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Disability has, in recent years, become a focal point of discussion in many parts of the world with the increasing awareness that people with disabilities (PWDs) are disadvantaged because of their condition. Throughout history, PWDs have been relegated to the status of second‐class citizens and in some instances treated inhumanly. In many cultures, particularly in Africa, issues of disability are surrounded by fear because of the strong belief that they are caused by sin, witchcraft, or evil spirits. People with mental challenges are demonized. This has led to a negative attitude toward PWDs in the world generally and in Southern and Central Africa in particular. This paper discusses the mission of the church in this context. It argues that the church must act as a catalyst for change by generating a positive attitude toward PWDs so that they can enjoy fullness of life. This can be achieved by mainstreaming issues of disability in the social, economic, political, and spiritual life of society as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Symbols are communicative tools with performative functions in all cultures. Apart from their decorative functions, non‐Christian symbols adopted into Christianity have had a tremendous impact on Christian life since the early times, especially in liturgical practices. Through Western missionary activities, Ghana inherited Christian biblical‐liturgical art as has been developed in the home countries of the missionaries. However, since the 1960s Adinkra symbols have been incorporated into Christian worship and theology, receiving attention within secular and religious circles because of their communicative potential. On the religious level, some churches have adopted them as logos or incorporated them into architectural designs and liturgical art. This paper seeks to investigate what motivates various missions to choose particular Adinkra symbol(s) and what they hope to achieve with them. Furthermore, it attempts a theological reflection on the communicative potential of artefacts in Ghanaian Christianity as a response to the “Great Commission. “We approach the subject from a historical, contextual, and theological perspective, using selected Roman Catholic and Methodist churches in Ghana as case studies. The study employed unstructured in‐depth interviews and photo elicitations to trace the relationship between visual arts and religion, with particular emphasis on Christian visual arts and how they have informed Christianity in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the most of enormous challenges threatening the public health systems in sub-Saharan Africa, faith-based organizations (FBOs) are making a substantial contribution to the health of communities. This paper offers a brief retrospective into the development of such collaboration, and how scientific "religion blindness" made it all but invisible. In this context, the African Religious Health Assets Programme (ARttAP) was initiated to research and understand "religious health assets" (RHAs), to probe how such assets can be drawn into public health systems, and to develop appropriate language for this field. First, we explain the turn to "assets" in contrast to the more common discourse of "needs" or "deficits", and show the importance of both tangible and intangible RHAs for a proper understanding of their significance. Second, we are interested in how religion might strengthen the "leading causes of life", rather than focusing in the first instance on illness and the burden of disease. We sta3gest that the potency of an FBO for health will depend on the extent to which these leading causes of life are present. A third innovation arose once we contemplated that fact that many African languages have no direct equivalents for either 'religion' or 'health', but use comprehensive concepts like b0phelo, that encapsulate both religion and health in terms of holistic, relational well-being. To express this, we have coined the term "healthworlds'; which describes the way in which religion and health are intertwined with each other, and impact on the choices people make about their health. The paper emphasizes the connection between (ill-) health, power and justice as essential areas of concern for people of faith. It closes by stressing the need for collaboration, not only between the religious and public health sectors, but also among those who are seeking to understand this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the deterritorialization and reterritorialization of the Orisha religion in Africa, Nigeria, Cuba and the United States. There is a relationship between religion and territory in the Oyo empire in the West Africa. The paper looks at Orisha worship became established in Cuba. It did not disappear, but became a religion of slaves, and this transplantation provides a good illustration of the dialectal relations between civilization and society. The paper focuses on the introduction of Santeria into the U.S. and its development there. With Cuban emigration to the United States, other type of relationship between civilization and the society have been established. Santeria is recontextualized in a multicultural society segmented into communities. It has also penetrated the black American community. Santeria can be defined as a system of local cults whose essential element related to the adoration of the Santo, i.e. the original deity born of syncretism between African and Catholic beliefs. Santerism arose from the association of spiritism and Santeria produced in the centers of Puerto Rican spiritism in New York. Santerismo has smuggled in some practices of Orisha worship while still likening it to dangerous witchcraft.

Objectives The aim of the paper was to describe the association of religion with HIV outcomes in newly diagnosed Africans living in London. Methods A survey of newly diagnosed HIV-positive Africans attending 15 HIV treatment centres across London was carried out between April 2004 and February 2006. Confidential self-completed questionnaires were used, linked to clinical records. Bivariate analyses were conducted to ascertain whether religious beliefs were associated with late diagnosis, antiretroviral therapy, and immunological and virological outcome 6 months post diagnosis. Results A total of 246 Black Africans were eligible and included in the analysis: 62.6% were women, and the median age was 34 years. The median CD4 count at diagnosis was 194 cells/ μL (range 0-1334 cells/ μL) and 75.6% presented late, as defined as a CD4 count < 350 cells/ μL. Most participants were religious: non- Roman Catholic Christians (55.7%), Roman Catholics (35.2%) and Muslims (6.1%). Only 1.2% stated that they did not have a religion. Participants who attended religious services at least monthly were more likely to believe that 'faith alone can cure HIV' than those who attended less frequently (37.7% vs. 15.0%; P = 0.002). A small proportion (5.2%) believed that taking antiretroviral therapy implied a lack of faith in God. Bivariate analysis found no relationship between religiousness (as measured using frequency of attendance at religious services and religious attitudes or beliefs) and late diagnosis, changes in CD4 count/viral load 6 months post diagnosis, or initiation of antiretroviral therapy. Conclusions Strong religious beliefs about faith and healing are unlikely to act as a barrier to accessing HIV testing or antiretroviral treatment for Black Africans living in London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]