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Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa has attracted interest from both academia and the wider political world. Some postulate that Chinese companies – unlike Western corporations – have greater potential to initiate and carry out the structural transformation of the continent. Some researchers even indicate that thanks to the inflow of Chinese FDI, Africa may become “the next factory of the world”. The aim of this article is to analyse external effects (also called spillover effects) related to Chinese FDI in Africa using the examples of Angola and Zambia. According to the current state of knowledge, spillover effects are the most desirable effects of FDI in the host country, because the related increase in the productivity of local enterprises is key to the occurrence of structural transformation in local economies. The subject of the analysis presented in this article are three aspects (determinants) of spillover effects: (i) the potential of Chinese FDI to generate spillover effects, (ii) the absorptive capacity of local companies and (iii) local institutional settings favouring the occurrence of spillover effects. The findings indicate that due to the existence of weak and few linkages between foreign investors and local firms, spillover effects occur rarely and are relatively small. They are also not sufficient to initiate the transfer of valuable knowledge and technology. The presented research results were based on over 150 in-depth interviews and two rounds of surveys conducted among Chinese investors, Angolan and Zambian companies and representatives of local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Iuridica Lublinensia is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparative Economic Research is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the article is to describe the evolution of Germany's policy towards the People's Republic of China in the conditions of the emerging new international order. The text is divided into several parts. The first one characterized the main features of the emerging international order, which is moving from the stage of unipolarity to multipolarity. Its two main links are the United States and the growing China, the third - with less potential - is Russia. These changes require adjustment actions from the European Union and Germany, especially in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Then, the outline of Sino-German relations in the previous decades was described. The next part includes the most important program documents of the German authorities and economic institutions on policy towards China, as well as German diplomatic activity in relations with Beijing. The last part contains a summary and conclusions. The article uses the method of examining documents and studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SPILLOVER EFFECT OF THE CHINESE FDI IN ANGOLA AND ZAMBIA In recent years, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa has attracted interest from both academia and the wider political world. Some postulate that Chinese companies – unlike Western corporations – have greater potential to initiate and carry out the structural transformation of the continent. Some researchers even indicate that thanks to the inflow of Chinese FDI, Africa may become “the next factory of the world”. The aim of this article is to analyse external effects (also called spillover effects) related to Chinese FDI in Africa using the examples of Angola and Zambia. According to the current state of knowledge, spillover effects are the most desirable effects of FDI in the host country, because the related increase in the productivity of local enterprises is key to the occurrence of structural transformation in local economies. The subject of the analysis presented in this article are three aspects (determinants) of spillover effects: (i) the potential of Chinese FDI to generate spillover effects, (ii) the absorptive capacity of local companies and (iii) local institutional settings favouring the occurrence of spillover effects. The findings indicate that due to the existence of weak and few linkages between foreign investors and local firms, spillover effects occur rarely and are relatively small. They are also not sufficient to initiate the transfer of valuable knowledge and technology. The presented research results were based on over 150 in-depth interviews and two rounds of surveys conducted among Chinese investors, Angolan and Zambian companies and representatives of local authorities.

Population health, social development and the environment are important elements of sustainable development. This article uses the China People's Daily message board to collect environmental public opinion data, visualizes the public opinion hotspots of environmental based on word frequency statistics, and applies the Latent Dirichlet Allocations (LDA) topic model to analyze the spatial distribution of environmental risk perception dimensions. The conclusions are as follows: (1) in terms of the hotspots of environmental public opinion, the most frequent occurrences are the living environment, interest demands and noise pollution. (2) There is heterogeneity in the topic of environmental risk perception. The perception of pollution source types has the highest weight in environmental risk perception in the eastern, central, and western regions. Specifically, the types of pollution sources in the eastern that receive the most attention are garbage and noise pollution. In addition to paying attention to noise pollution, the central and western also have a higher perceived weight on the polluters. Residents in northeast are most concerned about changes in residents' health and living environment quality. (3) From the perspective of environmental risk perception, health perception has the highest proportion in northeast, followed by the eastern, and finally the central and western. Proportion of perception of interest demands is highest in the central region, perception of residential environment quality is highest in the northeast region, perception of pollution source types is highest in the eastern, central, and western regions, and lowest in the northeast region. Finally, some practical and feasible policy recommendations were proposed for different regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gdansk Journal of East Asian Studies / Gdanskie Studia Azji Wschodniej is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Perspectives on Culture / Perspektywy Kultury is the property of Jesuit University Ignatianum in Krakow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Migracyjne Przegląd Polonijny is the property of Wydzial Studiow Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych UJ oraz Polska Akademia Umiejetnosci and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background. The Back School program has been recommended in many countries around the world for patients with low back pain (LBP) to help improve self-efficacy to enhance their prognosis. However, few studies have reported on the application of the Back School in East Asia, including China. This study aimed to explore the Back School's effect on Chinese adults with chronic LBP based on four areas: posture, knowledge of LBP, physical activity and body performance. Material and methods. There were 10 participants in the intervention group and 11 in the control group. Baseline data was collected prior to the intervention, including upper body physical examination, core and lower limb muscle examination, Roland-Morris Disability Questionnaire, LBP Knowledge Questionnaire and Global Physical Activity Questionnaire. Physical indicators and questionnaires were retaken after the 8-week Back School intervention. The differences between the two groups were compared before and after the intervention. Results. There was a statistically significant increase in McGill trunk flexion test results and knowledge of LBP (especially basic knowledge and treatment sections) in the intervention group. Conclusions. The Back School-based intervention model has a positive impact on muscle performance in the core area and knowledge acquisition of LBP in Chinese patients with chronic LBP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Undoubtedly, already during Barack Obama's presidency, Asia, including China, became a key point of the US foreign policy, and the so-called "Pivot to Asia" was a great proof for that. However, while Obama still seemed to treat China as a strategic partner, not seeing it as an existential threat, Trump decisively changed this approach and gave a new direction to the American strategy towards China - from then on, China officially became a "strategic rival" and the goal was to slow down its growth in the key areas that threatened US security and its global hegemony. The author puts forward the thesis that Joe Biden mostly continues Trump's decisive course towards China. Analyzing and comparing official documents of the US government (the American Defence Strategy of 2020 and 2022 and two key documents/speeches presenting the US approach to China during the administrations of Donald Trump and Joe Biden), the author comes to the conclusion that the current president not only continues the course of his predecessor, but also strengthens it in a few selected areas, such as high technologies and rare earths. The author also attempts to explain the reasons for the following continuation in the US approach to China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to analyze the importance of Pakistan, as one of the influential countries of the Indo-Pacific region, for the broadly understood security of China during the rule of Xi Jinping in the context of the American strategy in the region. Pakistan is undoubtedly one of the participants in the competition between the US and China. Its geographical location is of geostrategic and geoeconomic importance for Beijing. Pakistan plays an important role in the process of redefining China's security interests in the Indo-Pacific region and increases its power projection capabilities. Beijing's relations with Islamabad are filled with new content, especially in the context of formulating the American concept of regional security, which has a clearly anti-Chinese character. The US system of alliance ties in the Indo-Pacific region is based on countries whose relations with China are tense and historically burdened. India ranks first among these countries. In this context, Pakistan serves as an ally to China that expands its room for maneuver in the process of balancing relations in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China under ever growing autocratic rule of Xi Jinping, which has started at the end of 2012, is presenting many new proposals and visions, both on domestic and international scene. This article describe those initiatives, usually less known outside of China, as they are, additionally, hidden in the Chinese cultural code. What is obvious and clear: the old civilization is under rejuvenation and together with it an empire, with its own concepts for itself and the whole world. This phenomenon and visible assertiveness of the leadership in Beijing is changing the global balance of power - with relative decline of the West, starting from the USA, and growing impact of emerging markets and the global South, starting from China, and followed by India. After the COVID-19 pandemic and full-scale Russian aggression in the Ukraine it is a high time to adjust to the new global order, still under creation. The change is so deep that any return to the past is just impossible. However, only time will tell what will be the impact of China's return to the centre of the global scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to try to answer the question posed in its title, namely: will China rule the world in the middle of the 21st century? The main hypothesis is that today it is impossible to give an unambiguous answer to such a question, taking into account the distant perspective, i.e. the middle of the 21st century and the enormous dynamics of changes that are currently taking place in the world. Another hypothesis is that the rivalry between China and the United States for global hegemony does not take place in a geoeconomic and geostrategic vacuum, and that its course and effects are and will be significantly influenced by other subjects of international law and international relations, including regional powers, especially those belonging to the so-called BRICS group, led by Russia, as well as the European Union and NATO. In addition, the struggle of China and the US for world leadership will also be influenced by processes such as international integration/disintegration and globalisation/deglobalisation, as well as the growing populism, nationalism and isolationism in the foreign policy of many countries, including in China and the US. In the article, I pose a few questions, adequate to the research hypotheses put forward, including what political, international, economic, technological, and military/strategic assets does China have at its disposal to successfully compete with the United States in these areas? Will the United States accept the prospect of losing world leadership? Is it still possible for China and the United States to cooperate peacefully and for them to jointly lead the world within the framework of the so-called Chimerica, i.e. the bipolar international order, the theoretical concepts of which were considered in the science of international relations at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries by many American researchers and experts? In addition, Furthermore, I ask whether the new international order that will eventually emerge from the current international stagnation will be democratic and peaceful, and will it be a unipolar, bipolar or multipolar order? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of Cultural Studies / Roczniki Kulturoznawcze is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Institute of Cultural Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

NEW CONTEXTS IN THE POLICY OF POLAND, THE CZECH REPUBLIC AND LITHUANIA TOWARDS TAIWAN FOLLOWING RUSSIA’S AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE The article presents the actions of Poland, Lithuania and the Czech Republic towards Taiwan in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine over the course of last year. Although each of these countries supports the subjectivity of Taiwan in the face of the political escalation of China’s activities, their reaction is varied, especially with regard to further relations with the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, each of the countries recognizes the importance of developing relations with Taiwan in the face of US policy, as well as the continued involvement in supporting Ukraine or strengthening NATO’s eastern flank. Therefore, no significant changes should be expected in these countries’ approach to Taiwan, although Lithuania and the Czech Republic will be among the strongest promoters of, for example, a greater involvement of the EU in relations with Taiwan.

THE TAIWANESE-CHINESE FACTOR IN FRANCE’S STRATEGY AND POLICY TOWARDS THE INDO-PACIFIC The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic overview of France’s involvement into the Indo-Pacific region, in the context of the protection of important national interests related to the possession of overseas territories. This article analyses impact of the French-Chinese bilateral cooperation on relations with Taiwan. The author points out that France has recognized the government of the PRC as the only representative of China since 1964 and does not maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, emphasizing that this is a permanent position, initiated by General de Gaulle, and cooperation between Paris and Taipei is developed in accordance with the “one China policy.” The second aspect of the analysis of France’s policy and strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region was embedded in the broader framework of political, economic relations and military alliances with Asian countries as an element of promoting a multipolar order and stopping Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific area and strengthening its own geopolitical position against the background of China’s rivalry with United States.

SOMALILAND AND TAIWAN – THE COOPERATION OF UNRECOGNIZED COUNTRIES IN THE SHADOW OF THE GEOPOLITICAL GAME OF SUPERPOWERS IN THE HORN OF AFRICA Separated by thousands of kilometers and very different cultures, histories, and economies, Taiwan and Somaliland appear to have little in common. Like Taiwan, Somaliland was created in the aftermath of a civil war. The consequences of those conflicts continue to shape the political status of both countries. Since the declaration of independence from Somalia in 1991, Hargeisa, like Taipei, has been trying to secure its existence, because both states cannot count on international recognition, and their independence is contested by the states from which they seceded. Despite being forced to exist on the periphery of the international community, both de facto states still try to be active participants in global affairs. Relations between unrecognized states are also an element of the game between the main players in this region, the US and China. Washington, concerned about Beijing’s political and economic expansion in the Horn of Africa, is trying to limit it, and one of the elements of this policy is indirect support for the strategically located Somaliland through its ally from Taipei.

RECONSTRUCTING THE US STRATEGY TOWARDS TAIWAN DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF JOSEPH BIDEN Adopting the model of neoclassical realism and elements of the American-centric nationalist paradigm, the paper examines both systemic factors stemming from the Sino-American power rivalry and internal ones referring to the populist traditions of American foreign policy. The main goal of America regarding Taiwan was to use its relationship with the island in its policy of containment of China by emphasizing Taiwan’s right to decide its future and preventing China from taking over the island by force. Along with deepening bilateral cooperation, the administration used multilateral mechanisms to promote the concept of peace and security across the Taiwan Strait as an essential element of the global order, which increased the number of countries interested in maintaining the status quo. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine heightened concerns about the possibility of PRC’s attack on Taiwan, prompting the Biden administration to intensify pressure on Taipei to accelerate military reform. However, the accentuation of closer relations between Washington and Taipei was interpreted by China as a provocative crossing of more “red lines,” leading to an intensification of repressive measures against Taiwan and the consolidation of bellicose rhetoric directed against both Washington and Taipei.

The aim of this article is to review the research on the impact of FDI on the economy of FDI host country and to identify the main areas of research. The example of China as an FDI host country is of interest because of the importance of FDI in the development of its economy in the period from the implementation of the reform and opening-up policy to the present day. China has become the largest recipient of FDI among developing countries and the second largest recipient of FDI in the world after the US. Selected academic publications in the period from 2000 to 2023 on the impact of FDI on the economy of the host country of this investment were analysed. Their review and analysis also allowed for the identification of the main areas of research. Differences in measurement methods, models, the size of the research samples, the time span of the research, the types of countries covered and the resulting generalisations are the main limitations. Nevertheless, this review is valuable, especially for researchers to deepen research on selected areas of the impact of foreign direct investment on the economy of the FDI host country. The conclusions may also help host country authorities to define FDI policies in order to harness the positive or reduce the negative impact of FDI on the host country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explore the multi-faceted dynamics of interest groups in the process of shaping Germany’s foreign policy toward China. The analysis focuses on understanding the role of various interest groups and their influence on decision-making, as well as showing the complexity and implications of this influence in the context of a democratic society. The main thrust of the text is to understand how various interest groups in Germany influence its foreign policy toward China, particularly in the context of mutual economic benefits and the development of political relations. The study focuses on identifying key interest groups and analysing the mechanisms and implications of their impact on decision-making processes. The text poses several research hypotheses: 1) interest groups, such as business associations, research institutes and think tanks, the mass media and the general public, as well as the Chinese diaspora in Germany, play a significant role in shaping Germany’s foreign policy towards China; 2) the mechanisms of interest groups’ influence stem from their ability to channel social interests into the political system and take advantage of institutional opportunities for participation; 3) the varying distribution of power among competing interest groups in Germany, may be explained by indicating that power is not concentrated within a small privileged elite but is rather fragmented among different groups. The role of expert knowledge, the importance of the Chinese diaspora and the interest of the public and the media are all significant factors. The article uses literature analysis and qualitative research based on expert interviews with academics, researchers, think tank representatives, and government officials. These interviews provide valuable information on the mechanisms of interest groups’ effect on German foreign policy. The article demonstrates that interest groups play an important role in shaping Germany’s foreign policy toward China and that this influence results from their capacity to represent public interests and take advantage of institutional opportunities for participation, which is consistent with the liberal paradigm of international relations. A pluralist perspective on analysis emphasizes the importance of competitive politics and citizen participation in decision-making processes. Maintaining democratic integrity and transparency in Germany’s international operations requires an understanding of these complex relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Res Historica is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to provide a synthetic overview of France’s involvement into the Indo-Pacific region, in the context of the protection of important national interests related to the possession of overseas territories. This article analyses impact of the French-Chinese bilateral cooperation on relations with Taiwan. The author points out that France has recognized the government of the PRC as the only representative of China since 1964 and does not maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, emphasizing that this is a permanent position, initiated by General de Gaulle, and cooperation between Paris and Taipei is developed in accordance with the “one China policy.” The second aspect of the analysis of France’s policy and strategy towards the Indo-Pacific region was embedded in the broader framework of political, economic relations and military alliances with Asian countries as an element of promoting a multipolar order and stopping Chinese expansionism in the Indo-Pacific area and strengthening its own geopolitical position against the background of China’s rivalry with United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Separated by thousands of kilometers and very different cultures, histories, and economies, Taiwan and Somaliland appear to have little in common. Like Taiwan, Somaliland was created in the aftermath of a civil war. The consequences of those conflicts continue to shape the political status of both countries. Since the declaration of independence from Somalia in 1991, Hargeisa, like Taipei, has been trying to secure its existence, because both states cannot count on international recognition, and their independence is contested by the states from which they seceded. Despite being forced to exist on the periphery of the international community, both de facto states still try to be active participants in global affairs. Relations between unrecognized states are also an element of the game between the main players in this region, the US and China. Washington, concerned about Beijing’s political and economic expansion in the Horn of Africa, is trying to limit it, and one of the elements of this policy is indirect support for the strategically located Somaliland through its ally from Taipei. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the actions of Poland, Lithuania and the Czech Republic towards Taiwan in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine over the course of last year. Although each of these countries supports the subjectivity of Taiwan in the face of the political escalation of China’s activities, their reaction is varied, especially with regard to further relations with the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, each of the countries recognizes the importance of developing relations with Taiwan in the face of US policy, as well as the continued involvement in supporting Ukraine or strengthening NATO’s eastern flank. Therefore, no significant changes should be expected in these countries’ approach to Taiwan, although Lithuania and the Czech Republic will be among the strongest promoters of, for example, a greater involvement of the EU in relations with Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adopting the model of neoclassical realism and elements of the American-centric nationalist paradigm, the paper examines both systemic factors stemming from the Sino-American power rivalry and internal ones referring to the populist traditions of American foreign policy. The main goal of America regarding Taiwan was to use its relationship with the island in its policy of containment of China by emphasizing Taiwan’s right to decide its future and preventing China from taking over the island by force. Along with deepening bilateral cooperation, the administration used multilateral mechanisms to promote the concept of peace and security across the Taiwan Strait as an essential element of the global order, which increased the number of countries interested in maintaining the status quo. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine heightened concerns about the possibility of PRC’s attack on Taiwan, prompting the Biden administration to intensify pressure on Taipei to accelerate military reform. However, the accentuation of closer relations between Washington and Taipei was interpreted by China as a provocative crossing of more “red lines,” leading to an intensification of repressive measures against Taiwan and the consolidation of bellicose rhetoric directed against both Washington and Taipei. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Scientiarum Polonorum. Oeconomia is the property of Wydawnictwo SGGW and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Migracyjne Przegląd Polonijny is the property of Wydzial Studiow Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych UJ oraz Polska Akademia Umiejetnosci and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using the survey data of 45 tea enterprises in Fujian Province, China, this paper adopted fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to study the adoption of the sustainable production technologies by tea enterprises. The results show that there are two configurations for the path to achieve the adoption of high sustainable production technologies. The core condition combination of the first configuration is the existence of sustainable development capabilities, the degree of government support, and the resource and environmental endowment, while that of the second configuration is the existence of enterprise expected value, industrial organization mode and the resource and environmental endowment. Moreover, the path achieving non-highly sustainable production technologies adoption mainly summarized as a configuration. Specifically, the core condition is the absence of sustainable development capabilities, enterprise development strategies, and the resource and environmental endowments. Furthermore, some practical policy recommendations were put forward based on the above conclusions in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contemporary Economy / Wspolczesna Gospodarka is the property of University of Gdansk, Seaborne Trade & Maritime Transport Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et Studia is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)