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This article focuses on the shortcomings and dangers of the recent Home Office consultation paper on prostitution. First, what is certainly missing is an historical perspective by which one can judge what sort of contribution the proposals are attempting to make. The de-contextualization of the proposals may be deliberate or unintentional but the danger is real. Second, we consider what is potential misinformation in the consultation document that risks perpetuating myths associated with prostitution. Here we note the complexity of the assertion that prostitution is dangerous and call for a more realistic understanding of the public health issues. Third, we focus on the potential mismanagement towards which a consultation document of this kind can perhaps unwittingly lead. We point out how models of regulation suggested as solutions in the consultation paper could reinforce measures to displace individuals rather than facilitate safe, consensual commercial sex. Finally, we suggest that the primary mission should in the first instance be the protection of minors rather than a diffuse attempt to tackle prostitution in all its forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article's point of entry is Plate 3 of William Hogarth's print sequence The Harlot's Progress (1732), specifically Hogarth's deliberate, hostile choice of an unframed, titled, small portrait engraving of the Reverend Dr Henry Sacheverell as a 'pin-up' within the harlot's bedroom furniture. The article reappraises and recontextualises Hogarth's choice of Sacheverell, which makes sense in the context of Hogarth's life and work, but which, with Hogarthian irony, is further informed by the subsequent discovery (1747) of Sacheverell's internment alongside a notorious prostitute, given the association of Sacheverell's celebrity and notoriety with his alleged support from London's 'kind shees' and streetwalkers at the time of his trial. This, together with a strong, nascent material consumerist culture, sees Sacheverell anticipating the 'politics out of doors' associated with John Wilkes by 50 years and is a specifically gendered version that has gone largely unexplored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are various ideological positions towards prostitution and its connection with organised crime. It means that the State and non-state responses that support women exiting from prostitution are predominantly governed by law enforcement and/or protection approaches. However, the welfare and development approach receive less attention. This paper presents a working thesis on exiting prostitution and its implications on criminal justice social work. The paper is based on the voices of women attempting to exit prostitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Trafficking in persons, particularly trafficking in women for prostitution, is a troubling crime that violates human rights. This paper aims to delve deeper into the phenomenon of trafficking women for prostitution, the factors influencing this practice, and the efforts that have been made to address this problem. The research method is comprehensive and descriptive, involving literature studies, accurate case analysis, and interviews with various related parties. The results of this study are expected to provide a more complete picture of the problem of trafficking women for prostitution, as well as develop more effective recommendations in the fight against this cruel practice and protect vulnerable victims. Through deeper understanding, it is hoped that concrete action can be taken to end trafficking in persons and restore the dignity of victims caught in this cruel trap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding the determinants of prostitution is key to regulate it. This paper studies the hypothesis that marriage conditions are an economic determinant of female prostitution. I exploit differences in the timing of entry into force of divorce laws across U.S. states to explore the effect of such laws on arrests of female prostitutes. Using a difference-in-difference design, I find that unilateral divorce leads to a reduction of female arrested prostitutes between 5–10%. Results are consistent with the notion that improving marriage opportunities can be a powerful force to deter entry into prostitution for a subset of the population who is inframarginal. Lack of alternatives are key to explain the choice to conduct this activity. To this extent, this work is part of a broader research agenda hinting at improvements in gender equality as a mean for tapering off female prostitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture, Health & Sexuality is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sexual slavery as a phenomenon of war was rampant during the Japanese Imperial Army's occupation of territories before and during the Second World War (1939-1945). These innumerable sex slaves, or "comfort women", as the Japanese Army had named them, were women (a striking number of them being minors) who were forcefully captured and separated from their families and placed at comfort stations built to fulfill the sexual needs of the Japanese soldiers. While this entire system was created on the pretext of reducing wartime rapes and curbing the spread of venereal diseases, these comfort stations did just the opposite. Studies conducted into these comfort stations reveal how they had become sites of inhuman sexual violence, torture, disease, and death. This paper will look at how Jing-Jing Lee's historical fiction How We Disappeared (2019) rewrites these innumerable, nameless, brutalized women into the world's history as victims of a bloody war that had tainted unassuming lives and had snuffed out their existence ruthlessly. Lee's narrative is scarred by violence committed along gendered lines -- illustrating the reduction of the female body to a disposable sexual tool, existing merely to bear the brunt of a war that was not theirs. This paper decodes the politics of gender violence behind Japan's enforced and licensed prostitution, the nature of sexual violence, the commodification of women's bodies, the place of women in the socio-cultural context of the era, and the gendered role of women, in what was quintessentially men's war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Modern Italy is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nursing Perspectives / Ošetřovatelské Perspektivy is the property of Silesian University in Opava, Faculty of Public Policies in Opava and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: The debate about prostitution within Spain's feminist movement has recently, and recurrently, been transferred to the social and political sphere, but without arriving at a clear and shared position. The aim of this research is to verify the characteristics of those who are in favor of banning prostitution in Spain and to what extent there are differences between men and women. Methods: To do so, we will use our own collected data during 2022 through a prestigious social research company, 40 dB, and by applying advanced statistical techniques—Logit model. Results: The analysis illustrates three types of profile. The first one depicts the prohibitionist's supporter profile in general terms. The second and the third ones demonstrate how women and men share similarities but also underlying differences, showing how women are more inclined than men to the prohibitionist approach. Conclusions: This paper comes to validate, once again, most of the previous theoretical supported evidences, but not the religious element as a defining variable for being a banning supporter. The data also shows the possible consensus of those surveyed on this issue across different political parties. Policy Implications: The implications of all kinds that arise around prostitution generate different public perceptions about its existence and practice, with its prohibition being one of the most important issues on the Spanish public agenda in recent months. This article depicts how the Spanish society positions itself in this policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the legalization or decriminalization of prostitution impacts healthcare and social stigmas about to prostitution in the United States. Some feel that laws against prostitution do more harm than good. In the past, due to social stigmas, there was little focus on the health and legal needs of prostitutes. Many people oppose prostitution because they feel it is immoral or think it degrades and victimizes women. Because prostitution usually involves consensual behavior, some scholars say it should not be illegal in a society that values a right to privacy [1]. The public health industry has placed disproportionate attention on sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV, syphilis, or gonorrhea [2]. Unfortunately, prostitutes face issues that are only indirectly related to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Due to lifestyles, prostitutes are likely to suffer from mental health and substance abuse issues. Furthermore, prostitutes are likely to suffer physical abuse on the job as they operate under unsafe conditions with few legal protections [3]. Moreover, health issues such as heart disease, cancer, COVID, and other common illnesses do not discriminate based on profession, impacting farmers, teachers, athletes, and prostitutes alike. This paper will examine the legal issues and those concerning access to quality healthcare for prostitutes. The paper will additionally introduce the potential recommendation in the access and quality of care. Lastly, debating if the legalization of prostitution may improve the health and legal issues and potentially improve the quality of life for this portion of the population. However, for this paper acknowledges males and females engage in this line of work. For this paper, the focus will be on females within the industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1928, the Committee of Fourteen, New York City's leading private antivice organization, employed a black teacher to conduct a five-month undercover investigation of Harlem's nightlife. It had been ten years since the committee had subjected the neighborhood to such intensive surveillance. Typically explained as the result of racism, that neglect also reflected white investigators' increasing inability to gather information in Harlem. This article explores the work of investigators and the racial dynamics of undercover investigations to show how those difficulties grew from the congregation of waves of new black migrants in the neighborhood and, as Prohibition drew whites to Harlem, blacks' retreat into private spaces, buffet flats, for their leisure. It uses the rich snapshot offered by the black investigator's reports to reveal how, in the 1920s, black prostitutes, rather than being successfully regulated, blended into these new black spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is based on an empirical socio-legal analysis of criminal court case files concerning the abuse of prostitution in Slovenia. Based on the theoretical framework developed by Petra Östergren, the authors analyse whether the Slovenian regulatory system on sex work is repressive, restrictive or integrative. The paper explores how the courts define “abuse” and “exploitation” of prostitution,1 how the p articipation of third parties in sex work activities is dealt with by the courts, how the vulnerability of sex workers is treated, and how the existence of consent is considered before the courts. The paper examines the files for moral arguments, stereotyping, and stigmatisation, as well as references to occupational risks in the field of sex work and sex workers’ rights. In the conclusions the authors argue that in Slovenia the characteristics of the restrictive model, with elements of both repressive and integrative, prevail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Collected Papers of the Faculty of Law in Split / Zbornik Radova Pravnog Fakulteta u Splitu is the property of Split Faculty of Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Independent" sex work outside red light areas in big cities in developing countries is an understudied phenomenon. Through a survey of independent sex workers in Delhi, India, this paper sheds light on the governance of independent prostitution. It shows that in the sex work industry, which is informal in nature and faces a complex legal architecture, regulatory intermediaries (RIs) drive both regulation and responsibilization strategies. On behalf of the state, the police act as regulatory intermediaries, implementing hierarchical regulation. In red light areas, sex workers' collectives and solidarity networks operate as RIs on behalf of workers. But in independent sex work, it is pimps who act as intermediaries for workers, driving their responsibilization strategies. Independent sex workers take up the services of pimps even though they charge hefty fees, in large part because pimps can negotiate their protection from the police. I examine several characteristics of the relationships between prostitutes, pimps, clients, and the police, and refine the RIT model of regulatory intermediaries (Abbott et al. 2017) in the context of prostitution in a developing country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human rights groups in the Philippines built on the momentum of the United Nations Anti-Trafficking Protocol to address precarious and feminized labor. This paper examines how care has been conceptualized and practiced by Philippine anti-trafficking and women's rights groups in relation to domestic workers and sex workers. Based on ethnographic research with Filipino sex workers, and a critical historiography of the campaigns for legislation on domestic work, trafficking, and sex work, this paper demonstrates that the contrasting approaches to domestic work and sex work construct certain types of income-generating activities as 'labor' and others as 'abuse', and reify a hierarchy of work, with domestic work seen as virtuous and sex work as stigmatizing. This increases the precarity of sex workers and inadvertently normalizes exploitation in other feminized work by positioning prostitution as their 'always worse Other'. It also shows that by seeking to induce a 'sympathetic shift' through redefining sex work as victimhood, women's rights groups have re-inscribed the distinction between 'good' and 'bad' women, and entrenched sex workers' exclusion from political life. Secondly, this paper proposes that anti-trafficking groups consider sex work alongside other forms of intimate labor and support interventions focused on workers' rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]