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Copyright of China Pulp & Paper is the property of China Pulp & Paper Magazines Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This document is an introduction to a special issue of the journal "Chinese Economy" that focuses on the comparisons and connections between the Chinese economy and Latin America. It provides summaries of several papers included in the special issue. The papers cover topics such as the importance of Sino-Latin American trade for economic growth, China's role as a major lender in Latin America, and the differences in China's approach to South America and Mexico due to the United States' influence. The article also discusses the impact of China on trade relationships with Mexico and various Latin American countries, highlighting the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) as a factor that makes Mexico different from other Latin American economies from China's perspective. The article concludes by emphasizing the role of government policies in shaping these trade relationships and suggesting further research on the spillover effects of government decisions. [Extracted from the article]

As an important recyclable and reusable resource, waste paper is traded in millions of dollars around the world every year. Global waste paper trade not only addresses resource scarcity issues, alleviates environmental pressures and brings substantial economic gains, but also contributes to the development of global circular economy. Using complex network methods, bilateral waste paper trade data, and temporal exponential random graph models (TERGM), we construct global waste paper trade networks (GWPTNs) during 2000–2018, and examine their structural evolution and determinants. We report that: (I) GWPTNs display obvious features of small-world network, low reciprocity, heterogeneity and disassortativity; (II) Asia is the leading recipient of global waste paper, while Europe and North America are the main exporters; (III) China and India dominate the waste paper import markets while the United States is the largest exporter, and Germany plays an essential role in both importing and exporting hubs of waste paper; (IV) The evolution of the GWPTNs is significantly influenced by endogenous reciprocity, transitivity and preferential attachment, and economies with more partners or within the same continents are more likely to trade waste paper. Economies with higher urbanization rates, more per capita income, stricter environmental regulation, or lower industrialization rates are more likely to export waste paper; conversely, they are more likely to be the importers. Economy-pairs sharing a language or religion, being a former colony of the same colonizer, historical colonial relationship or a border, or signing regional trade agreements are more likely to trade waste paper. • Global waste paper trade networks (GWPTNs) in 2000–2018 are established. • GWPTNs show the features of small-world network, low reciprocity, heterogeneity and disassortativity. • Asia is the leading recipient, while Europe and North America are the main exporters. • China and India dominate import markets, and the US is the largest exporter. • Key factors influencing waste paper trade are revealed using the TERGM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reciprocal trade agreements (RTAs) have proliferated rapidly in Asia in recent years, an unprecedented phenomenon in a region in which state-led institution-building efforts were largely unsuccessful during the Cold War years. In this article, we investigate the qualitative provisions of RTAs in Asia, focusing on agreements that are professedly geared toward trade liberalization through reciprocal exchanges of trade concessions. We build on the concept of credible commitment--that states "tie their hands" through international agreements and thus signal strong commitment to trade liberalization. We argue that a broad range of agreement provisions will affect an RTA's ability to achieve its primary objective: trade liberalization. We present a coding scheme that measures the strength of a wide variety of provisions in the legal texts of RTAs. Using quantitative analysis, we analyze the impact of various components of Asia's RTAs on participants' trade flows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Note explores the debate about public access to information—specifically, documents—related to the ongoing negotiation of international trade agreements. As regional and multilateral trade agreements such as NAFTA and the WTO proliferate, various interests that are not party to the negotiations but are concerned about the orientation and breadth of these agreements have looked for ways to open up and influence the negotiating process. Essential to this campaign are the efforts of public advocacy groups in the United States to gain access to documents exchanged among government negotiators while trade negotiations are ongoing. In 2002, several such groups filed suit in federal court under the Freedom of Information Act, requesting that the United States Trade Representative be directed to hand over documents related to ongoing trade negotiations with Chile. This Note takes account of the legal issues discussed in that case and of the policy issues more generally at stake in this debate, and offers a legal solution that departs from current case law and executive branch practice in an effort to better balance competing concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reviews the theoretical and empirical literature on the impact of regional trade agreements on trade. The empirical literature is arranged based on the econometric methods used to estimate the gravity model. Advantages and disadvantages of each method were highlighted. Papers covering RTAs from Africa, Asia, the Americas, and Europe were reviewed to gain a more representative understanding. The covered empirical literature suggests that the Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimator is more reliable than OLS in estimating gravity models, as it can deal with zero trade flows. The Fixed Effects (FE) approach produces more consistent estimates than the Random Effects (RE) approach when quantifying the effects of RTAs. This is because it allows one to control for the unobserved time-invariant variables. Surprisingly, the covered literature suggests that a great majority of African RTAs generated trade, regardless of the method of estimation used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper underlines the significance of free trade agreements in attracting foreign direct investment and their impact on the operational capacities of local firms in host countries. It argues that free trade agreements do not only eliminate barriers to trade, but they also increase the size of the regional market and improve the business environment, making it more attractive to foreign direct investment, along with all the attributes and spillover effects associated with it. While determining the type of spillover effects of foreign direct investment associated with Oman's trade agreements, this paper uses the Kruskal–Wallis H-test and 438 samples from companies surveyed between 1 August and 31 October 2023 to assess the impact of spillovers on the performance of the surveyed companies. The results reveal that technology transfer, knowledge transfer, labour productivity, product efficiency, capital investments, and job creation have positive effects on the firms' operational capacities, with technology transfer having the highest impact (27%), followed by labour productivity and job creation (18%). The spillover effects are almost the same for company size and percentage of ownership. They also identified manufacturing and tourism as priority sectors and the availability of a skilled workforce as a major challenge. These findings make original contribution to the field as this is probably the first study to produce a firm-level analysis of spillover effects of foreign direct investment and trade agreements in the context of Oman and the wider Gulf region. The paper concludes with practical implications for policy makers when negotiating trade agreements and designing investment policies to optimize spillover effects on the performance of their domestic firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The withdrawal of India from negotiations on the world's largest trade pact, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), in November 2019 was a major setback for proponents of regional economic unity. This paper tries to evaluate India's concerns and also the way forward for India. A review of trade between RCEP countries post-implementation is done to analyze India's stand against joining the block. India decided to opt out of the agreement because of adverse trade balance, impact on the dairy sector, economic slowdown, experience with Free trade agreements (FTAs), China factor, data localization, rules of origin, and the experience of ASEAN countries with Sino-FTA have been some of the factors responsible for this decision. Bilateral trade agreements with Japan, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Korea, Rep.and ASEAN were already in place. So, trade between India and 12 RCEP member countries would not have changed after India's inclusion in RCEP. There was fear of a massive surge in imported manufactures from China and dairy imports from Australia and New Zealand. This paper also evaluates the long-term repercussions of this decision and whether India missed out on becoming part of the global value chain n having greater market access through this block. India's experience following protectionist policies did not yield the desired results in the past. So, an in-depth analysis has been done to validate if India has made a mistake by not joining RCEP or if India's concerns and fears were justified and its regional future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of the study described in this paper is to evaluate the assertion that the Africa Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) is expected to increase economic welfare among its member countries. The paper leverages the cross-sectional variation between least developed countries (LDCs) and non-LDCs to analyse output, trade, and welfare effects of the AfCFTA. The analysis employs a sectoral aggregation geared to detect the most salient features of the manufacturing industries in LDCs. LDCs in Africa face significant structural challenges to long-term development and are susceptible to economic shocks. Even though the World Bank and African Union have taken significant steps in addressing the main LDC challenges, it has not stopped LDC governments from being highly concerned about the rising adjustment costs that the AFCFTA agreement entails. Using data from the Version 10, Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Data Base as well as macroeconomic projections on real GDP, population, physical capital, and labour force for LDC and non-LDC regional aggregations, the paper compares the African economy in 2035 with and without the AfCFTA in place. To this end, the computable general equilibrium (CGE model was used to simulate three scenarios that represent the AfCFTA: a percentage tariff elimination, a 50% reduction of (non-tariff measures) NTMs, and a combination of 97% tariff elimination and a 50% reduction of NTMs across all member states. The empirical evidence provided shows that the economic effects of the AfCFTA rely largely on trade defence instruments such as eliminating import tariffs, reducing non-tariff measures (NTM), and improving trade facilitation as the source of enhancement to welfare. The findings show that the agreement is expected to create an overall welfare gain of $17.7 billion by 2035. LDCs are expected to shift from a previously predominantly agricultural industry towards a more productive textile industry. Meanwhile, non-LDCs strongly shift towards the manufacturing and processed food industry while moving away from textiles. In LDCs, labour and capital significantly increase in textiles while they decrease in the manufacturing industry. In contrast, labour and capital in the non-LDCs increase in the manufacturing industry while reducing in the textile industry, thus allowing factors to reallocate to more productive sectors. As trade barriers are reduced, the price of imports falls, increasing the number of imports due to domestic demand. The results show that the elimination of tariffs has a slightly higher impact on LDCs, while the reduction of NTMs has a more significant impact on non-LDCs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interventions Économiques is the property of Association d'Economie Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Academic literature on the trade-labour linkage has tended to operate within a methodological nationalism that reifies the nation-state as the unit of analysis and treats labour rights as universally applicable. This paper instead starts from the premise that the linkage spotlights certain types of work and worker, resulting in geographically differentiated modes of labour governance. Focusing on the post-Brexit reconstitution of trade policy in the UK and its party political discourse, the paper details how labour provisions were written into free trade agreements, export finance arrangements, supply chain reporting requirements and unilateral preference schemes. Its argument is that these were constructed and contested through distinctions made between leading and laggard states; acceptable and unacceptable exploitation; and desirable and undesirable exploitation – each of which had a spatial politics in shaping where and how labour ought to be governed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In international trade, State interventions often challenge the efficacy of traditional antidumping and countervailing measures under the World Trade Organization (WTO) framework. This article examines the limitations of the Anti-Dumping Agreement and the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM Agreement) in addressing State interventions, such as export taxes, export bans on raw materials, and non-commercial activities by Stateowned enterprises. These interventions pose significant legal and economic challenges in global trade. The article advocates for the potential of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) as practical tools to address these challenges, surpassing traditional legal pathways under the Anti-Dumping Agreement. An analysis of recent WTO disputes demonstrates how PTAs provide targeted disciplines against State interventions that cause market distortions and unfair trade practices. PTAs offer a more rational and equitable approach to managing trade conflicts, avoiding conventional trade remedies' economic irrationalities and protectionist tendencies. The article proposes a strategic shift towards PTAs to fill gaps left by traditional WTO agreements. It highlights the need for a dynamic, adaptable legal framework in international trade that responds to sophisticated State interventions in the global economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global regional trade agreements (RTAs) are experiencing unprecedented rapid development in terms of number and content of provisions, and China's RTAs are no exception. With the increase in the depth of RTA provisions, as an important form of economic and trade relations between countries, investment is bound to be affected. Taking the RTAs signed by China as the research object and using the bilateral foreign direct investment (FDI) data provided by the International Monetary Fund CDIS database and the relevant data from the World Bank RTA text depth database, this paper constructs various indexes to measure the depth of RTA provisions and analyzes the effects of changes in the depth of RTA provisions on inward FDI stocks to China. The study finds that the improvement of all four depth indexes, namely, total depth, core depth, depth of WTO+ provisions, and depth of WTO-X provisions, significantly promotes China's inward FDI stocks. This conclusion still holds after a series of endogenous problem analysis and robustness tests. Further analysis shows that the improvement of the depth of RTA provisions has a relatively greater effect on FDI stocks from developing countries and countries along the "Belt and Road". At the same time, there exists significant heterogeneity in the effects of different RTA provisions on the FDI stocks. The insights that we obtain in this paper enable us to provide policy recommendations for the construction of China's global high-standard free trade agreement (FTA) network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alcohol is the only substance commonly used for intoxication that is not subject to an international agreement regulating its trade in the interest of public health and welfare [1]. In the 1990s, the focus of discussions of global governance of international trade would have been primarily on multilateral agreements on trade in commodities under the World Trade Organization (WTO) umbrella. These three papers are a timely contribution concerning issues in the global governance of alcohol, applying in the specific area of alcohol problems considerations that also arise more generally concerning how trade agreements may deter governments from pursuing public health and welfare interests [24]. [Extracted from the article]

The purpose of this I Special Issue on Access and Allocation in Earth System Governance i is to undertake a decadal analysis of the literature on the subject since 2008, to harvest lessons learnt, to test some of these ideas and to develop theories on governance. Although they apply the access and allocation lens to adaptation, they argue that these terms are less intuitive for the adaptation literature and prefer the notion of climate justice. The final synthesis paper by Gupta and Lebel argues that although in some fields access and allocation may appear to be unintuitive terms, this paired framework enables unpacking socio-ecological justice issues. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyses how the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) supports digital trade and cross-border data flows, while also giving governments the scope to restrict data flows to achieve legitimate regulatory objectives. The USMCA has made significant progress developing rules for digital trade, yet more is needed. In particular, trade policy needs to address the drivers behind the significant growth in restrictions on digital trade by supporting the development of international standards and encouraging international regulatory cooperation as well as good regulatory practice. This paper outlines the key USMCA rules that are applicable to digital trade and analyses what more is needed to support digital trade and data flows consistent with domestic regulatory objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to identify and model barriers to internationalising automotive small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) from emerging market perspectives using the interpretive structural modelling (ISM) approach. Design/methodology/approach: In this paper, 13 critical barriers are identified through an exhaustive literature review and the Delphi method. The ISM tool is then used to establish interrelationships among the identified barriers to expose and discuss the key barriers having high-driving power. Findings: It was found that barriers such as trade agreements and export documentation, exchange rates and material inadequacies were relatively less challenging than the other barriers. At the next level, there are barriers such as supply chain, high international quality standards, legal barriers, skilled labour marketing capacity and information and logistics and infrastructure. Finally, barriers such as government policies, entrepreneurial orientation and technology and finance availability posed the most significant challenge for the internationalisation of Indian SMEs. These barriers warrants immediate and considerable attention. Research limitations/implications: This study developed a model based on experts' opinions, which may be biased and influence the final model as proposed in this study. This research will help the owners/managers of the SMEs and policymakers identify and understand the significance and relevance of automotive sector barriers while strategizing. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first time an attempt has been made to apply ISM methodology to explore the interdependencies among the critical barriers of internationalisation for SMEs of Indian automotive industries. This study will guide the owner–managers management practices to overcome ineffective practices and move towards successful internationalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small-scale cross-border trade is ubiquitous in Africa. This paper uses disaggregated trade data to assess the determinants of the product portfolio of different groups of small-scale traders at the border between Uganda and Kenya. Using a weighted fractional response model, it finds that wheelchair-bound traders have a significantly higher propensity to handle products that are subject to high protection than other traders. This result suggests that border officials discriminate in favor of traders with disability in the enforcement of trade policies or the solicitation of bribes. More generally, the findings question the effective implementation of preferential trade agreements in Africa and call for trade policy reforms to be complemented by targeted measures to reduce the hardship faced by vulnerable groups within the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gravity variables such as distance, adjacency, colony, free trade agreements or language are used to capture the effects of trade costs in empirical studies. By using actual data on trade costs, this paper decomposes the overall effects of such variables on trade into those through three gravity channels: duties/tariffs (DC), transportation-costs (TC), and dyadic-preferences (PC). As opposed to the existing literature where gravity variables act like supply shifters (through DC and TC), this paper empirically shows that they act like demand shifters (through PC). Regarding policy, it is implied that welfare-improving globalization cannot be achieved only through reductions in direct costs such as duties/tariffs or transportation costs; it is rather the globalization itself that should be promoted in order to shift the preferences of destination countries toward international products and thus reduce indirect trade costs. The results are further connected to several existing discussions in the literature, such as welfare gains from trade and the distance puzzle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper assesses the ex‐post trade effect of sub‐regional trade agreements (RTAs), financial integration and other non‐tariff barriers on intra‐regional trade involving 43 Sub‐Saharan Africa (SSA) countries. The objective is to find out if RTAs within SSA had increased trade flows to inform current efforts of establishing a successful continental free trade area in SSA. Estimating a gravity model augmented with measures of trade agreements and financial integration, the paper made use of bilateral trade flows and key gravity covariates from CEPII database over the period 1960–2015. After controlling for the endogeneity of the trade agreement dummy, multilateral price resistance and zero‐valued trade flows, we find RTAs within SSA and especially among Economic Community of West African States and Southern Africa Development Community members to have had a positive and significant impact on bilateral trade. Financially integrated trading partners also traded more, while we also found distance, landlockedness, common currency and colonial link to have an impact on trade costs and bilateral trade flows within SSA. The results indicate the need to focus on policies to expand and integrate regional markets in SSA by removing impediments to trade and improving on trade facilitation measures to significantly improve trade performance under the newly established African Continental Free Trade Area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics of mild coffee trade during the term of the International Coffee Agreement, focusing on Costa Rica as a case study. We aimed to verify the influence of the agreement on coffee exports and understand its impact on the exports of high-quality coffee. To compare the influence of the coffee agreement on the trade performance of high-quality coffee producers with that of producers specializing in coffee of similar – or lower – quality, we also included exports of Brazilian coffee (low quality) and Colombian coffee (high quality) in the sample. We focused on analysing commodity trade agreements in the second half of the twentieth century and, simultaneously, on the drivers of coffee exports based on a gravity equation consistent with international trade models. Our findings allowed us to conclude that the International Coffee Agreement gave rise to few benefits for 'Other Milds' countries such as Costa Rica and greater benefits for 'Colombian Milds' countries such as Colombia, at least in its early versions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the textile trade data of 66 countries along the Belt and Road from 2001 to 2020, this paper uses the social network analysis method to measure the network centrality, uses the block model method to investigate the competitive and complementary relationship of textile trade among countries along the Belt and Road, and uses the QAP method to analyze the structure of textile trade network and its influencing factors. The results show that since the implementation of the "Belt and Road" Initiative, the density of textile trade network has increased significantly, and the network presents an obvious core-edge structure. China has always been in the center of textile trade network. Before and after the "Belt and Road" Initiative is put forward, core countries such as China, India and Thailand changed from internal sector to two-way overflow sector, and textile trade competition existed among core countries. The influencing factors on the textile trade network of countries along the Belt and Road are, in descending order, economic scale, regional trade agreements between countries, population scale, cultural proximity and geographical distance. Based on the research conclusions and combined with the textile trade network pattern of the Belt and Road countries, this paper puts forward relevant policy suggestions to promote high-quality development of textile trade between China and "The Belt and Road" countries from the perspective of social network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes and probes the plausibility of a framework to explain how business associations position themselves politically as trade-related sustainability obligations get stronger. An analysis of the submissions of EU business associations during a consultation on trade and sustainability indicates that firm-level and organisational characteristics explain well trade associations' political cleavages. The paper can provide new insights to help understand a major development in the EU and beyond. The EU is passing through an unprecedented shift in its approach to trade and sustainability as it is likely to rely on legal sanctions to enforce sustainability commitments in trade agreements. Understanding the position of EU business interests in that process is relevant to project the consequences of such shift. Besides, as sustainability provisions in trade agreements get stronger, associations may play an ever-important role in promoting their members collectively or in shielding them from reputational costs. Understanding their political positioning is thus key to understanding the very politics of trade and sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global data divide has emerged as a major policy challenge threatening equitable development, poverty alleviation, and access to information. Further, it has polarised countries on either side of the data schism, who have often reacted by implementing conflicting and sub-optimal measures. This paper surveys such policy measures, the politics behind them, and the footprints they have left on the digital trade or electronic commerce rules contained in free trade agreements (FTAs). First, this paper details an understanding of what constitutes the global data divide, focusing on three components, namely access, regulation, and use. Second, the paper surveys electronic commerce or digital trade rules in FTAs to understand whether existing rules deal with the widening data divide in a comprehensive manner and, if so, how. Our primary argument is that the existing FTA disciplines are deficient in addressing the global data divide. Key problems include insufficient participation by developing countries in framing digital trade rules, non-recognition of the data divide affecting developing countries, and lack of robust and implementable mechanisms to bridge the data divide. Finally, we present a proposal to reform digital trade rules in line with best practices emerging in FTA practice and the main areas where gaps must be bridged. Our proposals include enhancing technical assistance and capacity-building support, developing a tailored special and differential treatment (SDT) mechanism, incentivising the removal of data-related barriers by designing appropriate bargains in negotiations, and boosting international regulatory cooperation through innovative and creative mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Relations / Medzinarodne Vztahy is the property of University of Economics in Bratislava, Faculty of International Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose – This paper presents an analysis of the influence of "Joint Environmental Policy-making" (JEP) in the operation of the company Smurfit Kappa (SK) in The Netherlands, Austria and Denmark (NL&AD). The paper aims to answer the question: to what extend has different levels of jointness and voluntariness of cardboard packaging-chain agreements between federal, governmental and business actors led to different recycling performances within the same company? Design/methodology/approach – JEP's analysis was framed under the model described by Mol, Volkmar and Liefferink by using information from mixed-methods throughout a semi-structured questionnaire for interviews and revision of relevant secondary data. This is a case of cross-national comparison for which origin and implementation level of JEPs were described per country, in accordance with those stages of the cardboard production chain. Findings – Jointness and voluntariness amongst other actors from governmental areas and business ranked high for the Dutch packaging-chain agreements with a visible impact in SK's recycling rates. SK in Austria and in Denmark, in this order, had a lower implementation level of JEPs which could be reflected in a lower recycling performance than in the Dutch SK subsidiaries. The context matters, including both political and social conditions. In particular, the role of householders as a last link in the recycling chain. Based on this, the selected countries share some societal characteristics associated with the environmental public awareness and active social participation. Originality/value – This paper fulfills an analysis of how environmental policy making is affected by the country context within the same company. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Social Research / Turkiye Sosyal Arastirmalar Dergisi is the property of Turkish Journal of Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The primary objective of this article is to interrogate Sino-Africa Relations and questions if Africa a passive receiver of both Chinese and Western influence? This paper is divided into four sections. The first section of the paper outlines the African Continental Free Trade Agreement. It is followed by a discussion of the political factors, driving Africa's desire for greater integration. The second section explains the potential trade impacts of the AfCFTA on African states and illustrates the rationale and appetite for the AfCFTA. Section three examines bilateral relations with third-parties, with a focus on China, speculating about the future of Sino-African trade relations and the AfCFTA. Finally, section four concludes the study. The discussion and findings suggest the following. Firstly, that African officials perceive the role of China in a positive light, and China is seen as a fellow developing country. Secondly, African leaders laud China for its contribution to the growth of African nations. Thirdly, however, China is criticized for poor working conditions, China is seen to negotiate unfair deals and for some scholars China perpetuates the neo-colonial relationship and, in some countries, there have been violent protests against China. This study encompassed a qualitative, exploratory approach, which relied heavily on both primary and secondary sources of data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Judges march at times to pitiless conclusions under the prod of a remorseless logic which is supposed to leave them no alternative. They deplore the sacrificial rite. They perform it, none the less, with averted gaze, convinced as they plunge the knife that they obey the bidding of their office. The victim is offered up to the gods of jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a modified gravity model to investigate the effects of rules of origin (RoO) on 61 countries' participation in global value chains (GVCs) during the period 2005–2015. We define GVC participation as the value added contained in exports, looking both backward and forward from a reference nation. RoO are heterogeneous in the degrees of restrictiveness that govern the origin of products to obtain preferential tariff treatment. The empirical results show negative relationships between RoO's restrictiveness and both backward and forward participation, and these adverse effects become more prominent when we control the endogeneity bias. However, the implementation of regime-wide RoO, including diagonal cumulation and de minimis, can reduce these negative effects. The mitigating roles of both regime-wide rules are quite similar in terms of magnitude, which is significant as the current literature on the liberalization of RoO only focuses on the role of cumulation. Our findings suggest that in order to upgrade participation in international production networks, a country should adopt a less restrictive and regime-wide RoO in free trade agreement (FTA) negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various aspects of trade and investment in air transport services are regulated by a series of bilateral agreements in which rights of market access are exchanged. Industry commentators have identified this system and the associated national ownership rules as well as the prevailing attitude of competition authorities (on merger policy and on airport pricing) as the most important factors limiting adjustment in the international air transport industry. These ‘pillars of stagnation’ are examined here. Features of the bilateral agreements in aviation that are similar to those of other preferential trading agreements are noted and linked to the slow pace of policy reform in this industry. The three ‘pillars’ are not independent, and effective liberalization of trade and investment in air transport services depends on complementary regulatory reform. Options are presented on ways in which these changes might be designed and introduced, and in what sequence that might be done. Air transport services are currently excluded from the WTO's General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), and an important enquiry is how multilateral commitments recorded in the GATS might support reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]