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This paper proposes the problematization of generic and mass-produced forms of architecture through the oppositional relationship with indigenous self-constructed spaces. Starting from an ethnographic study about an unique indigenous horticulture project in the center of Rio de Janeiro, The Dja Guata Porã Garden, we demonstrate the effort to build a territory that organizes itself based on multispecies relationships. The project is contrasted with the formal urban space where it takes place, within a housing complex "Minha Casa, Minha Vida", the largest public housing policy in Brazil, where the architecture is designed with generic spaces that cannot be modified according to the residents. From this spatial contrast, we propose that this indigenous horticulture project, with pedagogical purposes, is a gap in the formal urban space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper intends to investigate if there is, and if it exists, the depth of the relationship between the consolidation of higher education in Brazil and the culture of higher education enforced nowadays. The first graduation course was inaugurated in 1808, with the foundation of the School of Surgery and Anatomy in Salvador and Rio de Janeiro, and until now, even after the proclamation of Brazilian independence, continues aiming to provide manpower skills to fulfill liberal and manpower skills for the state bureaucracy. The pragmatic disdain for areas considered futile or unnecessary in a State that aimed to reach a certain level of production and industrialization was not only present in colonial culture but also in public policies to promote courses and research between fields of study considered essential or nonessential, in the 21st century; as well as the centralization of chair decisions in the hands of the Emperor and the reserving of the rector's free choice by the head of the Executive (federal or state) are tangible remnants of an alienating national project. In order to achieve these objectives, historical studies will be analyzed on the discussions during the implementation of higher education courses in Brazil, as well as the courses authorized to operate and documents of university deliberations from the beginning of the 19th century, as well as the direction of the research funding notices launched, and public policies for access to higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Police violence in Brazil has long been discussed as a serious issue. In considering the prevalence of police violence in Brazil, previous studies have examined the reasons why police reform has not progressed, often from the perspective that the authoritarian nature of the military regime continues to persist within the police forces. Meanwhile, up to recent years, the number of "deaths resulting from police intervention (mortes decorrentes de intervenção policial: MDIP)" has fluctuated significantly. This fluctuation cannot be solely explained by the stagnation of police reform. Existing theories about the determinants of the number of MDIP refer to the political spectrum of the state governors' parties and the number of police officers killed. However, how these theories manifest in actual state cases has not been examined. The state of Rio de Janeiro is one of the most violent states in Brazil and serves as a crucial case study. Fitting this case within existing theories is difficult. In particular, the period from 2007 to 2018 saw rapid changes in the number of MDIP, with a significant decrease followed by a sharp increase. During this period, Sérgio Cabral and Luiz Fernando Pezão served as state governors, both belonging to the same party named Brazilian Democratic Movement (Movimento Democrático Brasileiro: MDB). Thus, the variation in the number of MDIP cannot be explained by the differences in political parties. This paper examines how public security policies had an impact on the number of MDIP during this period in the state of Rio de Janeiro. The central focus of the discussion is the policy known as the Pacifying Police Unit (Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora: UPP), which was created by Cabral. This policy change led to a decrease in MDIP until 2013. The introduction and subsequent downsizing of the UPP were determined by a comprehensive assessment of factors such as policy effectiveness, public opinion, the federal government's agendas, and the availability of resources. The case of Rio de Janeiro demonstrates the complexity of the process in which the governor decides the public security policy, indicating that the political spectrum of the governor's party was not significant in their decision-making. Furthermore, this case suggests the importance of focusing on public security policies in the debate on the fluctuations in MDIP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The public policies that make possible to democratize access to land have been a issue discussed for many decades as a way of reducing land inequality in Brazil. A lot of expectations about the democratization of access to land were created during the two Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's mandates (2003 - 2010) like brasilian president. In this sense, this paper investigate, with regard to the expropriationist agrarian reform proposal and that of land credit, if these proved to be sufficient to modify the agrarian structure in Rio de Janeiro state, in order to contribute to the democratization of access to lands in the state. To this end, it is important to understand the historical factors that influenced the process of elaborating the social function of land and land credit. Regarding the quantitative analysis of expropriations for land reform and land credit, the number of beneficiaries of the programs, hectares available and amounts executed will be observed. The results show that, for the analyzed period, it cannot be said that one proposal overlapped the other. However, the discontinuity in expropriations after 2007 may indicate a paralysis of this form of access to land. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the genuine progress indicator (GPI) for the state of Rio de Janeiro (RJ), Brazil, from 2002 to 2016 as an alternative indicator to the gross domestic product (GDP). Methodological approach was based on GPI 2.0 (Talberth in EE 142:1–11, 2017) with necessary adjustments due to geographical and biological specificities and currency conversions. For the calculations, primary and secondary data sources were consulted, both from public agencies and private institutions. Three main results were clearly observed: (1) the relation GPI/GDP fluctuated between 22 and 31% in the period 2002–2016; (2) even with a decline in Rio de Janeiro GDP from 2014 to 2016, due to Brazilian economic crisis, the GPI still increased in those years and (3) despite this continuous growth of GPI, its average yearly growth rate was 7,95%, while GDP, even with its 2014–2016 decrease, showed a higher average growth rate of 9,30% per year. Results also show that public policies in RJ should focus on jobs creation, investments in renewable energy and improving public transport, actions that are related to variables that, proportionally, most negatively affected the GPI. On the other hand, policies aiming to preserve vegetation cover should be intensified, since services of protected natural capital were the ones that contributed most positively to the indicator. This approach aims to increase GPI in the state and, consequently, improve the quality of life of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present the collective set of crônicas, "Balas de estalo", published by the newspaper Gazeta de Notícias, from 1883 to 1886, in Rio de Janeiro. (This presentation includes a characterization of Gazeta de Notícias and of the set of crônicas, stressing the guidelines of the collective project, and the procedures that guided the writing of its journalists. (The paper interpret Machado's participation in "Balas de estalo", taking into ac- count information brought to light by the study of "Balas de estalo" as a set. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates how students at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), one of the first Brazilian universities to adopt race-based quotas for admissions, interpret racial categories used as eligibility criteria. Considering the perspectives of students is important to understand the workings of affirmative action policies because UERJ's quotas require applicants to classify themselves. Students' interpretations of those categories often diverge from the interpretations intended by people who shaped the policy. Students' perspectives are formed by everyday experiences with categorisation and by their self-assessment as legitimate beneficiaries of quotas. In contrast, the policies were designed according to a new racial project, where black consciousness-raising and statistics played an important role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dramatic tropical landscape and extensive public realm of 19th-century Rio de Janeiro created the conditions for multiple spatial, political and ceremonial dialogues between the contained watery expanse of Guanabara Bay and an intricate and institutionally specialized necklace of urban waterfront squares. This paper investigates the dynamic relationship between land, sea, sovereignty and public space in Rio de Janeiro by interrogating representational material from archives in Austria, Brazil and Australia. The period 1808 to 1821 is the focus of the discussion, as it was during this period that state-sponsored rituals in these spaces reached a zenith with the domicile of the Portuguese royal family in Brazil [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Deviance et Societe is the property of Medecine et Hygiene and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)