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Hunger and poverty in Haiti can be seen from the economic problems, political wars, international interference, and the high monetary sum paid for the country's independence in 1825 to France. These conjectures have contributed to the actual situation, a country immersed in political, economic, and social crises. The objective of this article is to analyze the evolving and definitive permanence of hunger from the perspective of external intromissions in Haiti. This article is a theoretical discussion of the essay type. The main ideas used for its construction were the following authors: Fleischmann Ulrich, Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Ricardo Seitenfus. Amartya Sen, Vanessa Braga Matijascic; Susan Stanford Friedman, Frantz Rousseau Déus, Arturo Escobar, Mohammed Ayoob e Jean-Bertrand Aristide. It was concluded that the Haitian people and Haitian institutions must deal with their daily problems without any outside interference and reinforce the commitment to respect the sovereignty of an independent country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes how the social relations of class, race, and gender present in the social formation of South Africa resulted in the constitution of a pigmentocratic system of social welfare. The study is qualitative and it's based on the theory of the consubstantiality of class, race, and gender social relations produced by South African critical sociology. For the survey of corpora, literature review and analysis of official documents were carried out. Documents from the last years of the colonial period up to the year 1996 were analyzed. The study identified that the segregation relations generated a comprehensive system of social welfare oriented towards the social empowerment and social protection of white families. Meanwhile, Blacks, Coloureds, and Asians have become increasingly deprived of rights. Even with the end of apartheid, the South African welfare system continues (re)producing pigmentocracy. It stems from the neoliberal conditions that led the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of RAP: Revista Brasileira de Administração Pública is the property of RAP: Revista Brasileira de Administracao Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to analyze the serophobic content explicit in the publications published in Digital Social Networks in the context of HIV and AIDS in Brazil. This is a qualitative study of the descriptive exploratory type, based on documents. The data obtained were evaluated using the methodology of documentary analysis through Thematic Content Analysis with the aid of NVivo®12 Plus (Windows). A total of 187 codes were generated, subsequently grouped according to the semantics of the words, originating five thematic categories: #LivingWithHIV, #WeNeedtoTalkAboutIt, #WhatISSEROPHOBIA, #SerophobiaIsACrime, and #NoSerophobia. The results showed the main manifestations of HIV and AIDS-related serophobia on social networks. The shared content discussed the difficulties of living with a disease that has social dimensions; the relevance of talking and disseminating content about HIV and AIDS; the elements that make up the stigmatization process and, consequently, structure serophobia in society; the social and civil rights of people living with HIV; measures to combat serophobia in health institutions; and the implications of serophobia in the field of public health.