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Psychoanalytic discourse in relation to the situation in historic Palestine is subject to both ideologically‐based and anxiety‐driven inhibitions and restrictions that conflict with the discipline's claim to be able to "stay with" difficult issues, to "think the unthinkable". This situation is understood as a social pathology, and its impacts are explored through a literature review (explaining the paper's length). It considers works that directly seek to protect Zionism from its critics, and texts whose purpose is to demonstrate the relevance of psychoanalytic concepts to the study of social injustice. The qualities of this contemporary discourse are considered alongside Freud's comments on the conditions for freedom of thought within psychoanalysis, and the example he provided in his comments on politics and society. Rather than a psychoanalytic contribution to understanding an issue of public concern, the paper attempts to describe aspects of psychoanalytic culture itself. It aims to facilitate deeper reflection amongst clinicians, on both an individual and collective level, regarding their contemporary engagement with coloniality and the social responsibilities of the psychoanalytic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Redressing the wrongs of the past has been a central theme in democratic South Africa. The land restitution programme was specifically intended to foster the process of redressing the loss and pain inflicted through racially motivated and violent dispossession of land. After more than two and half decades of implementing the land restitution programme, there are serious questions around how far this programme has contributed to redressing the injustices of the past. This paper, drawing from three land restitution case studies, illustrates that while many victims of colonial and apartheid land dispossession have been compensated, the land restitution process has scored limited success in redressing past injustices. The paper argues that the failure to substantively redress colonial and apartheid land dispossession is partly due to the narrow conceptualization of the restitution programme, which has emphasized procedural aspects, ignoring the need for meaningful redress of the victims of land dispossession. As a result of this, the land restitution programme has not fulfilled its transformative objectives of reconciliation, reconstruction, and reducing land inequalities in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs the race formation theory to trace the historical origins of the idea of Orania, an exclusively White town in post‐apartheid South Africa. A key finding is that Orania is a historical product of the centuries‐old, racist idea of a White homeland in South Africa which is referred to as The Boer Republics in South African historiography. Throughout South African history, White separatist ideas have always served as the foundation for the Afrikaner White homeland narrative. This paper uses the concept of White identity politics to frame the discourse of the "vulnerable White minority" that White residents of Orania deploy to conceal their White separatist ideas under the aegis of culture. This article demonstrates that the practice of White identity politics in Orania offers learning opportunities for anti‐racist academics who research new forms of racism in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although racial classification in South Africa has been extensively studied by scholars, little is known about the extent to which post‐apartheid refugees or immigrants reject the South African racial classification system. In particular, there is scant research on Eritrean refugees' self‐identification patterns within the racially structured South African host society. The current study addresses this lacuna by exploring how first‐generation Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers, who originate from an ethno‐linguistically structured social system, self‐identify. Semi‐structured interviews with 46 participants were conducted. Largely, those who lived in isolated Eritrean ethnic communities rejected identifying by race and instead self‐classified by identities they were familiar with in their home country. The results reported here form only part of a larger study that identified various themes. Four themes were identified in relation to this paper's specific research question: (1) identifying as human; (2) identifying as Eritrean; (3) identifying as Habesha; and (4) identifying as Tigrinya. The paper argues that non‐acculturated and residentially and ethnically isolated individual refugees in South Africa eschew South Africa's racial classification system. The resistance to racialization by new refugees might hold potential for transforming the country's entrenched racial classification system based on Black, White, Coloured, and Indian categories as the social demographics of South Africa change in response to immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post‐apartheid South Africa, migration policies and legislation have left critical issues such as social cohesion and integration unsolved. Furthermore, the inability to reconcile the national interest of maintaining borders' integrity with respecting moral and legal obligations has placed the asylum system under tremendous stress. Drawing from secondary sources, as well as qualitative interviews, this paper explores the development of new asylum policies aimed at curtailing asylum seekers' right to work in South Africa. The study's findings provide support for the conclusions of earlier research that highlights the consequences of hostile policies and practices for asylum seekers' livelihoods. The author argues that curtailments on asylum seekers' right to work will have many possible socio‐economic ramifications. In the immediate term, the legislation seeks to inhibit asylum seekers from engaging in self‐employment, while in the long run it may achieve the undesired effect of producing more precarious forms of livelihood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I describe the monetary and time costs of commuting to work in South African cities, and how these have changed in the post-Apartheid era. I interpret these results in light of a paper by Brueckner, who used a simple urban model to suggest that location and commuting patterns by race could change as a result of the repeal of Apartheid era legislation such as the Group Areas Act that made it impossible for black South Africans to live near the centre of cities. A key finding is that monetary and time costs of commuting in South African cities are high and have increased in the post-Apartheid period. Journey times are much higher than the OECD country average and a sample of developing country cities. Part of the explanation for increasing average commute times is population growth in South African cities, which has been substantial. Both the population and number of commuters doubled between 1993 and 2013 in the six metropolitan municipalities (metros) analysed in this paper. Since commuting costs a substantial amount and generates negative externalities through congestion I also explore the financing of public transport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The democratic jurisdiction in Africa meant to re‐instil peace in the continent, unite her people and champion the philosophy of Ubuntu. It has endeavoured to eradicate the enduring legacies of colonial hegemony and assert a new identity distinguished by autonomous ideologies. Despite the dispensation of these efforts, African societies are still bedevilled by colonial fragments. This is evinced by the appalling racist undertones and xenophobic spells that are overbearing in Africa in the democratic wave. Today, the African continent is vexed by the increasing rate of xenophobic outbreaks that sometimes appear to be anchored in racist connotations. This, inter alia, menaces African humanism and social development in African societies. This qualitative paper has aimed to uproot racist precipitants in xenophobic attacks. It is theoretical in nature and evaluates the rapport between racism and xenophobia from an Afrocentric perspective. The study has found that the xenophobic sentiments in the present day are framed within the imaginings of race. It has illuminated racial identity as a catalyst for xenophobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers an apparent paradox in South Africa: the share of single‐person households increased after the end of apartheid despite the ending of apartheid's racial laws that restricted 'African' families from living together, the postapartheid state's building of around four‐million low‐cost houses for families, the economies of scale offered by multiple‐person households in a country where poverty remains prevalent and the reduced significance of some of the longstanding sites of single‐person households—including mining compounds and hostels for men. Bringing together quantitative and qualitative data, we argue that solo dwelling remains associated with persistent rural–urban spatial divisions, increased migration and urbanization, continued declining marriage rates and the nature of employment. These arguments are supported by quantitative data that show an increase in solo dwelling, its greater occurrence among men and working‐age African men, in particular, its concentration in certain urban spaces and the way it fluctuated in the 2000s according to changing labour market conditions. We also draw on a township survey and interviews that show how, as apartheid restrictions collapsed, new areas of land suitable for solo living became available in the 1990s and provide examples of unmarried and married adults living alone, including to access work opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 pandemic plunged vulnerable populations and the church in South Africa into a crisis. This article argues that the situation of poor and vulnerable people is not an accident but a deliberate design of the powerful and is therefore closely linked to South Africa's political past. The paper traces the origins of structural vulnerabilities in various apartheid laws, including the Native Land Act, the Group Areas Act, and the Bantu Education Act. It argues that this deliberate shaping of vulnerable groups continues in post‐apartheid South Africa – hence, South Africa has evolved from a racialized society to a market‐based society. Finally, the article concludes that the COVID‐19 pandemic offers a kairos moment for the church in South Africa to redesign its theologies and consider an option for Black theology as prophetic theology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While objective class dynamics have received much attention in South Africa, less is known about the subjective social positions individuals place themselves in. For example, in a highly unequal society like South Africa, some individuals would overestimate (inflate) or underestimate (deflate) their social position compared to their objective class position. This paper aims to provide further information on status inconsistency in South Africa by assessing some of the socioeconomic determinants of bias perceptions. Using International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) data and a multinomial probit model, the results show that education and race play a significant role in influencing the biased perceptions of individuals in South Africa. For example, individuals with higher education levels have a stronger tendency to deflate their social position, while Coloreds, Indians/Asians, and whites tend to inflate their social positions more than Africans. The results indicate the vital role of race and education in determining status inconsistencies in a society that is still suffering from high levels of racial and education inequality due to the lingering legacy of apartheid. The results provide a better understanding to policymakers and government on the dynamics behind social status perceptions in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines whether cities in post-apartheid South Africa achieve accessibility, equity and sustainability in relation to its transport-related problems. This paper will first introduce the reader to general urban spatial theories. Although practice never reflects theories totally, some examples of cities are given to illustrate the differences between the different theories. Moreover, an indication of the sustainability of these theories is included. The next section describes the South African situation. It will become clear that South African cities are not sustainable. The South African National Government recognises this, and consequently a range of policy documents were drafted in the mid-1990s. This section will conclude with a description of the situation in Cape Town (as an example of a South African city). Based on the description of several cities as an illustration of the urban spatial theories, it can be concluded that the Dutch compact city approach was quite successful. Nonetheless, driven by the lack of space, the Netherlands was the first European country forced to go beyond the compact city to find further solutions to transportation problems. Integrated settlement and transport planning, in which the use of the private car within the cities is limited and public transport plays a major role, were the answer. This paper describes the main theory behind the Dutch integrated settlement and transport planning. As other European countries have started to introduce the same policies, the question arises if South Africa could also benefit from the introduction of the Dutch integrated settlement and transport planning approach.

Since the end of apartheid, the growth of the real estate market in the historically disadvantaged residential areas of South African cities has been quite remarkable. Transactions in this property market, which can take on several forms of exchange of ownership or occupation, in many respects defy de Soto's definition of dead capital. Yet, despite this booming market, large parts of these residential areas are still regarded by local government as having no capital value. Although the titling of properties cannot be regarded as the only or even the main immediate solution to alleviating poverty within these communities, it certainly presents a real and immediate potential opportunity to many of them. This paper attempts to determine the potential size of this market. It starts with perspectives on land values, the property market and the titling of informal properties and examines different methods used in the evaluation of properties both in the formal and informal residential sectors. Drawing on empirical literature and research findings, the paper makes an attempt at establishing the form and value of what is regarded as the degree of undervaluation of real estate capital by the local authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts of articles published in "International Journal of Urban and Regional Research." South Africa's urban landscape is undergoing a period of rapid change. This is due to increasing levels of black urbanization and the repeal of apartheid legislation governing urban settlement. The aim of the paper "The changing face of the South African City: From apartheid to the deracialization of space" is to schematically sketch out the diverse urban processes occurring in South Africa. It is argued that while the racial dimension of the urban landscape in South Africa is changing, the urban poor nevertheless remain excluded from the fruits of desegregation. The paper "Urban land development under socialism: China between 1949 and 1977" outlines mechanisms underlying urban land development in China between 1949 and 1977 by adopting a better-informed framework of the Chinese state. It shows how resources have been siphoned into and away from the urban land development process in response to shortages in inputs in the resource-constrained economy.

This paper revisits the 1962 splitting of the South African Psychological Association (SAPA), when disaffected Afrikaner psychologists broke away to form the whites-only Psychological Institute of the Republic of South Africa (PIRSA). It presents an analysis of the rhetorical justification for forming a new professional association on principles at odds with prevailing international norms, demonstrating how the episode involved more than the question of admitting black psychologists to the association. In particular, the paper argues that the SAPA-PIRSA separation resulted from an Afrikaner nationalist reading of the goals of psychological science. PIRSA, that is, insisted on promoting a discipline committed to the ethnic-national vision of the apartheid state. For its part, SAPA's racial integration was of a nominal order only, ostensibly to protect itself from international sanction. The paper concludes that, in a racist society, it is difficult to produce anything other than a racist psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers post-apartheid South African Whiteness from a psychoanalytic perspective. A point of focus is Samantha Vice's controversial and much debated recent article on the ethical quandaries of post-apartheid White privilege, 'How Do I Live in this Strange Place?', which is read alongside J.M. Coetzee's essay, 'The Mind of Apartheid', written in the early 1990s on the brink of South Africa's transition. Coetzee used a Freudian framework of obsessional neurosis to highlight what he saw as the libidinal economy of apartheid, suggesting that apartheid policies were not only or even primarily aimed at consolidating White material privilege; they were, rather, in Coetzee's view, a set of measures designed to preserve the purity of the White social body from contamination. What the juxtaposition of Coetzee and Vice suggests is that, while the stain of South African Whiteness has shifted or been displaced, post-apartheid White antiracism, exemplified in the critical discourse Vice elaborates, remains as obsessional, as concerned with keeping the White social body clean, pure, as apartheid thinking. The paper then concludes by considering the usefulness, but also, crucially, the limits of psychoanalysis as a critical frame for interrogating the continuities between apartheid and the new South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the experiences of farm dwellers resettled in rural townships in the Ciskei Bantustan during the decades of the 1960s and 1970s. Drawing on the oral testimonies of elderly residents of Sada and Ilinge townships, the paper shows how gendered and generational inequalities within households were crucial factors shaping individuals' experiences of resettlement from the farms. The paper engages with an older literature that regarded the abolition of labour tenancy and linked resettlement programmes as the final stage of farm tenants' proletarianization. It highlights the problems of this linear narrative, and argues that men and women experienced and understood this process in radically different ways. Male labour migration and the remnants of farm paternalism meant that while resettlement cemented the status of migrant men, for women and non-migrant men this process was characterized by contradiction: on the one hand, escape from the spatial hegemonies of farm paternalism and, on the other, heightened economic exposure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper responds to Patricia Hayes's insightful readings of Santu Mofokeng's photographic work in South Africa. The paper operates from the premise that photography is a technology of visualization that both draws on and establishes a visual economy through which events and issues are materialized in particular ways. This allows the paper to pose questions and develop understandings about Mofokeng's work in terms of the way certain factors coalesced to enable a particular representation of black South Africans in the global image economy. Central to this is the role of assumptions about exposure and visibility in relation to violence, assumptions that Mofokeng's work, as a critique of conventional documentary work, explicitly contests. In exploring the invisibility of everyday life, Mofokeng expands notions of documentary photography and photojournalism. This paper demonstrates this point by connecting Mofokeng's work to a contemporary controversy in European photojournalism to highlight how a more complex understanding of documentary photography is necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa, once a pariah state as a result of the apartheid regime destabilization policies in Southern Africa, became a full fledge democratic state following the victory of the African National Congress (ANC) in the first and all‐inclusive democratic elections of 1994. The ANC's vision for Southern Africa was to be routed on the notion of curbing the imbalances of the past (pre‐1994), which had cost the Southern African region great economic loss. Here, one of the many fundamentals that were to drive the ANC's foreign policy doctrine was that of conflict resolution for a more stable and prosperous Africa particularly Southern Africa. Conflict resolution was viewed as a pivotal element for the new democratic government in order to stimulate beneficial relations with other African states post the apartheid era. In light of the above, and using a qualitative method approach, this paper draws a nuanced appraisal and examines the role of South Africa's peacekeeping and mediation initiatives in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Lesotho post‐1994. In conclusion, South Africa has been able to utilize its regional hegemonic stance to ensure regional security while ensuring economic stability at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines social, political and economic processes within the former KaNgwane bantustan to understand the changing relationships between society and space in the post-apartheid era. Research on rural development and reconstruction in South Africa attest to the spatial legacy of apartheid while suggesting that dynamic transformations are occurring within the former bantustans. A central concern of this paper is the ways the apartheid government constructed and presented KaNgwane as a development project in order to justify racial segregation and control. While the bantustans have been effectively erased from the popular imagination, these spaces continue to be framed developmentally in ways that provide limited attention to local context and change. In order to consider the shifts in environment and development discourses within these territories, a case study is employed to evaluate livelihood production systems, environmental change, and governance institutions. It is argued that these patterns reveal the simultaneously static and dynamic nature of the bantustans while demonstrating that their reincorporation will remain an ongoing process in the post-apartheid era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the spatial impact of land reform and the redrawing of internal boundaries on South Africa's former bantustans. It argues that, in contrast to the democratic government's intention to use land reform and boundary demarcation to effectively change the spatial legacy of apartheid, these processes tend to cement the geography of the former bantustans. Though earlier research correctly projected that post-apartheid policies could result in the enlargement of the areas of the former bantustans, the ways in which this could happen were still unclear. This paper draws on experiences of land reform and boundary demarcation to demonstrate how and why the areas of the former bantustans have been enlarged over the 12 years of democracy in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus on the digital divide raises important questions with regards to the global impact of information technology. Technical inequalities are, however, often embedded in the development project where access to technological knowledge becomes a determining factor in the development process. This paper aims to uncover the use of geographic information systems (GIS) on the Cato Manor Development Project in Durban, South Africa. The focus will be on an instant where the legitimacy of the project was challenged by former residents, removed from the area during the Apartheid era, and the role of information technology in resolving that conflict. The paper will show that GIS is not necessarily a value-free tool, but can influence development decisions contrary to the expectations of those affected by it. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of political legitimacy is divided between prescriptive and descriptive approaches. Political philosophy regards legitimacy as principled justification, sociology regards legitimacy as public support. However, all people can, and occasionally do engage in morally reasoning their political life. This paper thus submits that in studying socio-political legitimation - the legitimacy-making process - the philosophical ought and the sociological is can be bridged. I call this construct 'public political thought' (PPT), signifying the public's principled moral reasoning of politics, which need not be democratic or liberal. The paper lays PPT's foundations and identifies its 'builders' and 'building blocks'. I propose that the edifice of PPT is built by moral agents constructing and construing socio-moral order ( nomization). PPT's building blocks are justificatory common beliefs ( doxa) and the deliberative language of legitimation. I illustrate the merits of this groundwork through two empirical puzzles: the end of apartheid and the emergence of Québécois identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies on the value relevance of board gender and ethnic diversity have produced mixed results. This paper re-examines this relationship using hand-collected data of 245 South African listed firms over the period 2008-2013. We document a positive and significant effect of both board gender and ethnic diversity on firm value. We also find that the increase in firm value is greater when boards have three or more women directors. In contrast, ethnic minority directors contribute less to firm value when there are three or more on the board. Furthermore, we document that ethnicity has a concave relationship with firm value, but gender does not. We demonstrate that in better-governed firms, ethnic diversity is more value relevant than gender diversity. Our results also suggest that financial crisis is associated with the propensity to restructure boards along gender and ethnicity. This paper sheds new light on the effect of board diversity in South African firms as the government increasingly pursues policies aimed at eradicating the effects of apartheid. Our results are robust after controlling for self-selection and various forms of endogeneity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates progress in reducing the high level of racial stratification of occupations after apartheid in South Africa. Empirical analysis, using census microdata and Labour Force Surveys, does not provide compelling evidence of sustained or significant desegregation. Occupations remain highly segmented by race, with blacks disproportionally holding low‐paying jobs (compared with whites), although segregation and segmentation also affect in a different way the other population groups (Indians/Asians and Coloureds). Less than a third of the occupational segregation and about half of the segmentation of Africans (with respect to whites) are related to their characteristics, especially their lower educational achievement, a gap that has been reduced over time. Segregation and stratification, however, remain when blacks and whites with similar characteristics are compared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the historical development of land tenure in South Africa, the aim of this article is to examine the best routes to alleviate poverty and retain sustainable agriculture in the country. First, a theoretical framework is presented that relates land tenure to sustainability, and three historical periods (pre-colonial, colonial, and apartheid) are then considered to explain the changes in land tenure and their consequences. The progress and main limitations of post-apartheid land reform to approach agricultural sustainability and alleviate poverty are discussed. Based on the analysis, different possibilities for future land reform are elaborated, followed by some recommendations for future land-reform policies in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses South Africa as an example to explore how crises of trust - stemming from the legacy of Apartheid, local and international corporate failures and the changing regulatory framework in the United States - have contributed to shaping aspects of South African corporate governance. Using Giddens' theory of modernity, the research considers how the country's racist past and recent corporate scandals have converged to shape South Africa's corporate governance landscape. In turn, mechanisms of modernity explain why South Africa has developed a highly sophisticated system of corporate governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Katanga was a breakaway secessionist territory, Rhodesia a renegade British settler colony that opposed black majority rule, and the latter two polities were manifestations of South African Apartheid policy. Two particularly fascinating trajectories are that of Rowan Cronjé, a cabinet member in both Rhodesia and Bophuthatswana, and Ron Reid-Daly, a military commander of the Rhodesian Selous Scouts and subsequently the Transkei Defence Force. I Struggles for Self-Determination i links the futile quests for international recognition of four "pseudo-states": Katanga, Rhodesia, Transkei and Bophuthatswana. [Extracted from the article]

Abstract: Population aging poses a new challenge to the fiscal sustainability of social security programs around the globe. As life expectancy increases, among other reasons, many governments in developed countries have begun to reform key features of their programs, such as increasing the eligibility age for access to social benefits. However, as in the case of South Africa, some opt to decrease the eligibility age for access to such pension benefits. The South African old age pension, which is one of the most expansive cash transfers in developing countries, puts a significant monthly cash transfer in the hands of its recipients. This cash transfer is conditioned on age and a means test that is very generous to most South Africans. In this paper, we seek to understand the impact of such an increase in non‐labour income on the labour force participation of older men by exploiting a phased‐in reduction in pension eligibility age. We estimate that, at the median predicted market wage, pension age‐eligibility reduces the probability of labour force participation by approximately 9.85% points for single males and 15.45% points for married males. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the phenomenon of single women claiming, and acquiring, residential sites in the former homelands since the end of apartheid in 1994, against the backdrop of steadily declining marriage rates. It argues that the transition to democracy changed the balance of power within which 'living customary law' is negotiated at the local level, and emboldened women. The changes are put at risk by controversial traditional leadership laws enacted since 2003. These restore the power of definition to chiefs, and reassert constructs of customary law that obscure the dynamics of the changes under way. I suggest that the 'changes' may, in part, reflect the re-emergence of pre-existing repertoires that were suppressed by official customary law. The paper contrasts the Constitutional Court's inclusive approach to 'living customary law' and the legislative process, with the autocratic approach of the new laws, one of which has already been struck down by the Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Urban geographers increasingly incorporate the potential of so-called informal livelihood activities to provide resources that can be creatively managed in the transformation of urban space, particularly to the benefit of less well off and marginalized residents. This paper reports a case study in Rustenburg, North West Province, South Africa, where city managers began to promote inclusive development in the early 1990s, just prior to the formal dismantling of the apartheid system. The findings reveal that Rustenburg's urban transformation process, over a decade later, continued to reproduce repressive practices that limit the informal livelihood activities of the urban majority. Apparently efforts of well-meaning city managers to implement a sustainable and inclusive development process are often rendered futile at the point of actually defining the constituents of urban socioeconomic transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a Schelling-type checkerboard model of residential segregation formulated as a spatial game. It shows that although every agent prefers to live in a mixed-race neighborhood, complete segregation is observed almost all of the time. A concept of tipping is rigorously defined, which is crucial for understanding the dynamics of segregation. Complete segregation emerges and persists in the checkerboard model precisely because tipping is less likely to occur to such residential patterns. Agent-based simulations are used to illustrate how an integrated residential area is tipped into complete segregation and why this process is irreversible. This model incorporates insights from Schelling's two classical models of segregation (the checkerboard model and the neighborhood tipping model) and puts them on a rigorous footing. It helps us better understand the persistence of residential segregation in urban America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of an ongoing effort to make sense of the turbulent forces at play in South Africa in relation to other parts of the world. Engaging debates over neoliberalism from a South African vantage point, I show how currently influential theories cast in terms of class project, governmentality, and hegemony are at best partial. A more adequate understanding is not just a matter of combining these different dimensions into a more encompassing model of “neoliberalism in general”. The challenge, rather, is coming to grips with how identifiably neoliberal projects and practices operate on terrains that always exceed them. A crucially important dimension of what is going on in South Africa is that escalating struggles over the material conditions of life and livelihood are simultaneously struggles over the meaning of the nation and liberation, as well as expressions of profound betrayal. These processes underscore the analytical and political stakes in attending to interconnected historical geographies of specifically racialized forms of dispossession, and how they feature in the present. The paper concludes with a call for a properly post-colonial frame of understanding that builds on the synergies and complementarities between a Gramscian reading of Fanon and relational conceptions of the production of space set forth by Lefebvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa is one of the wealthiest countries on the African continent. The high national level (and growth) of GDP per capita, however, masks significant differences in economic performance across South Africa's regions. This paper uses (spatial) Markov chain techniques to describe the evolution of the entire cross-section regional income distribution in terms of its intra-distributional characteristics during the post-Apartheid period. The results indicate a heavily diverging regional income distribution. Relatively poor regions are likely to remain poor or become even poorer and the richest regions will maintain their lead in terms of income levels. Explicitly taking account of space furthermore shows that these high-income regions are acting as local growth poles, absorbing economic activity from their immediate surroundings. Location, trade, education, and the variable fortune of the gold mining industry seem to be important determinants of the observed evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports the results of an economic experiment which was designed to test the effect of racial identity on generosity in a non-strategic setting. A sample of undergraduate university students was recruited to participate in a dictator game, where surnames of individuals were revealed to convey information about racial identity. Results indicate that compared to a set of control experiments where participant identity was kept anonymous, revealing racial identity has a significant and positive impact on the size of the offers made. However, while Black participants did not vary their offers based on the racial identity of their partners, White participants were more generous towards White partners than Black partners, exhibiting insider favouritism in their offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the rhetoric of nation-building in South Africa with particular reference to the incorporation of South Africans of Indian descent into the post-1994 political order. During its years as a protest movement, the ANC came to embrace ‘non-racialism’, a doctrine emphasising a common South African identity, in order to provide a counter-rhetoric to the racially exclusive doctrine of apartheid. However, the organisation had difficulty in garnering support from the Indian and Coloured communities during the transition to democratic rule. It increasingly adopted a multiculturalist conception of the South African nation and promoted the idea of the ‘rainbow nation’ in order to foster a sense of unity among South Africa's diverse population groups. This multicultural conception of the South African nation has met with some success. The majority of Indians voted for the ANC in the 2004 elections, shifting their political loyalties from the National and Democratic Parties in previous elections. This trend demonstrates an increasing identification among Indians with the African majority government. However, in spite of the ANC's success in courting the Indian vote in the 2004 elections, Indian-African tensions have been fuelled by recent anti-Indian rhetoric. The paper argues that a multiculturalism that does not address the material conditions that fuel class antagonisms will prove to be shallow in the present neo-liberal policy climate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional integration is a fashionable, but far from novel phenomenon, in southern Africa. This paper compares regional integration during the apartheid period with that which has occurred subsequently. South Africa's regional strategy has consistently been the single most important factor affecting the nature, character and evolution of regional integration. It was only after South Africa's successful all-race election in April 1994 could southern African regionalism move away from the politics of separation to integration. Since 1994, all the regional institutions in southern Africa have changed their institutional structures and integrative ambitions in order to respond to changed national, international and regional environments. There is no doubt that the policy environment affecting regional integration in post-apartheid southern Africa has changed beyond all recognition when compared to the late-apartheid period. However, a central contention of this paper is that many of the key challenges facing southern African regionalism remain fundamentally the same as in the apartheid period; intra-regional trade remains imbalanced and limited, regional inequalities continue to be intense and the institutional structure of regional integration is complex, confusing and contradictory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the conceptual framework of social dialogue, investment in social capital and some international definitions of social dialogue as background to developments in this sphere in South Africa. Social dialogue is viewed as a mechanism for problem-solving and reducing transaction costs. The paper considers the ramifications of the 1979 Wiehahn Report on labour relations, as well as the nature of social dialogue in the apartheid era and its workplace origins. Institutionally, the stepping stones to the emergence of the NEF and Nedlac are discussed, together with some of the issues involved in, and formal outcomes of, Nedlac over the past eleven years in public policy choices. It closes with an evaluation of institutionalised social dialogue in South Africa and its future. “With the transition to non-racial democracy in 1994, it became the task of an ANC-led government to attempt to resolve the economic contradictions that apartheid had created. To achieve this requires massive economic and social changes, great programmes of investment and structural change. It is necessary to create the vital human capital needed at every level, from rudimentary literacy to the highest ranks of science and technology; to overcome enormous deficiencies in all forms of social infrastructure, including housing, schools, health, and transport; to return land to the black population and restore ravaged rural areas; to expand black ownership of mining, industry, commerce, and finance; and to diminish enormous inequalities in income and wealth. The new regime has made a promising start, but South Africa's past will exert a powerful influence on its present and future for a long time to come, and these huge tasks will not be swiftly or easily accomplished.” Charles Feinstein (2005 ) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether the dismantling of apartheid has resulted in an improvement in the standard of living for the vast majority of South Africans. The study is based on a panel data set from the Kwazulu-Natal province. We use weighted quantile regressions to examine the distribution of standards of living, which corrects for the potential bias arising from non-random sample attrition. Our results show that there has been a significant increase in the spread of the distribution of household expenditure of the non-white households residing in Kwazulu-Natal province. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa's democratic transition has had a significant impact upon localized governance systems in mediating development opportunities within the former apartheid homelands. This paper uses a case study from the former KaNgwane homeland to evaluate the role of the Matsamo Tribal Authority in shaping livelihoods and access to environmental resources. It is argued that although the colonial and apartheid empowerment of the tribal authorities continues to have symbolic and material meaning for rural populations, newly created democratic structures are challenging traditional governance systems in the post-apartheid era. The intersection between these contrasting, and historically situated, systems suggests a dynamic renegotiation is occurring that will continue to impact rural households within the former places of apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the perspective of a black South African woman social ethicist, this paper explores the implications of reconciliation, justice and mission in the context of South Africa. The paper calls for the entrenchment of justice and reconciliation in South Africa, particularly following the public and ecclesial discourses in South Africa that emphasized issues of truth, forgiveness and healing whilst underplaying the imperative for redistributive justice as a component that could possibly complement and facilitate reconciliation. Ten years after the demise of apartheid, and the subsequent democratization of South Africa, and three-plus years after the Truth and Reconciliation Commission reported, this paper suggests that we have become conscious that the quest for justice and reconciliation ought to be the core of the church's witness and ministry on earth. Justice and reconciliation ministries should be encouraged as they are relevant for churches and societies that are in transition from violent oppression to freedom. In its last section, the paper suggests ways in which justice and reconciliation can be made real through the church's mission in concrete contexts, such as post-apartheid South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a heuristic and theoretical framework that will permit an assessment of the costs and damages incurred by black South Africans under an apartheid scheme that constrained their living standards below that of white South Africans. This approach is particularly valuable as it permits one to choose the nature of interactions between market agents that may be important. Two propositions are established that demonstrate the adverse effects that apartheid had on economic growth and black South African income.

The article provides a critical account of the way in which a group of South African psychologists and other mental health workers sought to use their professions as instruments of resistance to apartheid. Through recounting the history of the Durban branch of the Organisation for Appropriate Social Services in South Africa (OASSSA), a progressive anti-apartheid “social service” organisation, the aims of the paper are two-fold: firstly, to suggest some of the ways in which the practice of this broad-based mental health and social service organisation challenged mainstream psychological thinking and began to develop some progressive psychological practices within the conditions of apartheid repression and violence; and secondly, to note some of the difficulties and contradictions that arose in OASSSA's work with working class communities, given that the organisation's membership was largely made up of middle-class academics and professionals. The paper concludes with a critical discussion of the extent to which the group succeeded in achieving its goals of (i) service delivery, (ii) the political mobilisation of psychologists, and (iii) the challenging and critical redefinition of the terrain of psychological practice in South Africa. Copyright © 2000 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Among the most destructive legacies of apartheid in South Africa is the violent history of division, discrimination, and control through which the everyday injustices of racial order were experienced. This violence of 'separate development' was inscribed within particular spaces, as the apartheid state attempted to define and control where racially-defined citizens could live, work, and travel. This paper examines the geography of violence and reconstruction in one such space, that of Cato Manor near Durban. The area is known for the large-scale forced removals which took place there in the 1950s, destroying a multi-racial community of Indian and African residents. Although zoned for white residence, Cato Manor remained vacant until the 1980s, when it became a safe haven for refugees fleeing violence in the Natal countryside. In the early 1990s, the area became the focus of a non-racial development effort, which sought to overcome the violent social divisions of the apartheid era. This redevelopment, however, became a site of contestation when former residents of Cato Manor petitioned to reclaim land they once owned there, claims that the city of Durban attempted to nullify in court. The outcome of the land claims trial highlights the tensions between the present dictates of development and the process of negotiating the violence of the past, and suggests that the democratization of planning can be a means of 'working through' the legacies of displacement and dispossession that are so much a part of South Africa's present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa's first local government elections held in November 1995 and June 1996 cemented the transition from apartheid to democratic local government. The focus at that time was on the deracialization and democratization of local governance, which was successfully achieved. Local government since then, however, has failed to fulfil its mandate as the delivery arm of government, nor has the hoped-for rapid transformation of the local sphere of government materialized. In seeking an explanation for this perceived inadequacy, attention has tended to focus on the limited financial and administrative capacity of newly elected councillors and council staff. Although the lack of capacity does present a barrier to the achievement of effective local government, the constraints municipalities encounter in their geographic composition and administrative formation provide the structural dimension of municipal constraint. The White Paper on Local Government published in March 1998 seeks to address these structural constraints and, through an ambitious legislative process, chart a path to ‘developmental’ local government. This article identifies the constraints experienced by non-metropolitan municipalities and analyses the likely impact of the government's restructuring programme for the achievement of viable and sustainable local government in South Africa. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1980s South Africa's urban landscape has been undergoing a period of rapid change. This has mainly been caused by increasing levels of Black urbanization coupled with shortages of affordable land and housing for the urban poor. The shortage of affordable land and housing has been further exacerbated by the country's declining rate of real economic growth, which has prevented many of those moving into urban areas from finding jobs. This, together with the gradual breakdown of the old racial order culminating in the formal repeal of laws governing black settlement on white land in June 1991, has added a new urban spatial dynamic to the pre-existing apartheid city. While the basic legacy of the apartheid city structure remains, elements within both its core and periphery have nevertheless been undergoing substantial changes. The aim of this paper is to schematically sketch out the diverse urban processes occurring in South Africa. It will be argued that while the racial dimension of the urban landscape in South Africa is changing, the urban poor nevertheless remain excluded from the fruits of desegregation. There is a need to develop a new terminology to account for this process. The term the deracialization of space is thus developed to account for parts of the process which cannot be conveyed by the term desegregation. It is argued that the old apartheid urban landscape is simultaneously undergoing a significant process of deracialization and a far less significant process of desegregation. The aim of progressive planners and of policy-makers should be to translate the deracialization of space into the real desegregation of urban areas, and hence of services as a means of empowering the urban poor.

Copyright of Antipode is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reviews post-apartheid South Africa through Fanon's critical analysis of decolonization. Since, for Fanon, apartheid represented the purest form of the Manichean politics of space that characterizes colonialism, a Fanonian perspective on South Africa asks to what extent has the geographical layout of apartheid been remapped? Addressing this question necessitates shifting the 'geography of reason' from technical discourses of policy-makers to the lived reality of the 'damned of the earth'. From this perspective, Fanon's critique becomes relevant in two ways, first as a prism to understand the rise of xenophobic violence as a symptom of the degeneration of the idea of South Africa's 'promised land' and second as a way to listen to a new grassroots shack dweller movement, Abahlali baseMjondolo, that is challenging both neoliberal and progressive assumptions by advocating a quite different geographic layout for a 'truly democratic' society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the core of colonial and apartheid social engineering was a spatial strategy based on institutions and infrastructure linking together rural homesteads and villages, and mining centers and towns. In the case of the mining industry, single-sex compounds were set up as the foundation of the infrastructure of control over black labor. In this paper we examine how various forms of control operated. We locate our contribution within the labor geography literature. We argue that it was not only state institutions and major corporations that shaped landscapes of control. In this regard we highlight the centrality of workers' agency, specifically the way in which the National Union of Mineworkers captured the compounds and subverted the logic of employer control. However, the union's successes as well as the advent of democracy have resulted in profound changes, thus presenting the union with new challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]