Search

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to evaluate the state of Greek-Turkish relations in light of recent developments in the reconfiguration of Turkish foreign policy. Following twenty years of détente and relative calm in bilateral relations, the year 2020 witnessed two escalations in Greek-Turkish relations, one in March involving refugees and immigrants on the Greek-Turkish land border and another in August involving military vessels of the two countries. The refugee crisis and potential military conflict regarding energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean have raised tensions at a moment the political and institutional tools for the promotion of conflict resolution between Greece and Turkey linked to Turkey's EU membership perspective appear to be obsolete. This paper seeks an answer to the question of whether structural or ideational factors played the most prominent role in the recent escalation of the Greek-Turkish disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores football as a national security threat for the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). It reveals how a 2013 FIFA (Fédération Internationale de Football Association) initiative to reunify the Greek-Cypriot and the Turkish-Cypriot football associations failed to reach its target because it was considered an imminent threat to TRNC's national security. The substance of the threat according to the country's leaders was that international football recognition via a Turkish-Cypriot's membership to the Greek-Cypriot football association would imply their submission to Greek-Cypriot institutions when the nationalist line calls for a struggle to independently gain full international recognition in both sports and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the change and continuity in the Turkish policy toward Cyprus since the de facto partition of the island in 1974. The exploration of the relationship between Turkish nationalism and foreign policy toward Cyprus suggests that the language of Turkish nationalism regarding the Cyprus question has been far from monotonous. It is shown that the period coinciding with the coming of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in 2002 in particular was a critical juncture which opened up the discursive space for the re-articulation of the 'Cyprus problem', legitimising efforts in relation to reunification. Yet the partial nature of the discursive shift and the absence of a complete paradigmatic change—explained here with reference to structural and historical features of the Cyprus problem as well as the contingent nature of the European Union (EU) membership prospects—has meant the return of the well-entrenched narratives on the conflict and national identity. Also revealing the ways in which Turkish Cypriots have responded to such changes in policy and rhetoric from Ankara, the paper aims to complement existing accounts of trans-border nationalism in conflict and post-conflict settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are the leading causes of disease burden and mortality at the European level and in Cyprus. This research was conducted to map the research activities of Cypriot institutions in five NCDs, namely oncology, cardiovascular diseases, diabetes, mental health and respiratory conditions.Methods: For the period 2002-2013, research in Cyprus was assessed on its biomedical outputs and compared to the rest of Europe relative to their GDP. The research output in the five NCDs was obtained and contrasted to their respective disease burdens. The results from each of the five NCDs showed the amount of cross-country collaboration with other researchers from other European countries and from the rest of the world, and the research level of the papers on a clinical to basic scale. For each NCD field the research application was assessed, whereas for oncology the research type was also assessed. Information was collected on the development of clinical guidelines, on Cypriot newspapers reporting on medical and policy documents and advisory committees' output as well as research and funding organisations available in Cyprus, for potential evaluation of impact in health policy on the five NCDs.Results: Cypriot biomedical research output appeared appropriate in volume compared with its wealth and the expected value from a regression line for other European countries. However, it was focused particularly on the molecular mechanisms of transmittable or hereditary diseases, rather than on the five NCDs. Cyprus performs well in palliative care, which receives funding from several local charities and other non-profit organisations. Cyprus has the highest relative burden from diabetes in Europe, but the subject is largely neglected by researchers. Similarly, it suffers more from mental disorders than most of the rest of Europe, but the amount of research is relatively small. Respiratory conditions research is under-funded and under-researched too.Conclusions: The biomedical research portfolio in Cyprus is adequate in volume, but not well fitted to its pattern of disease. The means whereby research can be used to improve healthcare in the country are also unsatisfactory, although the Ministry of Health is now developing a comprehensive plan which will include the development of clinical guidelines and proposals for the evaluation of how healthcare is delivered on the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the domestic and international politics shaping the Cyprus Conflict between 1967 and 1974. Throughout the period investigated by this paper, Archbishop Makarios tried to preserve the Cypriot independence, integrity and sovereignty by withstanding the terrorist activities of Greek Cypriot paramilitary groups, local autonomy demands of Turkish Cypriot leadership and the interventions of Greece and Turkey. The anti-American Greek Cypriot Left sided with Makarios against the Greek Junta. Prior to the 1974 incidents, Henry Kissinger had been informed about the internal and external threats targeting Cyprus. During the 1974 crisis, he was provided sufficient information monitoring the unlikelihood of a Greco-Turkish war. Under these circumstances, the US government supported the federalization of Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper adopts a geohistorical approach in explaining the interactions of the past between Greece, Cyprus and Russia/USSR, within the context of the Eastern Mediterranean, and demonstrates that basic human and political characteristics have barely altered when it comes to today; rather, new colours are being painted to reflect allegedly 'new' circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to survey, analyse and evaluate the rôle of Greece and Cyprus vis-à-vis the security and geo-economic dimension of the Eastern Mediterranean through the lens of integration and regional strategic interests in the region. Despite the enlargement of NATO and the European Union, which have striven to integrate new countries into the Western community, the regional balance of interests has proven to be more unstable than predicted by the proponents of a Westernized and peaceful Eastern Mediterranean. Influenced by the strengthening rôle of Russia and Turkey, as well as by internal structural problems in the social, political and economic spheres, the Hellenic Republic and the Republic of Cyprus find themselves in a maelstrom of different and often conflicting regional interests, over which they have only minimal control. Developments are likely to have an impact on not only European integration, but on regional stability as a whole, since it can be argued that the old power structures of NATO and the EU are now having to contend with new regional factors. The article concludes with the observation that the situation in the region is confusing and volatile in diplomatic terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Military Science Review / Hadtudományi Szemle is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses on the efforts of the international community for the solution of the Cyprus problem starting from the 1950s to the present. Using the Cyprus problem as a case study, the paper explores the interaction between the international and constitutional dimensions of the problem. More specifically, it seeks to answer the question as to how and to what extent the international balance of power influenced Greek Cypriots' effort in settling the conflict. By using the theory of patron-client relations, the paper presents the limits and dilemmas that weak states face in implementing foreign policy, especially when they confront regional powers who exert important geopolitical influence on the subsystem they belong to. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to investigate the European Union (EU) impact on the Turkish–Cypriot (TC) political parties via (a) the TC prospects for EU integration as part of a united Cyprus and (b) the recently commenced Brussels–northern Nicosia interaction. In doing so, the paper engages with the discussion on “Europeanization” and argues that the EU integration has affected TC party competition and its outcome. This process of “Europeanization” is importantly mediated by three specificities of the TC community as a case of contested state: (a) the centrality of the Cyprus problem in the public debate, (b) the limited diplomatic recognition of the self-proclaimed TC administration and (c) the TC international isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Hellenic Studies / Etudes Helleniques is the property of Centre for Hellenic Studies & Research Canada-KEEK and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For hundreds of years, the Eastern Mediterranean island of Cyprus has been subjected to the — not always welcome — attentions of external powers, finally gaining some independence from Britain in 1960. Since then, Cyprus has been the object of three international crises, almost leading to war between NATO members Greece and Turkey. Following a Turkish invasion and occupation which continues to the present, tensions have continued, while Turkey continues to occupy over one-third of Cyprus, an EU member, while trying itself to gain entry to the organisation. Papers released by British government departments in January 2008 reveal the following: an increasingly submissive yet tetchy attitude in British foreign policy formulation vis-à-vis American pressure (mainly Kissinger) on Britain not to leave Cyprus; the question of the USA financing the British bases; British government criticism of Turkey's perceived intransigence in finding a solution to the Cyprus conundrum; British government criticism of Turkey's position on its continental-shelf dispute with Greece; Britain's strong support for Turkey's European aspirations, flying in the face of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Cyprus' recommendations; past and future President Clerides' seeming contentedness with the British military presence on Cyprus; and a marked difference between French and British views. The article concludes that the British government submitted to US demands and suggests that Cyprus remains a cat's paw of big-power politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An extrapolation, analysis and evaluation of papers recently released by the British government suggest that, backstage, the British and US governments condoned Turkish military objectives in Cyprus, at least to the extent of agreeing to take no serious action to dissuade Turkey from invading. The papers suggest British government foreknowledge of Turkey's objectives; Henry Kissinger's express delaying tactics to afford Turkey more time to consolidate its invasion; French anger at the Foreign Office for not providing them with information; British concern about a future Greek government turning to the French for support; and the British government's desire to give up its military territories in Cyprus. Overall, the picture which emerges is that the Wilson government gave in to Henry Kissinger's policies. It appears clear that Britain, despite its responsibilities and initial misgivings about Turkey's behaviour, gave the lead to the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduces a paper about the role of the European Union (EU) in Turkish-Greek disputes. Reason for conducting such research; Oft-repeated argument that Europeanization processes in EU candidate and member states will lead to the resolution of territorial disputes among them in a win-win framework; Argument that both the EU as an institution and the EU accession process as a mechanism have fallen short of becoming conducive to the resolution of the Turkish-Greek disputes, particularly over Cyprus.

Tensions are on the rise in the Eastern Mediterranean, calling for a careful understanding of the motivations behind the foreign policies of small and large states in the region. This article explores the motivations behind the Republic of Cyprus and Turkey's foreign policies and their implications for conflict dynamics, illustrating the complex relationship between soft balancing and the prospects for conflict resolution, considering the spatial dynamics of multi-party conflicts. It argues that the Republic of Cyprus' and Turkey's changing responses influenced the very conflict itself, by pulling in more actors and thereby expanding its spatial scope. This topic has implications for the study of frozen conflicts, transatlantic security, and peace and stability in the Eastern Mediterranean region and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historyczne is the property of Polska Akademia Nauk, Warszawska Drudkarnia Naukowa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides a theoretical background to the interest definition of the EU in dealing with the Cyprus issue that has implications for regional and global security. The shifting interest definitions of the EU are analysed through neorealist and social constructivist schools of International Relations. It is argued that the European approach to Cyprus is based on strategic priorities, taking into account the geopolitical position of the island in the Eastern Mediterranean context. Since this region faces a turbulent period, EU's relations with its neighbourhood are to be reformed under new conditions. In this regard, the Cyprus issue constitutes a case for understanding the interest identification upon which EU foreign policy is based on. This paper states that while the Eastern Mediterranean region imposes strategic visions over integrative ones, EU foreign policy's efficiency and cohesion is strongly linked to its soft power capacities defined in terms of constructive and cooperative attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the failure of the 2004 UN-led referendum, the entry of a divided Cyprus into the European Union has introduced an unprecedented anomaly within the Union's system. This paper argues that this anomaly entails a complex pattern of contradictions between EU law and the European Union's political perspective on Cyprus that has weakened both EU law and the European Union's conflict-resolution capacity in regard to inter-ethnic relations in Cyprus, Cyprus-Turkish relations and EU-Turkish relations. The enquiry concludes with an exploration of EU strategies for addressing the Cyprus anomaly in a manner that realigns EU law and the European Union's peace-building capacity for the Eastern Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the normativeness of the EU by judging its capacity of creating desirable outcomes through its foreign-policy implementation process. From the 1990s on, the EU has become more visible in global politics as a unique, non-traditional actor using its norms and values as a deliberative force. Nevertheless, its conflict-management patterns, conduct of foreign affairs beyond its neighbourhood, participation in the sustainable-development efforts, fight against the climate change, and attitude towards the global financial crisis have all displayed that the EU is, in fact, not at ease in creating desirable outcomes subsequent to its foreign-policy actions. The failure of the Annan Plan in Cyprus is one of the quintessential examples of the EU's consequence-challenged foreign politics. This paper intends to probe the Cyprus question from the perspective of the EU's normative leadership. Georgia, Central Asia, the Doha Round, climate change, and the global financial crisis are among the topics that will be enquired into here in a similar light. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact of Turkey's EU candidacy process on Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus. In doing that it focuses on the impact of the EU's political conditionality on Turkey's Cyprus policy through the lenses of the Europeanization approach to foreign-policy change. The main argument of the paper is that even though Turkey's foreign-policy objective with regard to Cyprus has not substantially been transformed, the policy strategies, tools and opportunity structures of foreign-policy makers have considerably altered along Turkey's process of Europeanization. The paper, therefore, explores the policy change and continuity in terms of three major historical turning points in Turkey- EU relations in order to analyze the extent to which Turkey's Cyprus policy was influenced by the EU. These turning points are the post-Helsinki period (1999- 2002), the process of accession negotiations (2002-2006), and the post-December 2006, the European Commission's Regular Report on Turkey. In all these periods, the resolution of the Cyprus conflict remained a major foreign-policy challenge for Turkey-EU relations. However, it is evident that Turkey's policy responses to the EU's political conditionality concerning Cyprus have significantly been transformed through Turkey's process of Europeanization, which spans the period from 1999 to 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supported by the EU and the international community, the extraordinary effort of the UN to mediate a settlement of the Cyprus problem before the integration of Cyprus into the EU ended in failure. The two historical highlights that marked the failure of the peace process were the top level talks at The Hague in March 2003 and the Cyprus referendum in April 2004. The purpose of this paper is to explore the role that the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leadership played in derailing the peace effort during these two defining moments in the evolution of the Cyprus problem. The analysis focuses on the polarizing ethno-centric nationalism of the then Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot leaders. But it does so by contrasting the respective nationalism of the leaders to the Europeanizing and peace-enhancing trends that were emerging in Cypriot civil society and Greco-Turkish relations during the crucial period leading to the Hague talks and the Cyprus referendum. From this perspective, the role of the Cypriot leaders during the negotiation process is assessed against the backdrop of Turkey's changed policy on Cyprus and the deepening interethnic rapprochement between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, especially following the lifting of restriction to free movement across the green line in April 2003. The investigation attempts to explore how the stubborn sustenance and strategic reactivation of the legacy of adversarial nationalism, as well as the perpetuation of the mono-ethnic concept of statehood by the Cypriot leaders rendered them practically unwilling and ideologically incapable of recognizing and seizing the greatest historical opportunity for peace in Cyprus in half a century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Turkish-Greek relations are thorny relations, dominated by military intervention on some occasions and the threat of the use of military force at other times. This study came to analyze the principles of both Turkey and Greek foreign policy, shed light on the most important factors that limit Turkish-Greek relations, and present three scenarios for the future of Turkish-Greek relations. To achieve these objectives, the study used a decision-making approach and revealed that Turkish-Greek relations are determined by various contentious issues represented by the dispute in the Aegean Sea, the dispute over the island of Cyprus, the dispute over the continental shelf, the refusal to recognize the Turkish minority in Greece, Athens' harboring of Turkish and Kurdish opponents wanted by the Turkish government, exploratory talks, Greece's strategy in dealing with Turkey, and the exploration for natural resources in the Mediterranean. In light of the determinants of Turkish-Greek relations, the study proposed three Scenarios for the future of that bilateral relation: The first scenario is to maintain the status quo, the second scenario is to improve Turkish-Greek relations, the third scenario is to worsen Turkish-Greek relations. These scenarios are subject to their occurrence in light of developments on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of the Greek community in determining the attitude of Australia to the Cyprus problem. This paper focuses on the influence of the Greek community in Australia for determining the foreign policy of Cyprus. It gives attention to the issues of both government in parliamentarians. The associations during the Hawke Labor Governments in the year 1983 to 1990 are investigated in reference to the Australian foreign policy. The issues on Cyprus foreign policies are different from the rest for the significant role of Greek communities.

This article explores the rationale and modus operandi of Turkey's soft power projection in north Cyprus ['TRNC'] with the aim to better understand its effects on the Turkish Cypriot political and social spheres. The study explores the recorded activities carried out by Turkey's most prominent soft power agencies in north Cyprus and cross-checks findings with field-notes collected from 2018 to 2021. While acknowledging that under AKP's rule, religion, history, and humanitarian ideals have constituted the backbone of Turkey's soft power agenda in areas important to its foreign policy interests, the analysis demonstrates that Turkish soft power does not simply rest on the attractiveness and persuasiveness of its 'message value' alone. Turkey exercises a centrally coordinated and multi-dimensional soft power that capitalizes heavily on dependencies and local vulnerabilities. With the use of subtle and direct forms of coercion and interference, understood as part of a legitimate exchange of 'influence for security', Turkey's soft power content and methodologies have become particularly problematic, as they do not presume the purely voluntary, independent, and co-opting nature of relations between the powerholder and the receptor community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dumlupinar University Journal of Social Science / Dumlupinar Üniversitesi Soysyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Dumlupinar University (Journal of Social Sciences) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper demonstrates how different scientific disciplines can be successfully merged for efficient real life applications. We propose a novel approach to a social science application using artificial intelligence, by suggesting a neural network designto anticipate or predict people’s perceptions regarding the Cyprus conflict and the peace mediation process.Our novel model is based on associating people’s views and thoughts on critical issues related to the conflict together with their anticipation for securing a peace treaty by year 2020. Our database is our own and has been collected through completed surveys by the international relations department students at the Near East University. The obtained digitally-coded values of the entire database as well as the proposed associative neural predicting model can be further used in training and testing the neural model, which certainly waives the way for further research in this rare application area for artificial intelligence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cyprus dispute has preoccupied the agenda of the Turkish diplomacy for almost seventy years. From the mid-1950s onwards, the Cyprus issue in the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs had been upgraded from a desk to its busiest department. Turkish diplomatic bureaucracy had been so much wrapped up in the Cyprus issue that a generation of Turkish diplomats were trained at this diplomatic battlefield. Consequently, they developed a specific policy formulation, which would in time transform Turkey's position towards a more aggressive line. In this regard, this study scrutinizes the role of Turkish diplomats during the most decisive moment of the Cyprus dispute, namely the Turkish military campaign of July 1974. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey's foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of 'geographical imagination'. Cyprus policy has thus reflected the AKP's socio-political vision of a 'Yeni Türkiye' (New Turkey), first articulated nearly a decade ago, in which well-entrenched narratives about national identity and the Cyprus conflict are central. Against this backdrop, Cyprus has been leveraged in the twin interests of AKP survival (boosting incumbency through nationalist appeals) and Turkey's regional power aspirations. The present article offers a timely survey of Turkey's Cyprus policy over a 15-year period from 2002 (when the AKP rose to power) until the failure of the negotiation talks on Cyprus in Crans-Montana, Switzerland in July 2017. In so doing, the article charts the important continuities as well as the key markers of transition in Ankara's policy towards Cyprus under the AKP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intention of the paper is to gain an understanding of the nature and logic of investments by the Republic of Cyprus in embassies and staff for embassies abroad. A statistical model with 179 countries has been used to determine whether attributes thought to be linked with the allocation of resources for foreign policy, are consistent with actual allocations in 2012. The statistical model demonstrates that power and European Union membership play a substantial role in the allocation of Cypriot resources for embassies abroad. Moreover, the statistical models indicate that Commonwealth membership plays no role whatsoever in the allocation of resources in embassies abroad, although there are mixed outcomes for some of the other attributes hypothesised to be linked with the allocation of embassies and human resources overseas. The findings of interviews also give additional insight into other aspects of the allocation of embassies and resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hellenic Studies / Etudes Helleniques is the property of Centre for Hellenic Studies & Research Canada-KEEK and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper compares what the two Cypriot leaders have been trying to accomplish through the peace negotiations with what public opinion on both sides of the island view as acceptable and tolerable. This analysis lays the groundwork in assessing just how far we are from a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus conflict. The author first evaluates the progress accomplished by the two leaders in the peace negotiations since 2008 when the current round of negotiations started. Second, he looks at how far they are today in finalizing a comprehensive peace plan. Third, he assesses where the public opinion on both sides of the UN divide stand vis-àvis a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem. Here, the author identifies the main obstacles confronting a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus conflict. Finally, based on the overall analysis, the author speculates on future scenarios and proposes recommendations for the UN to help bring the conflict to a comprehensive settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hellenic Studies / Etudes Helleniques is the property of Centre for Hellenic Studies & Research Canada-KEEK and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the role the European Union has played in the Cyprus Problem since the EU accession of the Republic of Cyprus in 2004. Its main thesis is that six years of EU membership [and the accession process) are - with respect to the Cyprus Question - littered with false hopes, miscalculations and misperceptions by all main actors. The paper focuses on two aspects that have dominated the relations between the EU and Cyprus: Firstly, it reconstructs the failed attempts of powerful actors within the European Union to overcome Greek Cypriot resistance in its efforts to implement the EU pledge from 2004 to end the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots. Secondly, it examines the repeated attempts of the Greek Cypriots to utilise their EU membership as well as the Turkish aspirations to join the Union in order to press Ankara for concession in the Cyprus Question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both communities in the Cyprus dispute have at different times objected to the intervention of the United Nations when in their view mediatory function was somewhat replaced by more forceful methods resembling arbitration. In 1965, the UN Mediator, Galo Plaza, issued a Report that met outright opposition from Turkey and Turkish Cypriots on the grounds that the mediator had acted as an arbiter. In 2004, the Annan Plan was rejected by the Greek Cypriots feeling that the kind of settlement proposed was an imposition by the outsiders. This short paper aims to assess the intervening role of the UN in Cyprus in respect of peacemaking and peacekeeping from 1964 to the present day. Both the traditional nature of the UN peacekeeping force in Cyprus UNFICYP as well as the oscillating diplomatic efforts of the organisation to bring about a settlement have been discussed. The attitude of the belligerent parties to the UN involvement, their concerns and expectation as well as the influence of the major powers through the organisation to tailor a solution has accordingly been analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The complex interrelations between Cyprus membership of the EU and processes connected with the ongoing attempts to reach a solution of the Cyprus problem are central issues in the contemporary Cyprus political scene and have become issues for the European Union. In this paper it is argued that the main parameters of these issues were set by developments between 1999, with the decisions on Cyprus and Turkey of the Helsinki European Council, and 2004, with the referenda in Cyprus on the Annan Plan. It is argued that accession to the EU was made possible by the processes which were set in train by the Conclusions of the European Council of Helsinki in December, 1999, and that despite the fears and criticisms expressed from many sides, the complex of events and processes form an instance of a degree of Europeanization of a conflict situation. Despite this, accession did not result in a solution of the Cyprus problem. The reasons for this include difficulties connected with the frequently overlooked factors that Turkey only agreed to effective negotiations after the Cyprus accession treaty was signed, and also because of the ongoing survival of the 'acquis' of the intercommunal negotiations since 1974, which seems to have been specifically exempted from Europeanization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the troubled relationship between Greece and the western alliance following the collapse of the military regime in Athens and the invasion of Cyprus. U.S. Congressional reports and the Greek parliamentary proceeding reveal the geopolitical significance of Greece to the western alliance and the frustration of the government in Athens regarding its foreign policy objectives. The Greeks might have questioned the benefits of being part of an alliance; however, it is evident that Greece's diplomatic isolation compelled her leadership to strengthen her links with the western camp. Hence, the present study assesses the attitude of the Greek government toward the Atlantic alliance and the US over the issues of NATO membership and the military installations in Greece and challenges the notion of “independence,” or else the need for detachment from the western alliance. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The island of Cyprus has a multicultural population. Today, besides its native Greek, Turkish, Armenian, Maronite, Latin Cypriot and Gypsy population, it is also the home of Anatolians, who have gradually settled on the island from Turkey since 1974; Pontians who came from Georgia via Greece together with various other immigrants since the 1990s; the Jews; and the British. Despite this diversity, a solution to the Cyprus problem is still under the monopoly of Greek- and Turkish-Cypriot aspirations, with a resolution oriented between either a bi-zonal/bi-communal federation or a liberal democratic unitary state. This paper presents the so far little pronounced 'Other Cypriots': the Armenians, the Maronites, the Latins, the Gypsies as well as the newcomers, the Turkish settlers, the Pontians, the immigrants, and their socio-economic and political problems. In so doing, it aims to draw attention to the necessity of multicultural politics in today's governing policies, and in future settlement efforts of the Cyprus conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the so-called catalytic effects of the European Union's (EU) involvement in the Cyprus dispute between Turkey and Greece and to demonstrate that the promise of the EU has not been so high as some circles have expected it to be. Historical account that highlights the major turning points in the Cyprus policy of EU; Analysis of the major assumptions, on which the catalytic effects of the EU involvement are based.

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article draws on the contents of the Turkish Cypriot Museum of Barbarism and a Greek Cypriot elementary level schoolbook to show how the image of the home, both personal and collective, can be used as an evocative framework for commemorating the conflict on Cyprus. The inherent familiarity of this image, its deep connection to our identities and its ability to evoke feelings of nostalgia and grief, hope and pain, make it a powerful trope around which memories of the many lives lost in the conflict can be constructed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the divisive commemoration of the battle of Erenköy, which has gained significance since the early 2000s in a resignifying of Turkish Cypriot history. Over time, the commemoration has shifted from a triumphalism symbolized in monuments to an act of mourning at the graves of the fallen. We show through this commemoration how actors have repurposed official narratives, deterritorializing them from the terrain of nationalist ideology and its countermemory and reterritorializing them in ways that look similar but are affectively quite different. We argue that this repurposing of the ritual produces an affect of agency among participants that is open-ended and future oriented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview of the security policies, political parameters and international law on the problem of Cyprus. The topics discussed include security as the most significant element in the problem, intent of the interested states in seeking settlement to safeguard their policies and strategic interests, and the different possible forms in the eventual Cyprus settlement.

This article investigates the impact of the eurozone crisis on the foreign policy of an EU Member State, Cyprus. Drawing on the literature on Europeanization of national foreign policies, it is argued that Cypriot foreign policy, despite the general frustration caused by the financial crisis within broader society, has actually undergone further Europeanization. We show that leadership is a critical intervening variable in this enhanced Europeanization, as well as pointing to the salience of the explanatory mechanisms of social and instrumental learning. The contribution of the article is twofold. It offers an empirical account of contemporary Cypriot foreign policy and contributes to the discussion of the impact of the Eurozone crisis on national foreign policy. Both, we contend, remain relatively neglected topics in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until quite recently, both the Cypriot people and the island's mainstream media were very supportive of the European Union (EU). This support was largely associated with conceiving the EU as security against a hostile neighbour (Turkey) as well as a space where both national and personal economic prosperity could be sought under favourable conditions. However, support levels have declined considerably in the last several years. The article addresses the way that the Cypriot public and the print media have dealt with the issue of the EU in recent years and especially amidst the severe and ongoing economic crisis. The 2013 bail-in agreement is here identified as a possible ‘game changer’ in the European debate in Cyprus. The variables examined include internal politics and EU decisions regarding Cyprus, focusing on the Eurogroup decisions in March 2013. Utilitarianism seems key to understanding Cypriot patterns of Euroscepticism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article investigates the impact of the European Union ( EU) on the Turkish-Cypriot civil society, pegged to the Europeanization debate. The article contributes to the discussion on Europeanization and the role of the EU in contested states, which remains a neglected topic in the literature. The argument advanced is that a series of factors that relate to the contested statehood of the Turkish-Cypriot case mediate the occurrence of Europeanization and they often contribute to an exceptional EU impact on domestic civil society. In this regard, the Turkish-Cypriot example has strong comparative value for the study of the international role of the EU, the Europeanization of contested states and the importance that the EU places on contacts with civil society, as an alternative avenue to relations with states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Turkey's relationship with the European Union (EU) against the background of the latest Turkish parliamentary elections in June 2011. The main argument is that Turkey's European transformation at home and abroad will continue under the third term of the Justice and Development Party rule, yet Turkish rulers will increasingly find it difficult to put EU membership issue at the center of this process. At present, it appears that neither is the EU eager and flexible as to offer Turkey credible membership prospects nor is Turkey's ruling party maintaining the same degree of commitment to the EU as it had during its first term in government. Rather than the dynamics of the accession process, the growing need to find a solution to the decade-long Kurdish dispute in a liberal-democratic fashion as well as Turkey's ability to deal with the rising foreign and security policy challenges in the context of the Arab Spring will shape Turkey's European transformation in years ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]