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Central Europe is usually defined as a 'cleavage' between the East and the West, or as a conflict zone that was affected by two tendencies in its historical past; the idea of unity that implies a homogeneous region and resistance to these efforts, and the struggle for autonomy of the people living in Central Europe. Thus, this dual perception appears in its in-between position that allows adopting Western values while keeping Eastern traditions at the same time. The purpose of the paper is to examine whether the postmodern perception of borders, the problem of a "borderless Europe", and the perception of Orientalism as a critical framework originally aimed at understanding Western (imperialist) mechanisms, can be adapted to grasp identity-building issues in our region. This paper aims to examine how the perception of "East", and "Central" appears in the post-totalitarian world, the legacy of post-colonialism, and the growing geopolitical importance of orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data have become a vital device of border governance and security. Recent scholarship on the datafication of borders and migration at the intersection of science and technology studies and critical security studies has privileged concepts attuned to messiness, contingency, and friction such as data assemblages and infrastructures. This paper proposes to revisit and expand the analytical vocabulary of script analysis to understand what comes to count as data, what forms of data come to matter and how "drawing data together" reconfigures power and agency at Europe's borders. Empirically, we analyze controversies about the practices of asylum decision-making and age assessment in Greece. We show that agency of "users" is unequally distributed through anticipations of subscription and dis-inscription, while asylum seekers are conscripted within security scripts that restrict their agency. Moreover, as a multiplicity of inscriptions are produced, migrants' claims can be disqualified through circumscriptions of data and ascriptions of expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper was inspired by empirical encounters with students and teacher-administrators who engaged with an online European education initiative, which raised questions about whether and how their practices were situated as local, transnational, or national(ist) endeavors. The conceptual, theoretical, and methodological resources of social topology and critical border studies guided our inquiry by a focus on bordering practices and how these generate spatiotemporal forms and movements, and evoked a typical national form which is characterized as a singular, stable, linear, and flat "topography." An innovative methodology is deployed to scrutinize how practices with this online, European initiative continue, challenge or complement that typical national form. The findings demonstrate how the use of topographical indexes and tropes (re-)materialized characteristics of these typical national forms, while the combination with topological relations introduced multiplicities and "levels" in these forms. Moreover, spherical forms, bouncing movements, and tunneling movements challenged the singularity, stability, linearity, and flatness of the typical national form. Building on these findings, the paper sets forth the argument that this online European education initiative mainly challenges the enactment of nationalism in classrooms by encouraging learning and thinking through translocalities, which accentuates distances and differences that are being crossed without appealing to the typical imaginary of the "nation" with linear, stable, flat borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present Derrida's reflections on Europe, which criticizes Europe's actuality while recognizing its promise to-come. Europe in modernity has been conceptualized as sovereign heading, the only one capable of governing the world. Derrida hopes for a Europe other than a super-state, closed within its borders, and an economic alliance. He works on today's Enlightenment, that is, on a new shape of Europe as a shoreline fit to welcome the other, following in the footsteps of Kant, who redefined the right of hospitality and drafted a cosmopolitan order, but going beyond his sketch. In the global age Europe must exemplarily assume The law of hospitality as its key principle, constantly seeking to translate it into political and legal acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The slogan that prefaces the paper provides the theoretical caveat for the tensions, limitations, and contradictions of academic discourses in conjuring the daily realities of the era of the ‘refugee crisis' in Greece. This paper has the form of a dialogue between a sociologist and photographer (Myrto) and a political theorist and activist (Anna) who investigate different forms of the ways the ‘refugee crisis' is changing the socio-political landscapes in Greece. The multiple aspects of our identities provide valuable tools with which we unpack the multiple and contradictory narratives of researching, learning, and disseminating in the current milieu. In particular, we are interested in the ways we shape knowledge and the tension between the epistemological and the ontological ways of knowing. In other words, by moving from theory to praxis and back, we are attempting to reconcile the problem of knowing and the problem of being part of a specific crisis milieu. For example, how can we use crisis as a research methodology? What can we learn from the ongoing ‘refugee crisis' in relation to issues of citizenship, belonging, and the future of the European project? Furthermore, the paper attempts to transcend discursive borders between social sciences and the humanities by analysing the deeply performative, situated and embodied practices of doing research in moments of crisis. For example, how to navigate multiple, and at times contradictory, aspects of one’s identity without returning to outmoded discourses of positivism and objectivity? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Regional Science Policy & Practice is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper is focused on how the "migration crisis" starting in 2015 in Europe have reshaped the attitude to the European level of border protection. The basic question is how different are the competences of European Border and Coast Guard Agency (EBCG) from the previous FRONTEX and what was the role sovereignty played in it. The paper has a character of a qualitative study where the authors compare the proposal for EBCG, mainly its Article 18 establishing the "right to intervene" in the proposal, with the final version of the document and analyzes the position of the Member states based on their posititions within the Council to the parts of the proposal that were most connected to sovereignty. The analysis is based on data collection from officials from various member states that were part of the negotiations. Apart from this "hidden agenda" the authors also analyze public statements by high-ranking government officials that often commented on the proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the current travel restrictions due to the COVID-19 pandemic imposed by the countries from South-East Europe and briefly compare them with those imposed by the Central European countries. By using official data collection of displacement tracking matrices and analyzing the porosity of the borders in this part of Europe, we research the impact of COVID-19 on human mobility and the related economic and social aspects. Discussions are presented regarding this impact on the travelers, the seasonal workers from some of the selected countries, and the immigrants from the Middle-East. A formal analysis is performed relating the current travel restrictions and the travel ban during the iron curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crises of the European Union and the geopolitical shifts in its international environment have generated a backlash against the post-Cold War 'debordering' of European integration. Whereas integration theories focus almost exclusively on the EU's internal boundaries and developments, this framework paper conceptualizes and theorizes integration as a process of internal debordering and external rebordering. It sketches the history of European integration in a bordering perspective and proposes general assumptions about the EU's bordering process. Accordingly, rebordering pressures result from widening boundary gaps at the EU's external borders, exogenous shocks to cross-border transactions, growing community deficits of debordering, and their politicization. Whether external rebordering succeeds and how it interacts with internal boundary formation, depends on EU-level boundary negotiations and the relative costs and benefits of external vs. internal rebordering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that contemporary hegemonic projects such as ‘Fortress Europe’ exercise violence at their borders forcing certain people to be borders. Those very borders and the people who inhabit them constitute paradoxically the very conditions of possibility of any hegemonic order. This paper focuses on Sangatte, the site of a Red Cross ‘reception centre’ outside Calais for refugees and migrants seeking entry into Britain, as one manifestation of the border in the context of asylum and migration in Europe. This paper draws on contemporary Marxist and feminist theory to think through how those on the borders of the state provide real, material insights into practices that subvert the power of the sovereign state and its corollary hegemonic projects of violence, and to argue that attempts to envision alternatives to the contemporary hegemonic political orders in Europe must begin at the political apertures opened up by thinking the border as paradox. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration is not readily seen. A vast infrastructure supports its visualization, making migration visible and actionable. Recent scholarship on the visuality of migration has clearly shown how visualizing migration is an integral part of governing it. Concepts and research approaches from Science and Technology Studies (STS) are particularly appropriate when studying these connections between knowing and doing. In this paper, the performativity of visual methods and their data practices are analysed with respect to the monitoring infrastructure of European border management. Three such methods – patrolling, recording and publicizing – are reconstructed through analysis of their histories and their present. Patrolling involves the tactical domination of terrains. Recording involves the production of documentary objectivity. Publicizing involves the pictorial capture of fleeting realities. These methods are irreducibly political. Their political significance is explored through the concept of demonstrative effects that helps to show how methods of visualising migration at once involve specific demonstrations of the European association that is operative in them. These demonstrations make visible what Europe can and cannot do. The so-called 'migration crisis' of Europe turns out to be more than political discourse but entangled with the very methods that render migration apparent and governable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Life across borders is the geo-political and socio-cultural phenomenon that greatly influences nationstate. The borders draw a discriminatory line between 'us' and 'them', outsiders and insiders that is maintained by individuals through constructing unseen borderlines. Life across European borders maintains discrimination on colour that gives superior versus inferior social positioning through economical and political disintegration. Literature portrays the life of these individuals who choose to cross borders due to socio-economic instability of their nation-state however this instability is preserved across borders through unseen borders of race and color. The present paper is based on the qualitative mode of research and employs the technique of close textual analysis of Maps for Lost Lovers by Nadeem Aslam that aims to analyze the alienation and marginalization due to the race of South Asian immigrants who settled across European borders. The main theorists are Pablo Vila, John Agnew, Jeff Shantz and Teresa Hayter whose concepts are further illustrated through the works of other scholars for deep understanding and insight. The study will be significant to interpret the geo-political and bio-political bordering of South Asian immigrants who are struggling to survive on European borderlines with adaptation of social and cultural moors. It aims to examine the socio-cultural adaptability of the immigrants which is not acceptable by the whites instead alienate them due to their 'otherness' as 'black aliens'. The paper will finally conclude that the racial discrimination of South Asian immigrants across European borders is based upon their socio-economic instability by engaging them in incessant exertion in order to re-territorialize themselves within unseen borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the first signing of the Schengen Agreement in 1985, Europe's borders have been changing profoundly. New actors, rules and institutions have emerged and transformed the character of the European border regime. This paper argues that cities play a crucial role in this process. They have become an important arena, where the re-categorization and re-scaling of spaces and borders, and the expansion and diversification of the modes of control and enforcement within Europe take place. These dynamics are contradictory, however, as examples from Germany and Italy show: on the one hand, local state agencies, as well as private and semi-private institutions on the local scale increasingly participate in the monitoring and in the enforcement of migrants' legal statuses. On the other hand, local actors and institutions are also carving out place-specific spaces of rights and recognition for migrants. This dual process turns the urban realm into a conflictive site of negotiating, shaping and interconnecting local practices of border control and urban citizenship, and in effect renders European cities an uneven landscape of urban borderspaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – In the public arena, immigrants are easily recognized as "vulnerable" but also "as a risk" for the social environment. They are associated with stigmatized infectious-contagious health conditions, with deviant or disturbed behaviours, with poor education and hygiene, and with dubious morality and parental competence. This paper aims to analyse the complex array of targeted programmes designed in the last decades in Europe in order to intervene on immigrants' health practices and lifestyles. Design/methodology/approach – The paper was designed to engage with a critical approach to the healthcare sector, rendering visible the rationale behind such programmes of intervention by focusing on the relations between the representation of immigrants' health, the symbolic and physical borders of the body and the nation, the welfare state, and the contemporary politics of care. Findings – The paper highlights: the racialization of public health and social care policy, which have been constituting migrant populations as unsanitary citizens; the intervention of social care programmes as technologies of citizenship in order to guide these populations towards specific models of body, health, behaviour and life projects; and the paradigmatic shifts in the way healthcare is perceived and deployed, and its ethical and political implications. Originality/value – Building on the contributions from medical anthropology, historical sociology, and governmentality studies, the paper sheds a new light on the subject by positioning the practices of healthcare on a racialized post-colonial setting of intervening on populations constituting vulnerabilities and managing risks through medical expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins with Jacques Derrida's ‘Europe’ on an-Other heading and Claudio Minca's (2003 Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 21 160–8) suggestion that critical human geographers need to become more attentive to their own geographical predispositions and positionalities. The paper focuses on some lessons from postcolonial writing and asks to what extent we have been successful in decolonizing (and reshaping) geographies of Europe in the ways in which we respond to transformations at the borders of Europe. The paper concludes with a discussion of efforts to ‘provincialize’ and decolonize Euro-geographies, and the kinds of ‘new cartographies’ of Europe we might write and teach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fight against unwanted sea migration in Southern Europe has triggered the territorial redefinition of European Union (EU) borders and transformed the relationship between sending and receiving countries in the region. This paper focuses on the strategies that the EU and Spain adopted to seal the maritime border around the Canary Islands between 2005 and 2010. According to the primary and secondary data used here, the closure of the Atlantic route that happened in this period was the result of the combination of defensive and preventative measures along and beyond this section of the EU border. Initiatives aimed at promoting economic development, creating jobs at origin, and temporary migration programs paved the way for cooperation among governments, thus making possible the deployment of military resources along the border, the return/deportation of unwanted EU-bound migrants, and the externalization of migration control responsibilities. Cooperation and the mixture of proactive and reactive initiatives seen in this case study are likely to become the hallmark of a new kind of global anti-immigration border that extends beyond the territory of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current outcomes of immigration enforcement policies and apparatuses call for rethinking the ethics behind our understanding of community belonging, human rights and just society. The ethics at work are often presented as emotions creating particular affective atmosphere that permit the ongoing implementation of enforcing migration. This Special Issue tackles emotions as processes of organizing that are mobilized in support of certain ethics. In the context of immigration enforcement, these emotions are not self-explanatory, but they can justify the potential for violence and even deem it necessary. The emotions or affects of enforcers (as opposed to migrants) have been less addressed, and this Special Issue aims to be a novel collection. The articles pay particular attention to racism and to the understanding of institutional racism within state structures. They reveal the ways in which emotions are instrumental to the operations of state bureaucracy within the repressive migration apparatus and point to the ethics that allows individuals to conform state structures of oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2004, eight formerly communist East Central European states acceded to the European Union, an event which was celebrated as the final overcoming of the post-war division of Europe into East and West and the ‘return to Europe’ of those states which had been ‘kidnapped’ by the Soviet Union. To mark the accession, an Austrian film production company commissioned five East Central European directors to make short documentary films under the collective title Über die Grenze: Fünf Ansichten von Nachbarn (Across the Border: Five Views From Neighbours). Drawing on geopolitical analysis of the dichotomy of Europe and Eastern Europe which underpinned the European Union enlargement discourse, this paper examines the Czech episode České Velenice Evropské as a film which explores the ways in which borders have been conceptualized and identities (re)framed in the context of European Union enlargement. At the moment when the Central European states’ symbolic ‘return to Europe’ is being realized, director Jan Gogola reflects on the meaning of European Union accession for Central Europeans, on shifting borders and their implications for the construction and understanding of identities of self and other, and on the dynamics of openness and closure in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite its elusiveness and undefined boundaries, policy-makers and pundits have strived to pin down what ‘Europe’ as a territorial project actually represents and where it might (and should) be going. Two of the most intriguing arguments refer to Europe as either a ‘super-state in the making’ or a ‘neo-medieval empire.’ These models are typically presented as either mutually exclusive or in tension with one another. In this paper, I argue that the European territorial project's current trajectory is actually characterized by a mix of the two models. Such hybrid form of governance can be defined as ‘neoterritorial’ since it is based on the modern principle according to which freedom can only flourish in a clearly demarcated political space. Yet, this enclosed political space does not necessarily require the modern nation state's entire legal and institutional paraphernalia, but can instead be based on a ‘pooling’ of sovereignty and a flexible institutional framework and be spread out over a larger and more heterogeneous area than the traditional nation state. This hybrid model is epitomized by the Schengen regime, the institutional arrangement governing the management of Europe's borders. Despite its ongoing internal tensions and the challenges it has faced over the years, this model has become—and it is likely to remain in the foreseeable future—an established presence in Europe's political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Borders discourage spatial interaction. The present paper gives a typology of possible backgrounds of such barriers. Five distinct ways of measuring border effects are presented and empirical results are shown for various transport modes: car, bus (public transport), train, plane. Border effects tend to decline in Europe, but they remain substantial, reductions of up to 80% are observed. They lead among others to low supply of border crossing transport links. A social cost benefit analysis of investments in international corridors is given. We find that border effects due to low demand for cross-border transport will lead to low net benefits of such investments. But the common practice that benefits of foreign users are ignored in social cost benefit analysis deserves to be reconsidered. By interpreting an international project as a joint project the benefits of foreign users are no longer overlooked, thus reducing the risk of underinvestment in international links. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social & Cultural Geography is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2020, the Sars-CoV-2 (also known as the COVID-19/Coronavirus) crisis resulted in the closure of most of Europe's borders, both external and internal. What consequences does this have for border regions as living spaces? This article uses the Danish-German border region as an example for the complex impact of the Sars-CoV-2 crisis on a European borderland. A special focus is placed on the region's reciprocal national minorities on either side of the border. This article shows that these groups have been most impacted by the nation state measures of restricting and controlling access across the border, as this has reduced their opportunities of kin-state contact and interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays we are witnessing a transition period, a post new regionalism period in which both states and regions are trying to find the most sustainable methods in order to ensure the life quality of their citizens. This post new regionalism was generated by the economic and financial crisis that affected Europe, in which states found not only national responses, but also local, and regional ones. The present paper's aim is to develop a glibly analysis over the issue of regionalization in Romania, especially in the frontier regions, as this subject has created national debates over the number, the extension and the criteria that is being used for the development ot these restions, stiven the fact that Romania was already administratively divided in counties in which emerged cultural and, historical distinctiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antislavery actors evoke the history of the transatlantic slave trade in campaigns to mobilise action to address the suffering experienced by contemporary migrants described as 'victims of trafficking'. That framing has been picked up by state actors who present measures to supress unauthorised migration per se as necessary to protect migrants from a 'modern-day slave trade'. Yet the parallel between trafficking and the slave trade is undermined by the fact that people who today are described as 'trafficked', as much as those described as 'smuggled', actively wish to travel and do so in the hope that by moving, they will secure greater freedoms. This article therefore asks whether there are similarities between the journeys of contemporary unauthorised migrants and those of enslaved people who fled from slavery in the Atlantic World, and if so, why. Bringing data from historical sources on slave flight into dialogue with data on the journeys of contemporary sub-Saharan African migrants to Europe and Brazil, it identifies a number of experiential parallels, and argues that for those concerned with migrants' rights, enslaved people's fugitivity potentially offers a more fruitful point of historical comparison than does the slave trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an analysis of 22 European far-right parties, we identify an emergent discourse in environmental politics, which we conceptualise as 'ecobordering'. This discourse seeks to blame immigration for national environmental degradation, which draws on colonial and racialised imaginaries of nature in order to rationalise further border restrictions and 'protect' the 'nativist stewardship' of national nature. As such, ecobordering seeks to obscure the primary driving causes of the ecological crisis in the entrenched production and consumption practices of Global North economies, whilst simultaneously shifting blame on to migration from the Global South where ecological degradation has been most profound. In an era of increasing climate migration, ecobordering thereby portrays effects as causes and further normalises racist border practices and colonial amnesia within Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Current Sociology is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article, primarily focused on Europe, charts some of the momentous transformations in bordering practices, migration and global mobility that have been sparked by the new coronavirus pandemic. In a first part it argues that since the onset of the pandemic, the enduring 'global mobility apartheid' which uses citizenship and visa restrictions to police the differential access to mobility founded on race and class, has been supplemented by a fluctuating 'sanitary apartheid', seeking to separate populations designated as at risk of Covid-19 infection from those designated as Covid-free. While these logics are distinct, where states have conflated them, we have seen eruptive and mutating border violence. In a second more normative part the article seeks to rethink the demand for freedom of movement in the context of the pandemic, arguing that allowing migrants who today are illegalised to move in safe and legal ways is also the condition to implement sanitary measures to protect the health of migrants and sedentary populations alike. Adopting a mobility justice approach, the article also argues that the excessive mobility of the privileged through air travel that has been a major factor in spreading the virus and contributes to ecological destruction should be limited. Ultimately this article calls for re-thinking the politics of (im)mobility in the context of the pandemic as part of the process of transformation towards a more just and sustainable world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the impact of the coronavirus pandemic and border control measures on the narratives and experience of territorial borders and the social construction of boundaries. The Covid-19 crisis has revealed how strong and durable territorial borders still are and how rapidly the idea of a borderless Europe might change in divided Europe. The imposition of border controls and the temporary closure of borders in order to prevent the spread of the coronavirus was particularly problematic for border region residents who live transnational lives and who share a common space by working, shopping and having friends and family on both sides of a border. The revival of territorial borders has demonstrated not only the power of national states, but also how interwoven the border regions have become. Hence, the article sheds light on the potential consequences of re-bordering processes for borderlands, presents public and ontological narratives that have emerged as a reaction to border closure and outlines new research fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the recent proliferation and co-presence of institutional and makeshift camps and encampments in Europe, this article explores the current multifaceted geographies of the camp and their formal and informal spatialities. By engaging with key work in 'camp studies' we analyse contemporary institutional and makeshift refugee camps in their complex relationship. While the review of the existing literature is a fundamental starting point for our analysis, in this article we propose to depart from a perspective exclusively focussed on institutional camps to incorporate a reflection on the informal encampments that have recently proliferated in Europe. In particular, we reflect on how these makeshift spatial formations are associated with the presence and workings of institutional camps, at times in a complementary, almost symbiotic relationship. We conclude by suggesting that camps should not be studied in isolation and that both institutional and informal camps should be examined as dynamic spaces that may be transformed and appropriated by their residents, becoming part of the current fragmented mobilities of irregular migrations across Europe and of the related political geographies of bordering, smuggling, and humanitarian care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the intersections between the visual, spatial and material and considers how these interactions capture the border politics of everyday 'banal' objects. We do this by looking at some of the objects and things that constitute the 'Balkan Route' through Europe: posters, signs, directions, notices, flyers and maps produced by state authorities and volunteer-led aid networks. We use objects to reflect more broadly on how seemingly banal and everyday things become incorporated into the political work of states and become constitutive of fluid borders. We argue that everyday objects become visualisations of states and authorities, and help to make and regulate physical spaces. We show how each visual object encountered along the route gives us a broader insight into the macropolitics of European border regimes, specifically the effects of 'closed borders' and the criminalisation of aid networks. The article pushes forward the 'aesthetic turn' debate in international relations by bringing in insights from political geography and materialism, and suggests that a walking methodology can be a productive way of encountering the visual and understanding how its physical location creates political effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Engaging with critical border literature, this article examines how racial and religious categories are mobilized in materializing EU borders in the Balkans. Exploring the tensions that emerge in Muslim communities in post-Socialist and post-conflict Macedonia during the Syrian "refugee crisis" in 2015, it looks at how racialized categorizations of difference are deployed along the Balkan Route to differentiate local, white European Muslims from refugee Arab Others. Through policy analysis and fieldwork, the article questions the standard, colour-blind and equal-to-all European integration by highlighting political divisions that emerge within Muslim communities. While these tensions were present long before the ongoing refugee crisis, this article argues that the current geopolitical context allows for these tensions to be utilized in the surveillance and securitization of EU border regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are currently witnessing a remarkable conjuncture between the escalation, acceleration, and diversification of migrant and refugee mobilities, on the one hand, and the mutually constitutive crises of "European" borders and "European" identity, on the other, replete with reanimated reactionary populist nationalisms and racialized nativisms, the routinization of antiterrorist securitization, and pervasive and entrenched "Islamophobia" (or more precisely, anti-Muslim racism). Despite the persistence of racial denial and the widespread refusal to frankly confront questions of "race" across Europe, the current constellation of "crises" presents precisely what can only be adequately comprehended as an unresolved racial crisis that derives fundamentally from the postcolonial condition of "Europe" as a whole, and therefore commands heightened scrutiny and rigorous investigation of the material and practical as well as discursive and symbolic productions of the co-constituted figures of "Europe" and "crisis" in light of racial formations theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2015, 1.5 million refugees arrived at Europe's borders. This article examines how and why this humanitarian crisis was transformed into a "racist crisis". It begins by recounting a highly publicized event in the Czech Republic which saw police forcibly removing hundreds of people from trains at midnight in the border town of Břeclav, before inking numbers on their arms and transporting them to detention centres. Thinking with this scene, the article develops the conceptual framework of "racial stigma" to capture some of the multiple practices that characterize border regimes in contemporary Europe. Racism, it argues, is the stigma machine of sovereign power in neoliberal Europe. The article concludes with some reflections on how Europe's current "racist crisis" reanimates both historical spectres of race and spectral geographies of racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many would-be tourists were dissuaded from vacationing on Greece’s Aegean islands in 2016, in the aftermath of 2015’s ‘migrant crisis’. However, the islands witnessed an increased arrival of atypical ‘tourists’, among them volunteers intent on helping. This study is based on research undertaken on the islands of Lesvos and Chios in Greece as a volunteer myself. I focus on the figure of the volunteer, as an emergent humanitarian actor in border regions, to highlight issues with the way hospitality is currently being extended by one group of guests to another, at Europe’s frontiers. I investigate the way in which interactions between migrants and volunteers often end up reinforcing, rather than challenging, the distinction between them, and thus contribute to the legitimization of the current European border regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The word ‘crisis’ has been on everyone’s lips with regard to the mass arrival of refugees into Europe over the past couple of years. Behrman argues that the crisis can best be understood as one of law. More specifically, the Mediterranean migrant crisis is but the latest in a long series of crises of law, whereby attempts to control and manage the movements of forced migrants have failed on their own terms, let alone on upholding principles of humanitarian protection. By examining the history of these laws over the past century, the theme of order taking precedence over humanitarian concern, and the persistent illusion that human migration can be effectively controlled are shown to be at the root of refugee crises past and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the historical understanding of the term ‘solidarity’ in the context of the Schengen process, which started in the 1980s and remains relevant until today. During this time, the Schengen Area grew from encompassing five Western European countries to 26 member-states across the whole continent. In this context, the term ‘solidarity’ was referred to frequently in official documents, in speeches or in the media – despite the fact that the term was not at all central at the time of foundation. It is important to note, however, that during the process of enlargement, the meaning of the term ‘solidarity’ changed repeatedly. First meant to denote solidarity between all the European peoples, in the Western European Union it also referred to the reconciliation of European peoples after the Second World War. In the 1990s, the official understanding of solidarity concerning Schengen shifted to describe an effective inter-state cooperation among the EU member-states. In the last years, the term solidarity was most evoked in the call for an even burden-sharing within the European Union. All these different understandings have one aspect in common: they focus on theinternaldimension of European solidarity. However, during the entire Schengen process, the term ‘solidarity’ was also applied in another, anexternal, global dimension, to call for humanitarian support towards refugees reaching the Schengen Area from anywhere in the world. The article argues that the term ‘solidarity’ must hence be looked at as a political concept and not a neutral, analytic term. Critical regard for the current political interests as well as the concrete historical framework are crucial for any academic discussion of European solidarity. The categories of inclusion and exclusion especially must be core aspects when analysing the term ‘solidarity’ historically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The borders of Europe do not only operate at territorial limits. This article argues for those identified as Roma, UK immigration control has shifted from gate-keeping at the territorial border to gate-keeping access to services through child welfare. Three factors have interrelated to foreground boundary-making in home encounters: European Union expansion, development of a post-welfare state and governmentalisation of vulnerable children. First this article examines how these three processes converge to activate the border through assessments of mothering in the home. Due to mothers’ particular migrant status, they are confronted with a choice between loss of motherhood or movement from the national territory. Second it illustrates how mothers engage in strategies of self-representation to negotiate bordering processes, requiring intensive work with a variety of actors. These actors are themselves located within racialised and gendered hierarchies. This article illustrates through ethnographic vignettes how the home is recast as a site of negotiating access to state forms where judgements of ‘good motherhood’ produce bordering effects. This represents a governing logic applied both to mothers and frontline workers resulting in stratified reproduction based on hierarchies of values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article proposes a synthesis of the major historical works on nineteenth-century European borders. Founded on an original methodological approach, the article advances a rethinking of the concept of 'territoriality' traditionally attributed to the rise of modern nation-states. The innovative method adopted is based on combining the focus on spatiality in recent historiography - especially in global history - with the categories and the ethnographic method developed within the border-studies field. The analysis is conducted in two directions. The first focuses on 'borders', specifically on some bordercreation processes developing throughout the European continent. The second is more centred on European 'borderlands', conceived as trans-state and trans-national regions, mainly linked to the space's well-established social practices, familial and economic networks and religious experience. On the one hand, the article highlights how nineteenth-century borders were not simply the product of an institutional decision performed by emerging nation-states, but also the result of an interactive dialectic between state institutions and social actors inhabiting the borderlands. On the other, it shows how the borderlands as cross-border territorial entities continued to exist alongside the new territorial state limits, helping shape a more complex European spatiality than traditionally stated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Europe's mass investments in advanced border controls, people keep arriving along the continent's shores under desperate circumstances. European attempts to ‘secure’ or ‘protect’ the borders have quite clearly failed, as politicians themselves increasingly recognise – yet more of the same response is again rolled out in response to the escalating ‘refugee crisis’. Amid the deadlock, this article argues that we need to grasp the mechanics and logics of the European ‘border security model’ in order to open up for a change of course. Through ethnographic examples from the Spanish-African borders, the article shows how the striving for border security under a prevailing emergency frame has generated absurd incentives, negative path dependencies and devastating consequences. At Europe's frontiers, an industry of border controls has emerged, involving European defence contractors, member state security forces and their African counterparts, as well as a range of non-security actors. Whenever another ‘border crisis’ occurs, this industry grows again, feeding on its own apparent ‘failures’. This vicious cycle may be broken, the article concludes, once policy-makers start curtailing the economies of border security underpinning it – yet the challenges are formidable as the industry retrenches along with the political response to the drama it has itself produced. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Migrant journeys are often conceived as linear movement from a sending country to a receiving country. However, a recent work suggests that the notion of linear migrant journeys is a misrepresentation. I argue that European regulations that standardise immigration policy around a common goal of ‘burden-sharing’ such as the Dublin II Regulation interact with the journeys of migrants to create paths that are not linear, circular or guided solely by intent. Rather migrant journeys can be conceived as a series of negotiations with state policies that shape experiences, choices and destinations through constructions of illegality. Mobility becomes an on-going condition rather than a temporary one. Borders then are reproduced as phenomenological rather than physical. I illustrate my argument through an ethnographic case study of a Sudanese man seeking to join his wife and child who had filed an asylum application in France. He interacts with the borders of Europe throughout his journey; however, as he becomes known as an undocumented migrant he moves further from the possibility of entering Europe with immigration status despite being within the territorial boundaries. Conversely, as his physical proximity to Europe increases and is established, his legal proximity decreases. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article adopts a critical approach in analysing restriction as a response to the refugee in policy and legal scholarship, EU migration policy hinders territorial access and poses methodological and epistemological challenges to progressively minded policy-makers and researchers. Contesting migration control means, crudely, arguing for removing restrictions or accepting them and advocating incremental protection improvements. This choice creates three conditions resulting in the refugee's desertion. First, "legal idolisers", who cling to protective laws, overlooking their exclusive function and second, "pragmatist-realists", who argue a realist approach to restriction is necessary to further protection. Consequently, the field becomes vulnerable to opportunistic research designed to be palatable to policy-makers. This creates, thirdly, a sinking ship for those arguing for the removal of restrictions. Mainstream scholarship and public debate paint migration control critics as adopting a "cuddle policy" towards "illegals" and abstract the migration discourse from structures of domination and questions of historical injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Union (EU) enlargement and the later shaping of its relationships with its new Eastern neighbours through the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) have had a significant impact on communities outside the EU’s borders. As the EU has sought to control flows of people, money and goods through these new borders, it has also become a destination for irregular migrants and small-scale traders from its eastern neighbours. This article draws upon participant observation in one such community in western Ukraine, where continuing levels of high unemployment and low wages and pensions drive dependence on flows of remittances from migrants to southern Europe, but also revenues from small-scale trade with neighbouring EU members, such as Romania. New forms of transnational mobility have emerged, which are not gender-neutral. The article asserts that, while hegemonic masculinities exist in both Ukrainian and Romanian communities, gender relations in Romania are restricted by sexualised discourses. As male and female Ukrainian traders interact with Romanian border officials and local distributors and intermediaries, hegemonic masculinities in Ukraine are re-affirmed and female traders are unable to advance and develop their trade in the same way as their male counterparts. In doing so, the article expands research on gender and transnationalism in post-enlargement Europe beyond migration and demonstrates not only how encounters at the EU’s borders are shaping gender relations in communities outside the EU, but that involvement in cross-border economic activities is determined by the gendered discourses and performance that take place at the border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our contribution will try to map the main interrogations that cross the relation between democracy, migration and sovereignty in the 21st century. We will argue that, while the political body of the nation-State is fragilized by immigration, new ways of re-instituting the cohesiveness of its political community are set up by the State in order to enhance its identity through difference with respect to others. These include the consolidation of external borders, but also enhancing the symbolic internal boundaries between "us" and "the others". The recent discourse of the European leaders about the failure of multiculturalism is an example of this attempt to re-institute difference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the debates conducted by the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) on cultural bordering in Europe. It says that the ENP debates focus on sharing European experiences and common values with its neighbors. It defines cultural boundaries as notions of democracy and respect for the rule of law. Furthermore, it mentions two repertoires of cultural bordering such as prescribing norms of European values and recognizing intercultural dialogue differences.

This article addresses the growing articulation between migration and security in the European Union. Risk politicization strategies are developed as a way of questioning the consequences of framing migration as a security problem. My general research questions are: i) is migration being securitized at EU level? ii) what kind of securitization process is unfolding in the realm of EU migration policies? My purpose is to combine a sociological-institutional approach to EU migration policies with cultural symbolical theories of risk in an attempt to understand the interplay between institutional contexts and security framing in Europe. My research hypothesis is that, concerning EU migration policies, the intergovernmental nature of its policy-making process is promoting a fettered environment for policy-making, which combined with asymmetrical transactions, favours a hierarchical rationality. As a risk culture, the hierarchical rationality triggers a particular sensitivity regarding border maintenance which means that it articulates between otherness and danger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As has been widely recognized and commented upon, border controls across Europe and America have been strenuously tightened since September 11th. In fact, of course, the movement of certain non-citizens in and around most western, industrialized countries had been restricted for some time predating the advent of the 'war on terror'. In this article Twill explore the particular use being made in Britain of criminal justice rhetoric and policy as a means of securing the border and the implications of this reliance on criminal justice discourses in the development of immigration and asylum policies. Building on work by David Garland (1996) and Jonathan Simon (2007), I suggest not only that the increased concern over border control reflects a decline in the power of the state in the face of globalization, but also that the adoption of harsh rhetoric about foreigners risks undermining the agency and democratic freedoms long held dear by British citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European continent, the motherland of nationalism, and the part of the world where political borders and different territorial and cultural identities are mostly interrelated, is now facing new challenges regarding how best to represent its numerous interests within one system. With the increase of international integration European countries began to devote greater attention to the development problems of their border areas that had to be helped to undertake certain functions in the international integration process. The fostering of a more balanced regional development also resulted in a strengthening of regional characteristics, which the new model could no longer ignore. Regional characteristics in turn have always been preserved in Europe by persistent historical and cultural elements of ethnic and linguistic variety. Therefore, it is not surprising that the process of European integration based on the new regional development model was accompanied by a parallel process of ethnic or regional awakening of minorities and other local communities. The key question for contemporary European (though of course this is not limited to Europe) political geography is, then, how the process summarised under the twin labels of social convergence and deterritorialisation will effect the persistent maintenance of regional identities and the corresponding divergence of regional spaces. Or, in other words: is the 'unity in diversity' European programme ever practicable and exportable on a world-wide scale or are we to be absorbed by a new global 'melting pot'? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]