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The article offers information on the Archives of Manitoba acquiring the personal, legal, business, and political records of John A. Macdonald, former Prime Minister of Canada, and his son Hugh John Macdonald. John served as the first Prime Minister of Canada for about nineteen years, while his son, Hugh, served as Premier of Manitoba for less than a year. Records related to John include materials from his legal practice in Kingston, Canada.

Are voters willing to punish a prime minister for calling an ‘unnecessary’ snap election for purely opportunistic reasons? This paper examines voters’ reactions to the Canadian prime minister's decision to call a snap election in November 2000. The decision provoked limited resentment, and that resentment was strongest among partisans of the opposition parties and among those who follow politics closely. Those who do not keep up with politics, it seems, either did not realize that the election was precipitous or simply did not care. The paper shows that resentment about the election call was a consideration in vote choice, but it was a decisive consideration for a very small group of voters. We estimate that the electoral cost to the incumbent Liberal Party was one percentage point. Some voters are prepared to punish prime ministers for opportunistically calling a snap election, but in this case the electoral penalty was small. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on events surrounding the Ottawa mission led by Lord Riverdale. Between October and December 1939 the mission met the Canadian Prime Minister William Mackenzie King, his Cabinet and a number of Dominion representatives, its goal to agree on arrangements for the British Empire Air Training Scheme (EATS). This plan would ultimately play a vital role in the British and Dominion war effort, training over 100 000 men for air duties in a variety of theatres of conflict. But, although the negotiations were hailed at their conclusion as having been a great success, the reality was that they were dominated by considerable tensions not just among those present but also between elements within Whitehall and the Canadian leadership. On repeated occasions it appeared that the talks might even collapse and at one stage a constitutional crisis loomed. Far from the success that has since been portrayed to have been the case, the negotiations in fact demonstrated that considerable potential problems existed with regard to the wartime Anglo-Dominion relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the direct influence of Canada's longest-serving Prime Minister on town planning and the development of the national capital in the first half of the twentieth century. King flirted with the settlement house movement, interning Jane Addams at Hull House while a graduate student. He later included town planning and garden cities as a component of a broader programme of social reform. The article considers King's connection to four broad traditions in early North American planning: Social Planning, the Parks Movement, the City Scientific and the City Beautiful. King's greatest impact was as the political champion for the planning and development of Canada's national capital, much of which was completed in the two decades after his death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the role and motivation of the governors-general and prime ministers in planning Canada's capital from 1850-1950. Authority and attributes of the British monarchy's governor-general or governor in Canada; Factors that influenced the choice of a capital for Canada; Argument in favor of Ottawa as the capital.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the case of Zunera Ishaq who affirmed her right to wear a niqab or a face-covering veil while taking the Canadian citizenship oath in 2015. Topics include Canada's commitment to openness and to social cohesion, the lack of transparency and the anti-women nature of the practice of wearing niqab, and the impact of the niqab issue on the loss of the Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper to Liberal Party's Justin Trudeau in the October 2015 elections.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In September 2009, Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper declared to the global media that Canada had ‘no history of colonialism’. Such expressions of the post-colonial Canadian imaginary are common, despite Canada’s dubious legacy of settler colonialism. This article uses Canada’s Access to Information Act to examine how mechanisms of security are mobilized against members of the Algonquins of Barriere Lake (ABL), whose persistent calls for sovereign control of their land and customary governance system have been translated by Canadian authorities into a security threat to settler society. Contributing to the literature on postcolonialism, as well as works on critical security studies and colonial governmentality, this article suggests that distinct rationalities underline colonial activities in settler states. The authors contend that the term ‘settler governmentality’ is more appropriate for settler states such as Canada, and they present the case study of the ABL to argue that (in)security governance of indigenous groups in Canada incorporates techniques that are necessarily grounded in a logic of elimination. The authors detail how an analysis of the interventions in the traditional governance of the ABL contributes to understanding recent security trends regarding ‘Aboriginal extremism’ and indigenous ‘hot spot’ areas in Canada, which are often framed as matters of ‘national security’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the digital age, journalists are becoming more susceptible to the packaged visuals of politicians that image handlers are pushing electronically in an attempt to circumvent and influence the mainstream media. These managed photos and videos communicate officialdom, voyeurism, and pseudo-events, ranging from routine government business to a personal side of political leaders. They are designed to frame the subject in a positive light and to promote a strategic image. This article submits that demand for digital handouts of visuals, or “image bytes,” is stimulated by economics and institutional accommodation, including the constant need for Web content and journalists’ eroding access to government officials. A profile of the image management of Prime Minister of Canada Stephen Harper illustrates the jockeying between politicians, PR staff, and journalists over news selection, pseudo-events, framing and gatekeeping. Insights from 32 interviews with Canadian journalists and Conservative party insiders suggests that a two-tier media system is emerging between the small news operations that welcome digital handouts and the mainstream journalists who are opposed. Theoretical themes for international research include examining the implications of political image bytes such as the possible priming effect on journalists who are exposed to constant visual e-communication pushed by political offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the end of the Second World War, principles of diversity and multiculturalism have increasingly been codified in international law. The present article takes a closer look at the evolution of Canada's attitude towards the recognition of its multinational character over the past 25 years. The article shows that the more recent idea of “open federalism” put forward by Prime Minister Stephen Harper's government as a recognition of multinationalism closely resembles the monist idea of the state that was promoted by former Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau. Thus, contrary to what is being portrayed in political discourses, nothing much has changed over the last 25 years. Stephen Harper's “open federalism” remains largely inspired by philosophical elements of monism and does not contribute to making Canada a truly multinational state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A euselachian assemblage was recovered from the middle Cenomanian Dunvegan Formation situated in northwestern Alberta. This assemblage is the most northern described within the Western Interior Seaway and provides an important insight into the euselachian faunal diversity of this little-known region of the seaway. Despite its high paleolatitude, the assemblage contains a number of elasmobranch taxa, including Hybodus, Squalicorax, Archaeolamna, Cretodus, Dallasiella, and Cretoxyrhina. The Dunvegan assemblage also contains the first known reports from Canada of the odontaspid shark Johnlongia parvidens, the cretoxyrhinid shark Protolamna carteri, and the ray Pseudohypolophus mcnultyi. This assemblage extends the northern geographical range of all taxa. Preliminary comparisons with other middle Cenomanian Western Interior Seaway assemblages show that the core composition of the Dunvegan assemblage is remarkably similar to that of other time-equivalent assemblages; however, conspicuously absent are species that are exceedingly common in other localities situated farther south. We suggest that absence of these taxa from the Dunvegan localities may be caused by a temperature intolerance associated with latitude and sea-water circulation patterns, or by an inability to inhabit environments that exhibit salinity variation. Un assemblage euselachien a été récupéré dans la Formation de Dunvegan du Cénomanien moyen du nord-ouest de l’Alberta. Cet assemblage est le plus septentrionaux décrits à ce jour provenant des dépôts de la mer intérieure de l’Ouest et il jette un important éclairage sur la diversité faunique euselachienne dans cette région méconnue du bassin. Malgré sa haute paléolatitude, l’assemblage contient divers taxons d’élasmobranches, dont Hybodus, Squalicorax, Archaeolamna, Cretodus, Dallasiella et Cretoxyrhina. L’assemblage de Dunvegan contient également les premiers spécimens signalés au Canada du requin odontaspide Johnlongia parvidens, du requin crétoxyrhinide Protolamna carteri et de la raie Pseudohypolophus mcnultyi. L’assemblage repousse les limites septentrionales de la distribution géographique de tous ces taxons. Des comparaisons provisoires avec d’autres assemblages du Cénomanien moyen de la mer intérieure de l’Ouest démontrent que la composition de base de l’assemblage de Dunvegan et celles d’autres assemblages contemporains présentent une remarquable similitude; certaines espèces par ailleurs très répandues en d’autres lieux plus méridionaux brillent toutefois par leur absence. Il est postulé que l’absence de ces taxons dans l’assemblage de Dunvegan pourrait être le résultat d’une intolérance à la température associée à la latitude et aux courants marins, ou encore de l’incapacité de ces taxons à s’implanter dans des milieux présentant des variations de salinité. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the landscaping interests of former Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, with reference to the artificial ruins that he had over many years arranged on his property at Kingsmere, Ottawa, Ontario. It is stated that more than a hobby, the Kingsmere property blossomed into the outward sign of King's inward and spiritual grace. According to the author, Kingsmere's ruins come burdened with a load of cultural and historical baggage. The author thinks that Mackenzie King's ties with Kingsmere originated in an act of love for his friend Bert Harper.

The article comments on the Canadian Sponsorship Scandal under the minority government of the country's Liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin. The situation caused the defeat of the Canadian government in the general elections of 2004 as Martin step on his position following his predecessor Jean Chrétien. However, the government recovered and was able to participate in the 2005 election through the carrying out of a confidence vote.

The article discusses the powers of Prime Minister under the political system of Canada. The Canadian PM has the power to invoke the confidence convention and to dissolve the parliament. The power of the PM regarding the parliamentary career of members of parliament (MPs) is not unrestricted. The constitution provides that some MPs should be brought into the cabinet because they are too powerful and dangerous to leave on the backbench.

New Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin scrapes home in the general election to form a minority government. Lee Kuan Yew's son becomes Singapore's third prime minister and Albert Rene hands over power in Seychelles after 27 years. Australia moves in a team of 300 to fight crime and corruption in Papua New Guinea. Tanzania launches a controversial project to draw water from Lake Victoria and stirs Egypt over treaties dating back to 1929. Unrest over constitutional change flares in the Maldives. The British High Commissioner causes a rumpus in Kenya over corruption. Mauritius contemplates leaving the Commonwealth over Diego Garcia. The UK hoists its development aid substantially. And Margaret Thatcher's son is arrested in South Africa as details emerge there and in Zimbabwe of a coup plot in Equatorial Guinea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a case study on the ascendancy of Kim Campbell as prime minister of Canada. Political background of Campbell; Data on the changing nature of media coverage of emerging candidates; Impact of television news on Campbell's image and vote intentions; Popularity of prime ministers.

The article presents information about the political places in which the Prime Minister behaved as a news source in Canada. Scrum is stated to be a distinctive Canadian location for political newsgathering before the age of television. In the days before television, the political places in which the Prime Minister behaved as a news source were compatible with the needs and facilities of mass media. The focus of publicity was fixed as well as static. Locations which are controlled by the Prime Minister himself are stated to give most opportunities for the Prime Minister for control. With the advent of television, it was feared that being loosened from his parliamentary publicity base, the Prime Minister would be involved in a process of negotiation with the media for control.