbook of South American Indians. The past few years have seen the emergence of an image of Amazonia characterized by a growing emphasis on the complexity of indigenous social formations and the ecological diversity of the region. This new image of society and nature is taking shape in a theoretical context characterized by the synergistic interaction between structural and historical approaches, by an attempt to go beyond mono-causal explanatory models (whether naturalistic or culturalistic) in favor of a dialectical view of the relations between society and nature, and by hopes of a "new synthesis" that could integrate the knowledge accumulated in the fields of human ecology, social anthropology, archeology, and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the growing body of empirical behavioral ecological research on behavior in non-Western and nonindustrial societies. The evolutionary biological study of human behavior has been given many other names besides human behavioral ecology. Many researchers avoid the controversial term "sociobiology" because it is often wrongly equated with kin selection theory. The link between human behavior and evolutionary biological theory is discussed. The relationship between human behavioral ecology and sociocultural anthropology is clarified.

Ancient conceptualizations of ecosystems exist in several Amerindian, Asia-Pacific, European, and African cultures. The rediscovery by scientists of ecosystem-like concepts among traditional peoples has been important in the appreciation of traditional ecological knowledge among ecologists, anthropologists, and interdisciplinary scholars. Two key characteristics of these systems are that (a) the unit of nature is often defined in terms of a geographical boundary, such as a watershed, and (b) abiotic components, plants, animals, and humans within this unit are considered to be interlinked. Many traditional ecological knowledge systems are compatible with the emerging view of ecosystems as unpredictable and uncontrollable, and of ecosystem processes as nonlinear, multiequilibrium, and full of surprises. Traditional knowledge may complement scientific knowledge by providing practical experience in living within ecosystems and responding to ecosystem change. However, the “language” of traditional ecology is different from the scientific and usually includes metaphorical imagery and spiritual expression, signifying differences in context, motive, and conceptual underpinnings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores some of the remarkable properties that set human ecosystems apart from nonhuman ecosystems. The identification of these properties provides a framework for bridging the theoretical and methodological divide between biological ecology and human ecology. The unique information-processing capability of humans in ecosystems is central to this framework. We discuss several manifestations of human cognitive and behavioral abilities, termed "remarkable properties" of human ecosystems. A cross-cultural and historical approach is taken in demonstrating some of these properties. Related to these properties are the ways in which complex functional and dysfunctional or maladaptive processes take place in human ecosystems. We assert that one of the greatest challenges for human ecology is to integrate belief systems as a major component of human ecosystems.

The article presents the study of health anthropology and of diseases as of January 2012. Also cited are the developments in biomedicine, the use of traditional medicine to meet the demands of primary health care in such countries as China, Soviet Union, and Burma, and the pioneering works of Doctor Rudolf Virchow in the XIX century.