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Black farmers have historically been discriminated against in services from the federal government, including access to credit. Discrimination can take the form of delayed loan processing requests, which can affect timely planting, harvesting, feeding of livestock, and farm performance. This study uses nationwide, farm‐level data from 2009 to 2021 from the Farm Service Agency's direct farm loan program to investigate racial discrimination in the farm loan program. Findings reveal loan processing times average longer for Black borrowers on operating loans, though with a substantial state‐level variation. Specifically, it takes an average of more than two additional days for Black farmers' operating loan applications to be completed and another two additional days to be processed. However, there was no significant difference in time for farm ownership loans suggesting a more nuanced cause than outright racial discrimination. Other factors that increased loan processing time for borrowers included larger loan amounts, more complex loan types, a mix of collateral, and being a new borrower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the industrious strategies that Black farmers in Maryland's Piedmont pursued before and after the Civil War and the resultant landscapes they created. An examination of antebellum landholdings, demographic patterns, and agricultural production trends demonstrate how free Black farmers leveraged 'next to nothing' to provide the foundations of the county's Black industrious landscapes. In the years immediately following emancipation, additional Black land acquisitions had an importance that was out of scale to their relative paucity: an individual farm could help establish a new settlement. Analysis of agricultural census data, along with investigations of small-scale landscape features such as outbuildings, gardens, and orchards, shows how expanded household production remained a key strategy in the 1870s and 1880s. Black industriousness shaped homesteads, farms, and villages, and Black farming families created distinctive landscapes that endured well into the twentieth century. By embracing the industrious revolution, Black farmers established places of sanctuary and opportunity, in the midst of white hostility. Though these vital places have nearly disappeared from modern maps, Maryland's Black industrious landscapes matter because they reveal Black farmers were responsible for extending the industrious revolution as it began to fade in other places and for other groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current period of economic and social instability in the farm economy has generated renewed interest in the framing processes used by farmers to interpret and ascribe blame for the distress they have experienced. Studies show that agrarian frames are differentiated into types based on farmers' historical and contemporary racialized experiences. To investigate the role that agrarian frames play in navigating farm stress, we conducted a thematic analysis using data from interviews with 15 Black farmers from three Southern states. The results identify a Black Agrarian frame with two dimensions: traumatic and resilient. The traumatic dimension provides a system-blame narrative that highlights financial risk driven by institutions and racism as a core factor in farm stress. The resilient dimension describes collective action as a key coping strategy linked to understanding the farm as a multi-faceted asset. In conclusion, research on differentiated agrarian frames is an important component towards understanding how diverse populations navigate farm stress and the development of culturally appropriate resources for addressing it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This presidential address calls the membership to explore ways of doing justice work in their research, teaching, extension, and outreach activities. By sharing my story and developing a content analysis of presidential addresses and invited papers published in the Agricultural and Applied Economics Association journals, I demonstrate how race has shaped my work and the need for additional work in this area. Through this example, I hope that members of the profession will find new inspiration to do justice work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Any historical narrative is a particular bundle of silences, the result of a unique process, and the operation required to deconstruct these silences will vary accordingly. —Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past, p. 27 On October 13, 1965, the New Farmers of America (NFA) disappeared without a trace. The organization had operationalized one of the largest Black youth farm movements in American history and boasted a membership of over 50,000 Black farm boys studying vocational agriculture in public high schools in 18 states across the South and parts of the East Coast. They were last seen in the shad­ows of the Jim Crow era, participating in the national convention of the majority-white Future Farmers of America (FFA)—now named the National FFA Organization—in Kansas City, Missouri. At the convention, a ceremony took place that symbolized the July 1, 1965, decision to merge the NFA and FFA. But for some, as one former member told me, the “merger” was more like a “hostile takeover.” The “pageantry of the merger,” as Cecil L. Strickland, Sr. (1994, p. 44) described it, required Adolphus Pinson, the NFA’s last president, to surrender the organization’s char­ter to Kenneth Kennedy, the national FFA presi­dent. “I am duly authorized to transfer to you the National NFA Charter, together with the perma­nent record of officers of the organization,” Pinson told Kennedy. “Also, to inform you that the total membership of 50,807 students of vocational agri­culture in 12 states are now active members of the Future Farmers of America” (Strickland, 1994, p. 43). The NFA charter was placed in the national FFA archives along with the minutes of the last NFA convention and important cultural artifacts of the organization, including its banner and flag. The NFA also transferred the US$20,000 in its savings account to the FFA treasury. The final nail in the coffin for the NFA occurred when Pinson took off his NFA jacket and handed it to Kennedy. In return, Kennedy presented Pinson with an FFA jacket, declaring, “The exchanging of this NFA jacket for the FFA jacket by you, the last NFA President, symbolizes the joining together all stu­dents of vocational agriculture into one great organization” (Strickland, 1994, p. 46). And with Kennedy’s final statement, the NFA vanished. . . .

By exploring agricultural education initiatives in South Africa in the period from the 1910s to the 1930s, this article seeks to expand the historiography of both Black internationalism and global progressivism to include Black agrarianism and questions of race from a transatlantic perspective. In their efforts to promote scientific farming, Black progressive farmers in the Eastern Cape reserves made strategic use of the famous educational philosophy of the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama as an enabling discourse that allowed them to gain an audience for their specific, localized claims to economic and political participation in a segregationist country. While the existing historiography has discussed Tuskegee's impact in Africa as an example of oppressive labor education, this article argues that Black agrarian progressivism should be taken seriously as a form of antiracism and Pan-Africanism, albeit one that was classist and patriarchal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there are more opportunities and re­vamped avenues for socially disadvantaged farmers to participate in federal agricultural program since Pigford v. Glickman, the first Black farmer class action lawsuit against USDA and subsequent billion dollar settlement, there is not a lot of scholarly research on Black farmers’ perspectives and experiences in accessing and using these programs today. Using data from nine focus groups in Mississippi with 89 Black farmers, we find that Black farmers and ranchers identify several barriers to program participation, namely communication about programs and problems with the application and approval process, including a lack of standardization and transparency. Inter­woven throughout the discussions of barriers were conversations about racial and gender discrimina­tion, with producers soundly in agreement that the former persists, and the latter is an issue. This research informs our understandings of Black farmers’ experiences of how racial hierarchies and networks continue to shape their ability to access and participate in federal farm programs; policy recommendations are provided.

Although there are more opportunities and revamped avenues for socially disadvantaged farmers to participate in federal agricultural program since Pigford v. Glickman, the first Black farmer class action lawsuit against USDA and subsequent billion dollar settlement, there is not a lot of scholarly research on Black farmers' perspectives and experiences in accessing and using these programs today. Using data from nine focus groups in Mississippi with 89 Black farmers, we find that Black farmers and ranchers identify several barriers to program participation, namely communication about programs and problems with the application and approval process, including a lack of standardization and transparency. Inter-woven throughout the discussions of barriers were conversations about racial and gender discrimination, with producers soundly in agreement that the former persists, and the latter is an issue. This research informs our understandings of Black farmers' experiences of how racial hierarchies and networks continue to shape their ability to access and participate in federal farm programs; policy recommendations are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article makes the case that the legacy of institutional racism by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) is connected to the encroachment of the invasive species Juniperus virginiana (eastern red cedar) on farming land. Red cedar's encroachment impacts Black farmers disproportionately in Oklahoma, even as it undermines broader USDA conservation goals and ability to adapt to climate change. As such, this case study illustrates the shortcomings of Farm Bill Conservation Title programs to address ecological issues across the landscape—shortcomings that hinder farmers' ability to carry out long-term adaptation and mitigate risks. Conversely, we show how the work of Oklahoma Black Historical Research Project, Inc. and the Rural Coalition has been vital allies in Black farmers inter-related struggles against racial injustice and red cedar. Thus, we argue community-based organizations have a pivotal, but under-supported, role to play in the shaping and application of farm bill programs and funds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the history of the 'Butleng' commonage in the Free State, South Africa. Commonage is municipally owned land available for public use. The post-apartheid government provided grants for the purchase of commonage to assist poor township residents and to provide a 'stepping stone' for emerging Black farmers. This article outlines how plans for collective control and use of the commonage have been overwhelmed by individual accumulation strategies, which illustrate tensions within the township, notably class differentiation and gendered claims to economic resources. An emerging township elite, centred on the batho ba sebeletsang mmuso (those who work for government), quickly prevailed over attempts by the baruri ba kgale (old rich/influential) township residents and White officials to implement a managed commonage programme. Plans for managed grazing were scuppered when fences across much of the area were cut, allowing uncontrolled access. Competition for land saw women pushed aside, with land allocated for horticultural projects overrun by cattle owners. An occupation of commonage land for stands (allocated spaces for residential buildings), primarily by backyard shack dwellers, posed a direct challenge to the authority of the African National Congress-run municipality and the squatters were evicted. Some parts of the commonage have, for complex reasons, remained fenced and are therefore assets available for individual farming. Attempts to maintain public control over these fields or camps have also failed, with occupational titles/rights opaque and linked to connections within the local state. The failure to manage or develop the commonage collectively has resulted in a process of creeping privatisation. Attempts to democratically organise communities for sustainable development have proved no match for individualistic accumulation strategies championed by interest groups formed around new configurations of power. The article underlines how the transformation of South African society, including land reform, needs to take cognisance of the sociological terrain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First paragraphs: In 1962, Ms. Fannie Lou Hamer traveled to the county seat in Indianola, Mississippi, in order to register to vote. This wasn’t her first time and it wouldn’t be the last. Although she had been warned with threats of violence and threats of death, she was determined to continue until she was able to exercise her right to participate in electoral politics. Upon her return to the Marlow Plantation, the plantation owner, W.D., confronted her. She had been a dedicated employee for 18 years as a share­cropper, time- and recordkeeper, cook, and domes­tic. He told her to withdraw her application for voter registration or leave. Her home, as paltry as it was, was a condition of her employment and that of her husband, Pap. Like many African Ameri­cans, she faced homelessness and joblessness as the price of political participation. She must have feared with good reason that she would be lynched...

Abstract: Agrarianism is important in the American mythos. Land represents both a set of values and a store of wealth. In this article, we ask how land matters in the lives of rural, southern, Black farmland owners. Drawing on 34 interviews, we argue that, since the end of slavery, land has continued to operate as a site of racialized exclusion. Local white elites limit Black farmers’ access to landownership through discriminatory lending practices. At the same time, Black farmland owners articulate an ethos in which land is a source of freedom, pride, and belonging. This we term “Black agrarianism.” They cultivate resistance to the legacies of slavery and sharecropping and contemporary practices of social closure. These Black farmland owners, then, view land as protection from white domination. Thus, we demonstrate how landownership is a site for the re‐creation of racial hierarchy in the contemporary period while also offering the potential for resistance and emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blacks have been farming in the USA for about four centuries and in Michigan since the 1830s. Yet, for blacks, owning and retaining farmland has been a continuous challenge. This historical analysis uses environmental justice and food sovereignty frameworks to examine the farming experiences of blacks in the USA generally, and more specifically in Michigan. It analyzes land loss, the precipitous decline in the number of black farmers, and the strategies that blacks have used to counteract these phenomena. The paper shows that the ability of blacks to own and operate farms has been negatively impacted by lack of access to credit, segregation, relegation to marginal and hazard-prone land, natural disasters, organized opposition to black land ownership, and systemic discrimination. The paper examines the use of cooperatives and other community-based organizations to help blacks respond to discrimination and environmental inequalities. The paper assesses how the farming experiences of blacks in Michigan compare to the experiences of black farmers elsewhere. It also explores the connections between Michigan’s black farmers, southern black farmer cooperatives, and Detroit’s black consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Zimbabwe, land has always been a visible index of racial domination and oppression. Following independence in 1980, the redistribution of white property to black farmers emerged as one of the most contentious battlegrounds for refiguring citizenship and nationhood. This article explores how white farmers in a small community in western Zimbabwe fought to establish claims to belonging as they faced the threat of imminent land reform at the turn of the millennium. Drawing upon Tania Li’s concept of articulation [2000. “Articulating Indigenous Identity in Indonesia: Resource Politics and the Tribal Slot.”Comparative Studies in Society and History42 (1): 149–179], I suggest that farmers constructed themselves both as moral subjects who cared for the environment, and skilled subjects with the technical know-how to safeguard and maximise the country’s resources. In the absence of claims to indigeneity, farmers attempted to offset their own compromised morality by invoking the language of expertise. By examining this intersection between morality and expertise, I argue that white farmers in Zimbabwe brought together logics typically imagined to be distinct as a strategy to claim moral belonging while obscuring the historical and political factors that threatened to void those same claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First paragraph: Reverend Wendell Paris is currently assistant pastor at the New Hope Baptist Church of Jackson, Mississippi. He and his brother George, and George’s wife Alice, were all activists and organizers in the civil rights movement in Alabama and were early leaders of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives (FSC). I was honored to meet him at the FSC training center in Epes, Alabama, and subsequently to interview him. Like his mentor, Fannie Lou Hamer—the legendary civil rights leader of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party—Rev. Paris is deeply committed both to Black civil rights and to farming as a strategy to freedom....

While researchers have extensively studied the growth in the number of small farms between 1982 and 2012 reported in the Census of Agriculture (COA), there has been little discussion of trends among farm operators who do not sell any agricultural products. Using previously unreleased COA data collected between 1982 and 2012, this research empirically examines these "zero-sales farmers" for the first time. There was a large increase in the number of zero-sales farmers from 104,000 in 1982 to 466,000 in 2012, as well as a remarkable rise in their share of the farming population, from 5 percent in 1982 to 22 percent in 2012. Women and minority farmers were disproportionately likely to be zero-sales operators: at least 30 percent of women, Native American, and black farmers reported no sales in 2012. Older and beginning farmers were also more likely to report zero sales in 2012 than younger and experienced ones, respectively. Zero-sales farmers dramatically influenced recent census data on farm income, farm size, and operator age, among other results, due to their substantial share of the overall population. In order to effectively utilize COA data, practitioners, policymakers, and researchers should include zero-sales farms in their analyses. There are several steps the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) can take to make information about zero-sales farmers more readily available and widely understood, such as introducing a zero-sales category in the census results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I focus on the 1908 book Studies in the American Race Problem, a collection of essays by Mississippi planter Alfred Stone and Massachusetts statistician Walter Willcox, in order to examine the ways in which agricultural industrialization was articulated as a racial project in the early 20th century. Notions of development and competition in agriculture were closely tied to plantationist racial conceptions, and Studies in the American Race Problem evidences the articulation of white supremacist racial conceptions with liberal statistical practices which examined race as a population-level phenomenon. This agrarian epistemology, articulated as the interplay of individual racial deficiency and population-level demographics, provides evidence of an anti-Black investment in the notion of industry. Acknowledging anti-Blackness in the very genealogy of agro-industry, I suggest, provides a means to better understand subsequent agricultural development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the scholarship on the work and legacy of activist Fannie Lou Hamer concentrates on her tireless efforts for civil/human rights and African American representation and access to electoral politics. This article brings to light an important project she started in 1969, Freedom Farms Cooperative (FFC) in Sunflower County, MS. An agricultural cooperative built on 680-acres, Freedom Farms included a pig bank, Head Start program, community gardens, commercial kitchen, a garment factory, sewing cooperative, tool bank, and low-income, affordable housing as strategies to support the needs of African Americans who were fired and evicted for exercising the right to vote. Freedom Farms offered these sharecroppers and tenant farmers educational and re-training opportunities including health care and disaster relief for those who wanted to stay in the Mississippi Delta. Using a historical method to analyze extensive archival records, this article offers an analysis of Freedom Farms and illuminates valuable lessons on agriculture as resistance, and alternative strategies of rebuilding and investing in sustainable communities. Using the principles of collective and shared ownership, Freedom Farms and the work of Ms. Hamer, offer us important and valuable lessons on rebuilding our communities and investing in sustainable cities around growing food. This article outlines some of these lessons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oakland's Freedom Farmers' Market is more than a venue for food exchange; it is a gathering place for Black cultural expression and economics. More often than not, Black farmers are shut out and even pushed out of mainstream farmers markets. However, fresh food and Black farmers are celebrated at the Freedom Farmers' Market each week. This commentary discusses the critical ways in which this market represents a social discourse about decolonizing our food system. Embedded within this place analysis is also, necessarily, a critique of the dominant places people currently have available for food. The Freedom Farmers' Market has become a model for disenfranchised peoples to take control of their own food system.

"Flying Home" is one of the most successful short stories by Ralph Ellison. It is the story that calls attention of all concerned with the essence of human freedom. "Flying Home" is a story about the effects of racism with Todd as a lead character. Todd, a young pilot, is found injured on the white man's land while flying a plane. The narrative soon unfolds through the flashbacks about Todd's ultimate desire to prove himself by his exultation in flight before the whites. He is rescued by an old black farmer, Jefferson who finally helps him win his inner combat by way of self-elevation instead of seeing through whites' eyes. Ellison has based the story on several of his themes, images, and techniques: themes of racial strife, initiation, and search for identity; bird, wing, and flying imagery, judgmental men and framing, myth, folklore, and distorted, surreal-or magical realism passages. In this story Ellison successfully maneuvers the delicate subject of racism and offers solution to resolve the inner conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oakland's Freedom Farmers' Market is more than a venue for food exchange; it is a gathering place for Black cultural expression and economics. More often than not, Black farmers are shut out and even pushed out of mainstream farmers markets. However, fresh food and Black farmers are celebrated at the Freedom Farmers' Market each week. This commentary discusses the critical ways in which this market represents a social discourse about decolonizing our food system. Embedded within this place analysis is also, necessarily, a critique of the dominant places people currently have available for food. The Freedom Farmers' Market has become a model for disenfranchised peoples to take control of their own food system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article looks at the ways that can be used for the radicalization of the rhetoric of food politics in the U.S. as of January 2015. Topics discussed include complications in the service of food justice, the U.S. Department of Agriculture's (USDA) long-standing discrimination against African American farmers, and racial discrimination against African American farmer.

While the financial plight and credit needs of Black farmers has received limited attention in the literature, Critical Race Theory (CRT) is a novel approach that can contextualize these problems in the US Department of Agriculture (USDA) farm loan programs (FLPs). Using a critical race methodology to interpret 11 semi-structured interviews with Black Michigan farm owners, we investigate experiential perceptions of farm ownership loans. Findings indicate that farmers hesitate to use government farm loans, because of histories of racialized experiences, racial discriminatory lending practices, and non-existent outreach from Farm Service Agency lenders. Farmers' perceptions of racial disadvantage in farm loan acquisition suggest a serious need for greater fairness and better education in the administration of FLPs, as the USDA aims to embark in a new civil rights era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land and agrarian reform has the potential to expand South Africa's rangeland commons and enhance their contribution to the livelihoods of the rural poor, yet to a large extent this has been an opportunity missed. Shifting policy agendas have prioritised private land rights and commercial land uses, seeking to dismantle the racial divide between the white commercial farming areas and the ex-Bantustans by allocating former white farms to black farmers. These agendas and planning models reflect class and gender bias and a poor understanding of common property. If reform policies are to contribute to the reduction of high levels of rural poverty and inequality, then greater recognition of the potential role of livestock production on the commons must inform policy and planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to delineate and evaluate some constraints that the new black farmers in the former white commercial farms face in the backdrop of the contested land reform programme in Zimbabwe. Whereas there was euphoria in the manner the peasants 'occupied' the commercial farms, but the current reality on the ground is pessimistic. The study claims that instead of improving the quality of lives, the new black farmers appear to be literally 'marching forward to the past' in light of the continued challenges. This is how a theology of liberation comes to the fore. Methodologically, the descriptive method used a population sampling of fifty resettled farmers who occupied Congela farm in Kwekwe district. This method was corroborated by the participant observations, questionnaires and interviews as techniques to gather data from the field. This triangulation was necessary to facilitate a holistic picture of resource constraints faced by the resettled black farmers. The study concludes by suggesting some recommendations which might help to promote sustainable development, justice and equality in Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current debate on land reform cannot take place meaningfully without taking into account the historical course of land distribution in South Africa. After having studied the history of land tenure in South Africa, one arrives at the conclusion that land tenure and the segregation of the two main population groups were to a large extent unavoidable. The unequal distribution of land between black and white can be traced back to the earliest years of contact and the different, irreconcilable views of land tenure of that time. Judgement of the events of a hundred years or more ago cannot take place from a modern point of view. Yet, over the years, the authorities made mistakes in the application of the policy of segregation which resulted in friction and conflicts and action by the authorities which the black nations perceived as humiliating. The authorities failed in their efforts to effect peaceful segregation. We need to find a solution to this problem. There are lessons to be learned from what happened in the past and there are lessons to be learned from what happened in other countries where land reform policies were applied. Ever since the current government came into power various suggestions have been made to try to solve the land issue. From the inception of the land reform process, there were those who called for the government first to transfer to prospective black farmers the land already available before taking away land from successful white farmers. In 2008 the cabinet in principle passed a draft bill to enable land expropriation. Consequently, the opposition parties in parliament reacted strongly when the legislation was tabled. By the end of August, it became known that the government had decided to withdraw the bill for the time being. However, everybody realised that this only meant that the bill would not be tabled in the current session of parliament and would possibly be raised again after the next election. After the threat of the proposed expropriation law, the next shock was the announcement that the government was considering to declare all productive agricultural land a national asset. The possibility of 40% sharecropping was also raised. In July 2011 the long-awaited green paper on land reform was made public. In studying this document, one realises that, inter alia, it implies that the state will retain ownership of land transferred to black farmers. These farmers will then hire the land from the state on a land-lease basis. Further, a limit will be imposed on the amount of land a white commercial farmer or company may own. These farmers will, however, keep their ownership and strict limitations will be applied on foreigners' tenure of agricultural land. Apart from negative reaction to this document, there are also those who believe that with certain adjustments this proposal should be seriously considered as a possible solution to the land issue. The problem offair land distribution has actually become more complex than what it ever was because the population has increased drastically and the land has not. Just as the land policy of the successive white governments was a race driven policy, so is the current policy on land reform. The principal motive in the policies of the white governments of the past was to secure the white man's position. The principal objective of the current government is to benefit black people. Land reform in South Africa can only succeed if it is implemented objectively, fairly and honestly, if the provisions of the constitution are complied with, and if there is no deviation from the regulations for the enforcement of the law. Everybody should realise that land reform has to take place, but also that all the citizens of the country, irrespective of race, are entitled to own land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since their emancipation Black farmers have fought to become economically independent and for the right to self-determine the paths of their lives. Land acquisition has been central to this struggle. Impressively, by 1920 Black farmers neared the one million mark and owned roughly 15 million acres of farmland. Yet, in subsequent years their numbers declined at an alarming rate, approaching 50 percent nearly every 10 years during the second half of the Century. Arguably the most united attempt to rectify the racially motivated decline of Black farmers and the loss of Black-owned farmland across America has been the collective support of the classaction lawsuit Timothy Pigford et al., v. Dan Glickman, Secretary, United States Department of Agriculture in 1996. Based on firsthand accounts, primary documents and existing literature, this essay situates an historical recounting of the Pigford case from its historical and grassroots beginnings to the recent signing of Pigford II and the racially and politically motivated accusations against Shirley Sherrod within a theoretical framework of institutional racism. Furthermore, it illustrates that the problems faced by Black farmers are deeply racial, particularly given the unfortunate racist legacy of the US Department of Agriculture (USDA). In our conclusion, we acknowledge factors to deter the growth of young Black farmers in America and highlight those innovative urban and rural farm initiatives that are actively working to redress the decline of the Black agriculture and the agrarian knowledge it holds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent political transformation in South Africa has laid the basis for significant socioeconomic change. This change has included the enzergence of black commercial farmers. Through a case study of the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa (Elliot commercial farming areas), the obstacles and opportunities facing emerging Black commercial farmers were examined. The objective of the paper is to examine the prospects and challenges faced by emerging black commercial farmers in the municipality of Sakhisizwe. To this end, the paper considers the circunzstances of the emerging Black-commercial farmers who benefitted from the local government supportfacility rolled out under the land reform programme. The land reform programme for agricultural development sought to build a class of Black commercial farmers in an attempt to deracialise the agricultural sector and also achieve more comprehensive agrarian reform in rural South Africa. The study established that emerging black commercial farmers in Elliot were engaged in both crop farming and livestock farming. As the paper illustrates, considerable problems confront the agricultural sector. Measures need to be put in place to enhance the existing base and, more importantly, to encourage the participation of this group of farmers given that they had hitherto long been denied access to this primary means of production. The challenges faced by the emerging Black commercialfarmers include lack of marketing opportunities, limited government support and poor networking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scope and meaning of terms like African American Studies, Black Studies, and Africana Studies have evolved continually since the field was established in schools, colleges, and universities in the late 1960s. Discourse about the economic conditions of people of African descent has always constituted an important dimension of the Black intellectual tradition that Africana Studies seeks to preserve and extend. Significant barriers exist, however, to collaboration between economists and Africana Studies specialists. Opportunities to collaborate across the disciplines arise in addressing issues such as hyper- unemployment, pervasive poverty, environmental racism, Black land loss, and the plight of Black farmers. The author suggests that efforts by Africana Studies specialists to understand many of the current dynamics could be enhanced through collaboration with those economists attempting to develop the subfield of stratification economics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1982 report of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, special emphasis has been focused on Black farmers in the United States. Of particular importance has been the crisis surrounding Black-owned land loss. Historically, this decline has been due to take-away strategies such as tax sales, partition sales, and accelerated foreclosures by larger land owners and members of the political establishment. At the same time, these schemes were aided by the fact that the traditional mode of land transfer among Black owners was without a legal document or will. Using survey results from Black farmers from the Black Belt region of South-Central Alabama, this paper: (1) briefly examines the positive influence of land ownership on farmers; (2) discusses land loss and the factors behind this phenomenon; (3) considers the overall risk environments surrounding the issue of land loss and how these environments might affect current and future generations of farmers; and (4) proposes avenues for action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of this article is to investigate the effectiveness of the model used by the South African government to finance emerging black farmers for agricultural development and empowerment. It is widely acknowledged that the South African government spends a vast amount of money attempting to help black community members become commercial farmers. In this article, I argue that those who currently qualify for the funding are mostly farmers with little experience, expertise or interest in agricultural farming. The huge investment spent on such farmers ends up being lost in failed agricultural projects, and the government has not succeeded in finding better alternatives to empower emerging black farmers. Such activities benefit neither the government nor the black farmers intended to be assisted in various areas of the country. The black South African farmers remain agriculturally underdeveloped, while the government on the other hand loses a huge amount of money financing unsuccessful agricultural projects, which potentially threatens future food security. This article is conceptual in nature and uses literature to argue that the financing of emerging black farmers can only succeed if emerging black farmers are financed on basis of experience or ability and interest in farming and that such funding does not exclude potential public and private sector motivated employees who want to access such funding to pursue agricultural farming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]