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Even though Sino-American relations of the Donald Trump era were perceived as predominately confrontational, with a symbolic trade war between the two, the scale of economic interdependencies between the United States and China results in either a need for collaboration or in serious losses on both sides in the case of lack of cooperation. The paper aims at analyzing economic relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China at the time of the Trump presidency. Analysis is based on the complex interdependence theory of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. The main hypothesis analyzed in the paper states: Asymmetric interdependence between the People's Republic of China and the United States of America limits the scope, intensity and length of a trade war. For the sake of the paper, economic interdependence will be analyzed. Apart from the reference to the state of the art, the document analysis and descriptive statistics are to be applied in the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the arrival of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, that country began an economic and trade war with China which, in addition to the trade implications of this war, calls into question the relevance of the existence of current multilateralism. The trade policies of openness that have flourished since the 1980s seem to have come to an end. This fact forces us to rethink the U.S. and world economic agenda in an environment of uncertainty and in the face of a rival such as China, whose strength and influence is growing. Questions arise as to whether the winner will be rewarded with global economic hegemony? Or, on the other hand, will it be a situation in which two powers coexist with a shared hegemony? At this time it is not possible to anticipate who will be the winner, so the aim of this paper is to try to find trends and developments between the two countries to try to give a possible answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China and the United States are both major countries in the world in the production of and trade in wind energy products, and they are also important trading partners. Therefore, it is of great practical significance to analyze and evaluate the Sino-US bilateral wind power complementarity for re-examining their respective comparative advantages and re-understanding the benefits that trade liberalization brings to both countries, in an attempt to strengthen the trade relations between China and the United States and enhance trade complementarities in wind energy products under the global circumstances of fierce competition. In this paper, based on the trade data from the UN Comtrade database in 2007-2016, a quantitative analysis was conducted on the complementarity of Sino-US wind energy products, by adopting the quantitative research methods of trade combination degree index (TCD), export similarity index (SI) and trade complementarity index (TCI). The results shows that: i) the total trade volume of wind energy products between China and the United States has increased rapidly, and the trade surplus between China and the United States has been expanding year by year; ii) the overall trade balance of wind energy products trade between the two countries is generally stable, and the dependence of China's wind energy products on the United States is much higher than that of the U.S wind energy products on China; iii) the Sino-US wind energy products between China and the United States are highly competitive in the international market; iv) Sino-US wind energy products have different degrees of complementarity in bilateral trade. Finally, this paper proposed policy implications based on the findings of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Agenda 2030 poses critical elements regarding the transition towards a more sustainable development. This paper aims at exploring and comparing the path of sustainable development within the United States and China at the subnational level. An index of Integrated Sustainable Development is introduced to measure local sustainable development on an internationally-comparable scale. This Index is computed both at the national and subnational level and the resulting scores are compared within and across the two countries, also through the adoption of convergence and cluster analysis, allowing to answer four questions: Are the US and China moving towards a sustainable development agenda? Are the current achievements uniformly distributed within the two countries? Are states/provinces converging towards a more uniform level of sustainable development? Do the existing differences and analogies between states and provinces give rise to common clusters across the two countries? The results lead to one robust conclusion: while the US can claim a better result in the national and subnational rankings of sustainable development, China exhibits a more balanced achievement in terms of synergies across Goals and spatial distribution. Nonetheless, both countries are characterized by subnational disparities and scarce achievements of Planet-related Goals. Policy recommendations are discussed accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Soviet Union's fall China and United States lost a dangerous foe in East Asia, and it changed enormously the balance of power in this region, transforming the multipolar distribution of power existing previously into a bipolar. In other words, since 1991 China and United states are the only great powers in East Asia. To improve its relative position in the balance of power, the Chinese government has invested substantially on modernizing its armed forces. The issue of this paper is the influence of the Chinese military modernization on regional balance of power, focusing especially in military inventories e its means of use (asymmetrical tactics of anti-access and area denial), mostly on maritime domain. It drives us to the central question of that research: what is the influence of Chinese military modernization on the distribution of power in East Asia. The method utilized is the case study – structured and focused comparison. The comparative has a synchronic approach, in other words are considered the values of variables in only one moment. One concludes that China's military modernization has changed substantially the balance of power in East Asia, favoring the Chinese position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Can we construct transnational or international public service advertising to counterbalance the proliferation of transnational commercial advertising? As an important first step in exploring the possibility of such an application of shared media public diplomacy among nations, this paper describes a complete survey of commercial and public service advertisements collected from the public spaces of subway systems in American and Chinese cities in 2010 – New York, Washington, DC, Shanghai and Beijing – to reveal the range of themes of commercial and public service ads in these spaces. The study reveals first that analogous commercial and public service ads are ubiquitous in the public spaces of both Chinese and American cities. Second, many of the themes that might appear in international or transnational public service ads are already being portrayed in ads created by local or national governments or NGOs, although these themes are portrayed in ads created by different sets of actors in China and in the US: government actors and a few international NGOs in Chinese cities, and governments, corporations and non-profit organizations in the case of American cities. Finally, the survey reveals that in all four cities there are many commercial advertisements that appeal to the identity of a transnational consumer, but that there are almost no public service ads that appeal to the identity of a transnational citizen: merely local or national ones who can solve such public problems as global warming, education, and health issues. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The paper presents a general analysis of the relations among United States and Latin America considering issues such as the questioning of the US centrality globally and in the hemisphere, Brazil's policies to the region and the impact of the growing relations with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incidents of counterfeit products harming humans have been widely reported in the western press. Counterfeit handbags and jeans are easily obtainable at several well-known locations around the world, including many in the United States. The construction industry is not immune from the worldwide problems of counterfeiting. Research reported on by this paper identified the center of the problem as the People's Republic of China (PRC). In addition, the research concluded that there are significant differences in the attitudes toward counterfeiting exhibited by people living and working in North America and those living and working in the PRC. The research, based on almost 200 interviews, revealed that most Chinese manufacturers believe that 'close enough is good enough' and many Chinese have a hard time understanding why that is not acceptable to the U.S. market. Of course, many U.S. and Canadian companies have had great success procuring quality material and products from China, but most have achieved this success through extensive education and training of the Chinese manufacturer and supplier, and excruciating diligence in the oversight of their entire supply chain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses aspects of relations between China and South Korea. The central focus of the article is an examination of a protracted dispute between the two nations over differing views regarding the historiography of Koguryo, ancient Korean kingdom that comprised parts of what is now China, indicates the ease with which amicable relations between the two states can be disrupted. In addition the article contains the author's assertion that relations between South Korea and China call for careful administration and considered diplomatic measures.