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This paper examines the notion of destituent power in the work of Walter Benjamin and Giorgio Agamben. In contrast to constituent power's emphasis on the formation of a people relying on the metaphysical presuppositions this entails, including representation and identity, destituent power does away with such categories and renders them inoperative. This paper explores this gesture, together with the idea of a modal ontology that substitutes the "what" in the questions "what is being" for "how". It is argued here that this reconceptualization has the capacity to reorient the mode of politics functioning to take account of power's anomie and false promises to ever delay the catastrophe that has already arrived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, intersex studies has achieved increasing development as a field of critical knowledge, in tight collaboration with discourses developed by intersex activism and human rights bodies. This paper proposes a self-reflexive review of epistemological perspectives in intersex studies within broader discursive fields, through a thematic analysis and comparative framing analysis. This analysis is based on a narrative literature review of academic contributions, activist declarations, and documents issued by human rights bodies conducted over the last decade as a work-in-progress project. Furthermore, it includes results of a scoping review of recent knowledge production in intersex studies carried out in Scopus within the subject area 'social sciences'. This paper focuses on the analysis of the following epistemological perspectives: human rights frameworks, legal perspectives and citizenship theories, reflections on biopolitics, medicalization and iatrogenesis, sociology of diagnosis framework, depathologization perspective, respectful health care models, and reflections on epistemological, methodological, and ethical aspects. The literature review raises questions about the existence of specific intersex epistemologies in intersex studies, their interrelation with discourses contributed by intersex activism and human rights bodies, and the opportunities for a contribution of theory making in intersex studies to the human rights protection of intersex people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large segments of Austria-Hungary’s population were affected by an escalating food shortage during World War I, leading to widespread undernourishment, particularly in urban areas. This paper argues that this impending crisis significantly empowered scientific experts. Operating between civil society and the imperial state, these experts multiplied and strengthened their connections to both spheres during the war, emerging as major producers of policy advice. This was true even in the realm of biopolitics, where decisions were made about whom to let live and whom to let die. Focusing on eugenics and its scientific proponents, this paper traces their growing interactions with voluntary associations providing food aid and civil administration at central, municipal, and local levels. Spanning four distinct urbanized contexts in the Habsburg Empire – Vienna, Budapest, Northern Bohemia, and Prague – the analysis reveals that eugenic ideas increasingly permeated discussions about food provisioning during the war in each of these locations. By the conflict’s end, eugenics had become a pivotal discourse framing public debate on the hunger crisis, depicting it in racialized terms as an intergenerational biological threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tabayyun is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the possibilities for nature in contemporary times through a ground‐up investigation of nature practices in Chennai, India. It navigates dissonant strands of scholarship on the promise of urban regions as sites of exemplary social natures with an analytical framework that examines how autonomous nonhuman life in Chennai is variously enabled and inhibited. By studying a breadth of natures and nature practices within this urban site (instead of focusing on a particular species or habitat), the paper illuminates the socio‐material processes that undermine some natures even while supporting others, highlighting paradoxical responses to nonhuman agencies and resilience within the domain of ecological concern. The simultaneous analysis of Chennai's abundant and diminishing natures explains dissonances in urban natures scholarship, while offering fresh insights on more equitable approaches to nonhuman nature in human‐dominated landscapes. Specifically, it points to the value of reconfiguring concepts and practices of nature, both within and beyond conservation, in ways that are attentive to the plural forms of nonhuman flourishing and experiential vulnerability. Any meaningful prospect for more‐than‐human futures in urbanising worlds, the paper argues, rests not on biopolitical conservation that seeks to reproduce the past or build future ecologies of ‘legitimate’ natures, but on desisting from the displacement of, and re‐allowing room – conceptual, material and ethical – for already existing natures, whether scientifically valued or unintentional, whether imperilled or flourishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New arrangements of power are emerging in response to the turbulence generated by the quest to improve life and render it productive. This paper specifies such arrangements by developing the concept of metabolic politics: an apparatus that shifts from discipline to power regulating material, bodily, and environmental transformations. The dominant function of metabolic politics is to render the transformative capacities of living bodies and the circulatory dynamics of materials into object‐targets of governance. Through a comparative analysis of regulating pollution from industrial poultry units in Britain and India, the paper identifies logics of a metabolic politics and distinguishes these from the biopolitics of populations. Metabolic politics entails interventions targeting a milieu rather than deviant populations; its actions are directed at transformative capacities of bodies in addition to improving their productivity; its modes of governance operates via regulation and not just discipline; and its techniques of operation proceed through modulation instead of enclosure. Metabolic politics is a transversal form of power. It is situated and historically contingent, rather than uniform and universal. As a response to crises generated by the industrialisation and cheapening of life, metabolic politics furnishes vital insights into the administration and governance of the contemporary living and material world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The picturebook Tales from the Inner City (2018), created by Shaun Tan, encompasses various surreal mysteries about humans and animals. His stories represent a sociopolitical intervention, beyond the conventional purpose of animal/object representation serving humanistic allegories and show animals as autonomous beings finding their long-ignored place in the world. These imaged stories stretch literature's ability at interactions between humans and animals. Tan's experiment with new styles of reading calls for a reconfigured rhetoric. An interdisciplinary approach of ecocriticism and biopolitics creates sufficient grounds to examine the boundaries of what is human/animal. It questions the centrality of humans in literature. This article uses the biopolitical readings of Mario Ortiz-Robles as he moves beyond allegorical readings of animal tropes, the companion species of Donna Haraway as she observes animal/human relations, and Frank Serafini's methods at interpreting visual aspects of picturebooks. This paper looks at the selected tales – 'Fox', 'Eagle', 'Hippo', 'Lungfish', and 'Frog' to examine how Shaun Tan transforms humans in body and dreams through forceful encounters with animals, thus repositioning the power dynamic in human/animal relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and policy‐makers promote 'Nature‐based Solutions' to the interconnected challenges associated with the Anthropocene. Often these involve the strategic use of ecosystem engineers: animals, plants, and microbes with disproportionate ecological agency capable of regional or even planetary‐scale niche construction. This environmental mode of biopolitics is promoted as biomimicry: restoring, rewilding, or rewetting diverse ecological systems. This paper critically examines the multispecies relations promised by this model through a focus on beaver in Britain over the last 12,000 years. It begins with beaver making Britain hospitable for early settlers and agriculturalists as they returned after the last ice age. It traces the subsequent demise of beaver due to hunting and land use change, and then follows the recent return of beaver as tools for natural flood management and nature recovery. It attends to situations in which these multispecies world‐making projects go awry in the weird ecologies of the Anthropocene. This story of beaver helps situate enthusiasms for proactive ecosystem engineering in deeper time. It highlights the beguiling potential of Nature‐based Solutions while cautioning against tendencies towards anthropocentrism, an apolitical mononaturalism, and an ecomodernist hubris. The paper combines concepts from archaeology, ecology, anthropology, and geography into a new framework for theorising multispecies acts of worlding and weirding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we prompt a re-reading of Assistive Technology (AT) as a media system that organizes disability in the framework of digital health-care and the platform society. Drawing on disability media studies and organization studies, we investigate how the arrival of big tech and digital platforms in the field of AT reconfigures ways to account for, classify and potentially discriminate against disability. We argue that this new configuration can be explained as a shift from a biopolitical model – oriented toward disability normalization – to an ethopolitical model, oriented toward optimization and health enhancement. In the conclusions, we put forward the concept of ethopolitical media and discuss the implications of this for wider debates in media and cultural studies which deal with the relationship between media, health, and self-care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the reception of the Foucauldian notion of governmentality in Roberto Esposito's thought by taking into account the Italian translation of Foucault's lectures of 1977 and 1978 at the Collège de France. First, the different contexts of reception of these lectures are presented, in particular the Anglo-Saxon studies of governmentality and the crisis of Italian Marxism in the late 1970s. Secondly, Foucault's position in his courses of these years is analyzed from the perspective of the opposition between Machiavellianism and anti-Machiavellianism, precisely in view of the Italian reception. Finally, this paper analyses the reception of the notion of governmentality by Roberto Esposito in his 1980 work La politica e la storia. The paper shows the importance of this early reception of Foucault's lessons regarding the formation of the Italian biopolitical current and its specificities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the lost stories of the precarious lives of thousands of migrant women from the community that the Indian government officially calls Displaced Persons of Pakistanoccupied Jammu and Kashmir (DPs of PoJK). We examine the stories of those who survived the painful migration that followed tribal raids in the western parts of the kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir, which ceased to exist after its accession with the Union of India on October 26, 1947. Drawing on the concept of precarity as propounded by Judith Butler, this paper critically examines the torturous experiences of women in Kulvir Gupta's autobiography, Embers the Beginning and Embers the End of Mirpur (2018). The paper also employs Agamben's conception of "camp" to analyze the unlawful and inhumane treatment these women received in migrant camps such as Kalghar and Alibegh. It shows how their life was relegated to "bare lives" while being differentially subjected to gender-based violence amidst the territorial conquest in the region. This paper concludes that these migrant women from Mirpur and the entire western region of the erstwhile Jammu and Kashmir were highly vulnerable to sexual exploitation in the contemporary political order of the region. This paper, being the first of its kind on the select migrant group, attempts to voice the pains and struggles of these courageous migrant women of whom only a few are alive today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, as in most of the Global North, disability has historically been regarded as a deficit, requiring clinical intervention, professional oversight, and special schooling. This ideology, referred to as ableism, is linked with settler colonialism and the matrix of oppression that upholds racial capitalism. The aims of this paper are twofold: First, we examine the correlation among normative whiteness, racialized exploitation, and the depiction of disabled Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) as disposable others. Second, we employ a joint biopolitical and settler colonial analysis to re-examine US special education drawing on our experiences as disabled, critical disability studies scholars—two of whom are negatively racialized and two of whom are queer. Finally, we draw upon the principles of Disability Justice and Access-Centered Pedagogy to formulate recommendations for an alternative to segregated education for all students, centering the experiences of those disproportionately impacted by systemic oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global COVID‐19 pandemic challenged the world—how it functions, how people move in the social worlds and how government/government services and people interact. Health services, operating under the principles of new public management, have undertaken rapid changes to service delivery and models of care. What has become apparent is the mechanisms within which contemporary health services operate and how services are not prioritising the person at the centre of care. Person‐centred care (PCC) is the philosophical premise upon which models of health care are developed and implemented. Given the strain that COVID‐19 has placed on the health services and the people who deliver the care, it is essential to explore the tensions that exist in this space. This article suggests that before the pandemic, PCC was largely rhetoric, and rendered invisible during the pandemic. The paper presents an investigation into the role of PCC in these challenging times, adopting a Foucauldian lens, specifically governmentality and biopolitics, to examine the policies, priorities and practical implications as health services pivoted and adapted to changing and acute demands. Specifically, this paper draws on the Australian experience, including shifting nursing workforce priorities and additional challenges resulting from public health directives such as lockdowns and limitations. The findings from this exploration open a space for discussion around the rhetoric of PCC, the status of nurses and that which has been lost to the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous literature informed by biopolitical theory has shown how global education for sustainable development differentiates between populations by assigning different roles, responsibilities, and lifestyles to rich and poor. Taking these arguments as a point of departure, this paper first identifies three different 'problems' pertaining to biopolitical differentiation within this literature and then elaborates on potential didactical responses to such problematic differentiation. The suggested didactical responses draw on Judith Butler's theories of vulnerability, Jacques Rancière's ideas of a presupposition of equality, and Michel Foucault's writing on ethics and self-formation. The paper contributes to previous research on biopolitical differentiation in education for sustainable development by suggesting potential didactical responses to the problematics put forth in these works. It also contributes to previous literature on how Butler's, Rancière's and Foucault's theories are relevant to education by relocating the arguments to the context of global implementation of education for sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I discuss how the earthquake risk is exploited by 'disaster capitalism', in order to convert Istanbul to a massive construction site. The shock of the 1999 Marmara Earthquake has been effectively used by the neoliberal market and government as 'a shock therapy' to implement a construction‐led development model for Turkey and to favour the construction sector by introducing new incentives, exceptional rights and interventions, which otherwise might be challenged. The current Turkish government justify the ongoing massive urban transformation and new mass housing projects as an improvement of the housing stock to make residential buildings stronger and more resilient to earthquakes. However, areas actually under earthquake risk do not match the areas that are officially declared under disaster risk by the government. The Disaster Law #6306 that granted the government the absolute right to expropriate land based on the justification of 'protecting residents against earthquakes and other natural disasters' was applied in a selective way to seize valuable land in Istanbul. In the paper I explore how the disaster was quickly converted to an opportunity for economic growth. To do that I introduce stories of three different neighbourhoods in Istanbul, namely Moda, Tozkoparan and Fikirtepe, each of which experience the ongoing massive urban transformation differently based on the land value of the neighbourhoods, class position of the residents, and residents' capacity to organise in order to protect their rights. I describe, how disaster capitalism is lived and experienced differently in these three neighbourhoods. Although the massive construction projects are indifferent to life's sustainability, those projects are justified as interventions in terms of public health and safety through making housing resilient to earthquakes. I critically discuss how in each case biopolitics presents disaster capitalism's massive urban transformation projects as a manifestation of liveliness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I consider the “white replacement”, “white genocide”, and “Eurabia” conspiracy theories and the cycles of violence they have inspired, including mass murders in Norway, New Zealand, and the United States. Working from Foucault’s theories of biopolitics and “race struggle”, I investigate how these events enact a form of “networked violence” that combines offline and online actions to enact a distributed strategy of biopolitical control in an effort to discipline and control the bodies of people of colour, migrants, and in particular Muslims. Based in historical and ideological analysis of the three theories and their network logics, the paper aims to extend Foucault’s theories of “race struggle” and governmentality by demonstrating how right-wing extremist strategies of biopolitical control are now digitally networked and use online platforms to predicate and enact alternative systems of governmentality based in race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tiger conservation in India has been driven for the most part by a philosophy that prioritizes the need for inviolate tiger reserves free of human beings. Such reserves, it is argued, provide much needed territory to 'care' for the tiger. In this paper, we examine the biopolitics of tiger conservation in India and argue that the current approach to tiger conservation amplifies the nature‐culture divide and ignores other imaginations of tiger conservation that are more cognizant of human—non‐human entanglements in protected area landscapes. The paper argues that tiger conservation has been a mix of sovereign, disciplinary and neoliberal environmentalities, all built on a certain 'truth' about tigers. The paper raises questions and concerns about the 'truth' discourse that underlies tiger conservation and also argues that tiger conservation has marginalized the environmentalism of the poor. It makes the case for more debate and discussion about tiger truths and suggests the need for a more than human approach to tiger conservation that recognizes the adverse consequences of fortress conservation as well as its limits in caring for the tiger in more than human geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, we have witnessed the emergence of "life" with its political force, at the center of social and political campaigns around the world with the demand of "life", and this has made the necessity of analyzing the political agency of "life" in the political science inevitable. In order to analyze the political agency of life in our time, the hypothesis of this paper is that with we encounter an ontological turn that "Economy" should become a political phenomenon. This is not through an interpretation of economics as the knowledge of maintaining "balance" in the performance of an "economic enterprise" which is dominant in conventional (mainstream) economics; And it is not achieved with an understanding that considers economy and politics as two areas independent of each other, the superstructure or infrastructure of a social order; Rather, it requires the analysis of how the "person" is politicized through the economization of his approach to "the culture of the self". An analysis that is finally an area of political knowledge that has been able to include the economic issue within its scope, that is, it considers the economic drive as the guiding factor of governing "self" which is a part of the general regime of governance. We have proposed a form of "critique of political economy" that will be able to interpret the realm of general economic categories as the realm around which the struggle for the production/reproduction of individual and social life takes place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis paper analyzes the population management logics present in the YFS framework, delving into its power dynamics, prioritization processes, and the (in)visibility of themes that influence its configuration and outcomes. Through a Governmentality Studies lens, it analyses the program’s shift from biopolitical to psychopolitical rationalities. A qualitative document analysis of 43 documents reveals the program’s strategies in addressing youth sexuality: the translation of youth sexuality, the identification of social determinants, the execution of extitutional action, and the fostering of participation as competence. These findings illustrate a sophisticated governance of sexuality education, leveraging psychopolitical tactics for nuanced youth engagement, emphasizing accountability, and fostering skill development. The analysis underscores the significance of evolving sexuality education practices toward more inclusive and adaptable approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how China’s propaganda system operates as an aspect of governance, especially how propagandists understand the public opinion they seek to influence. Understanding the concept of yuqing (public opinion conditions) is crucial for understanding propaganda in China. Yuqing is considered akin to the medical condition of public opinion (yulun). Hence, propaganda is treatment that the state provides to an organic social body of public opinion, which is subject to constant monitoring and treatment. The party-state is keen on establishing standards and norms about what a healthy and clean society should be. Thus, this paper argues that the propaganda system does not contribute to responsive authoritarianism by collecting grassroots information, but instead prioritizes cleansing public discourse in accordance with party-state logic. Furthermore, contrary to the belief that authoritarian propaganda focuses on demobilizing collective resistance and forcing compliance, China’s propaganda system disciplines the public by actively constructing discursive norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly attention to China's domestic experimentation and control measures applied to its population (e.g. the Family Planning Policy and Zero-Covid) has expanded. So, too, has the popularity of the Foucauldian concept of biopolitics, which refers to political strategies of governing based on a population's biological features. However, China's biopolitical rationales for its growing participation in global governance (全球治理 quanqiu zhili) beyond its borders have received less attention. This research focuses on the Arctic, a region where China does not claim territorial sovereignty but has significant involvement, to examine the Chinese state's exertion of biopolitical control over its outbound tourist population. Drawing on a review of policy texts and media reports, complemented by observations at an Arctic conference held in China and three field visits to the Arctic in 2018–2019, we show how China's interventions in Arctic tourism seek to transform Chinese tourists into a productive, self-disciplining population who practice and promote state logics of social and environmental responsibility. The paper contributes to the understanding of tourism governance in frontier regions with geopolitical significance, as well as the modern state's exterritorial power over its own citizens even when they are beyond its sovereign territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a rhizomic authoritarianism that generally operates through a complex network of connections. It provides a genealogical reading of the authoritarian rule in Cameroon, with a particular focus on the roles of France and China, using both primary and secondary sources. Specifically, it seeks to enlighten the complex processes through which a transnational authoritarianism has been established in Cameroon over the past six decades, as well as how the formation of strategic alliances between local political actors and international institutions has contributed to the normalization of authoritarian policies and practices that sometimes occur in transregional contexts. The paper's main argument is that the authoritarian system Cameroon has experienced since the late 1950s is rhizomatic in nature and is partially the result of the hegemonic interventions of international powers such as France and China in the country's politics and economy, as well as its development and modernization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with exploring legal atmospheres during colonial expansionism and the early period of confederation of British Columbia. By describing the theatrical and performative aspects of legal colonialism, the archival documents from this time represent interesting, yet oft-overlooked, significances that attention to sensory and affective experiences captures. Examining "affective atmospheres" disclosed in such colonial settings reveals ways that the colonial regime promulgated its influence in non-rational, non-legal manners. As well, drawing out the material conditions of topography shows how the environment acts more than just a backdrop for the staging of legal expansionism, as it acts also as a constitutive force in the development of colonial legal arrangements. At the same time, the colonial regime was forgetful of these same contextual, topographical, and atmospheric origins of law insofar as it promulgated myths of the universality, objectivity, and superiority of English law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Islamic government of Iran recently passed and announced a new law titled "Rejuvenation of the Population and Protection of the Family." This legislation is a noteworthy example of biopolitics-influenced biolaw. In terms of abortion, contraception, prenatal screening, and population control, this law clearly contrasts with women's fundamental rights and freedoms and has significant health-related consequences for different sectors of the population. A historical review of the population policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran shows the occurrence of multiple abrupt and radical changes in such policies over the past four decades. This new law, promoted by religious biopolitics, is the most recent example, and places stringent limits on abortion. According to it, all decisions concerning abortion must be made in courts rather than in health clinics. Such courts are typically presided over by male religious scholars. This law also limits prenatal screening to the degree that will increase the rate of genetic defects, especially in the population's lower socioeconomic strata. By strictly limiting access to contraception, this law will increase the rate of unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases. This paper argues that such an influence of biopolitics on biolaw contrasts with the principles of bioethics. Still, Iran's current institution of bioethics cannot address it effectively. Therefore, a new model of interaction between bioethics, biopolitics, and biolaw is needed to prevent the detrimental consequences of such pieces of legislation. Such a paradigm shift is demanded by the current "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement of the Iranian people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the spatial experience of authoritarianism as a dynamic atmosphere with the seductive potential for radical joy. For Lefebvre (1996), joyful co-creation of space – an ‘oeuvre’ – was a vital facet of everyday urban life. As such, the paper challenges normative portrayals of authoritarianism as an inherently joyless, bleak and oppressive operation of power, and delves deeper into its variegated, contextually contingent and complex P/political spatialisations, conflicts and contradictions. Affect emerges as a productive lens through which to explore the complexities, range of emotions, identities and world-makings of authoritarian space, and its paradoxical capacity for joy. The paper draws from ethnographic reflections and spatial vignettes from three comparative experiences in different parts of the world: a mega-church service in suburban Singapore, and visits to two suburban hardcore gyms (in Northern England and Southeastern United States). These experiences are thematically framed as spaces of ‘Godly Subjects’ and ‘Gladiators’. They are spiritual, exhilarating spaces; spaces of radical possibilities. They are also inherently hierarchal, patriarchal, disciplined and oppressive. Thus, conjunctural subjectivities are affectively embodied in these spaces resulting in conflictual experiences. Though joyful, these are spaces of ‘cruel optimism’, where desire and aspiration are caught in a loop of un-achievability. Such is the contradictory nature of authoritarian power/space. However, whilst critical, the paper avoids an easy taxonomy of authoritarianism into clear binaries, framing it as both an open and closed socio-cultural-political space, and highlighting how and why more affective and spatialised readings of authoritarianism are needed across contextual cultural geographies at this moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we start from theses on governing, developed in Foucault's lectures from the course Security, Territory, Population (1978). Our goal is to use them, applying the method of close reading, to get to what he called the mechanisms and instruments of every governing, that is, to the dispositifs of security. In order to achieve this, we first consider the distinction that Foucault drew between the art of conduct and the art of government (governmentality), and then the distinction between regulation and governing. In this framework, we review the writings in which Foucault introduced the issues of biopower, discipline and biopolitics, and we find that in the 1978 lectures, he made a far-reaching change by linking biopolitics, previously defined as a regulatory technique, to governing. In the central part of the paper, we analyze his thematization of the economic rationale of governing and the determination of liberalism as a general paradigm of governmentality in the modern era, which results in a society that, as he says, is controlled by security dispositifs. The security program, unlike the disciplinary one, does not aim to abolish or suppress anything, but rather to determine the optimal average and bandwidth of the acceptable for each phenomenon. Then, discussing the similarities and differences between disciplinary dispositifs and sexuality dispositifs, established through Foucault's books Discipline and Punish and Will to Knowledge (the first volume of the History of Sexuality), we ask the question about dispositifs in general. Then we apply the obtained findings to the constitution of the security dispositif as a way to embody that equilibrium (between optimal average and bandwidth of the acceptable) in the social reality. In the final part, we consider two cases (Frédéric Gros on the fourth age of security and Didier Bigo on the ban-opticon) of the application of Foucault's theses to the period from the beginning of this century, emphasizing that the Foucauldian perspective, when all its constituents are taken into account, is neither pessimistic nor dystopian.

When a pregnancy ends in England and Wales, statutory time away from paid employment is limited to circumstances where there is a live birth or stillbirth. Forms of leave, such as Maternity Leave or Paternity Leave, depend on parental status derived from the civil registration of a new person or a post‐viability stillbirth. Other early pregnancy endings, such as miscarriage or abortion, do not provide specific time off work after pregnancy. This paper uses the concept of reproductive governance to analyze current and shifting biopolitical truth discourses, strategies of intervention, and modes of subjectification around post‐pregnancy leaves. It shows how different inclusions and exclusions are generated by the classificatory boundaries which act as political technologies in this field. Contributing to an area that is under‐researched in the literature, we provide a review of post‐pregnancy statutory employment leave entitlements in this context. We then consider proposals for change presented in the United Kingdom political system in relation to more inclusive leave benefits offered by some employers and different pregnancy ending leaves offered in other jurisdictions. We argue that current arrangements and proposals do not adequately reflect the complexity and diversity of pregnancy endings. We conclude with a call to policymakers in all contexts to carefully assess the consequences of new ideas around leaves for pregnancy endings and to formulate inclusive and fair proposals for change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue de Synthèse is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the last decades, intersex studies has achieved increasing development as a field of critical knowledge, in tight collaboration with discourses developed by intersex activism and human rights bodies. This paper proposes a self-reflexive review of epistemological perspectives in intersex studies within broader discursive fields, through a thematic analysis and comparative framing analysis. This analysis is based on a narrative literature review of academic contributions, activist declarations, and documents issued by human rights bodies conducted over the last decade as a work-in-progress project. Furthermore, it includes results of a scoping review of recent knowledge production in intersex studies carried out in Scopus within the subject area ‘social sciences’. This paper focuses on the analysis of the following epistemological perspectives: human rights frameworks, legal perspectives and citizenship theories, reflections on biopolitics, medicalization and iatrogenesis, sociology of diagnosis framework, depathologization perspective, respectful health care models, and reflections on epistemological, methodological, and ethical aspects. The literature review raises questions about the existence of specific intersex epistemologies in intersex studies, their interrelation with discourses contributed by intersex activism and human rights bodies, and the opportunities for a contribution of theory making in intersex studies to the human rights protection of intersex people.

This paper critically examines the concept of "green resilience" – the mobilization of gardens and urban green spaces for enhancing the resilience of communities and cities in the face of increasing uncertainty and risk. Drawing inspiration from seminal work in human-plant geographies, it explores the governmental functions and political implications of green resilience, arguing that these spaces serve as key forms of state rule and biopolitical power. The study employs the notion of green resilience as a "composition," emphasizing the assembling of diverse human and nonhuman actors in resilience projects. The developed compositional ontology highlights the importance of aesthetic and visual practices in green resilience projects and reveals how these are continuously decomposed and recomposed by the involved actors. The paper develops its arguments through a "paradigmatic case study" of various green resilience projects in New York City – including survivor trees, memorial groves, and community gardens. The study illuminates the multiplicity of green resilience initiatives and the underlying governmental logic by comparing these projects. Through its analysis, the paper contributes to the literature on resilience as an emerging governance paradigm. It reveals how green resilience projects embody a multiplicity of practices, uncovers the first comprehensive comparative analysis of various forms of green resilience, and offers a critique of resilience from within. The study concludes by identifying three tensions or contradictions of (green) resilience as a form of biopolitical government: visibility and invisibility, knowledge and ignorance, and control and emergence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article links late Neoliberal Financialized Capitalism (NFC) with biopolitics, identity crises, and emerging death cults. It is argued that late NFC entails spreading violence in state and society, increasing premature and violent deaths in growing subcultures. Individualistic ideologies—which lower social strata now embrace as enabling myths—suggest renewed celebration of struggle for survival and death cults. From an institutionalist perspective, the regressive institutional change increases the predominance of ceremonial values and habits, which indicates a "triumph of imbecile institutions over life and culture" (Veblen, Thorstein B., The Instinct of Workmanship). Contemporary death cults convert violent dying into a consumable merchandise and a form of entertainment. We illustrate the normalization of violent death in the popular youth culture of Mexico's drug trafficking industry. Its musical genre, known as corridos sanguinarios, songs of blood, is analyzed. Our results show manifold ambivalences of contemporary death cults between social compliance and revolt, which may deepen our understanding of the socioeconomic, institutional, and political future under late NFC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The surge in cesarean section (CS) deliveries in China over the past several decades has led to significant international discussion, yet critical social science inquiry remains limited. Drawing on insights from sociological and anthropological studies of childbirth, this article moves away from the premise that having a CS is a matter of individual choice. Instead, we treat childbirth as ground zero of a set of complex negotiations between multiple actors, and we show how the biopolitical and politico-economic reconfiguration of the process of childbirth governance from the 1990s onwards has contributed to a dramatic increase in cesarean deliveries. Combining ethnographic materials from China's rural and urban areas with an analysis of documents and quantitative data, we argue that the surge in CS rates in post-1990s China is part of a larger globalized process of the technocratic medicalization of birth, which has had a profound impact on the normative procedures and conditions shaping the process of childbirth, including the methods and forms of knowledge guiding childbirth management. This has contributed to the increasing normalization of a highly medicalized and interventionist model of childbirth, which has in turn facilitated the routinization of cesarean procedures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political theory has long depended upon a clear boundary between life and non-life. Even work which emphasizes non-human beings (e.g., in animal rights, posthumanism or "new materialism") continues to reinforce the divide between the organic and the inorganic. This article undermines that division, highlighting marginal cases of life. The organicity of certain rocks and biochar, the growth of crystals, the machinic qualities of viruses: all point to an instability in the excluded middle between life and non-life. The article suggests alternative philosophical traditions to which political theory could turn—namely, panpsychism, hylozoism, and traditional animism—as conceptual and theoretical resources to examine these interstices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• German far-right groups are increasingly aligning themselves with ecological ideas. • Völkisch settlers combine care for nature with xenophobic nationalism. • The (racial) future is a key terrain of struggle for this political ideology. • Far-right future-making takes place through an anticipatory and immunological register. • The utopian dimensions of far-right ecological praxis need to be better understood. Focusing on the resurgence of so-called völkisch (ethno-nationalist) settlements in northern Germany over the past three decades, this paper explores the emergent socio-spatial forms through which nativist and xenophobic responses to the ecological crisis are being expressed. It argues that political ecologies of the future cannot be understood, in the present conjuncture, without taking into account those actors which are working to manifest the future in explicitly racialised and immunitary forms. After providing an overview of the development of völkisch movements and ideologies since the 19th century, I introduce contemporary actors and organisations which are attempting to reconfigure the climate crisis as a matter of right-wing concern. These strategies position Nature as a signifier that stitches together far-right concerns about the infiltration of the German Volk and landscape by racialised threats, facilitating a form of ecological praxis through rural settlement projects that is heavily centred around a homogenous and naturalised notion of German identity. Rather than an outright denial of the impending urgency of the climate crisis, I argue that völkisch discourses represent a different, and arguably more dangerous response to the spectre of ecological disorder, and one which works in an immunological and anticipatory register. The affective intensity of these imaginaries and strategies also demonstrate that the terrains of hope, possibility, and even utopia increasingly hold the potential to be claimed by the violent and exclusivist ideologies of the far-right. No mere harbinger of 'things to come', völkisch strategies represent a mode of responding to the climate crisis in the present, and of prefiguring an ethno-nationalist 'solution' which must be taken seriously by activists and scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article establishes a theoretical link between the business model of social media and the resurgence of antiliberal populism. Through a novel set of tactics I term "identity biopolitics," political campaigns and foreign governments alike can identify voters as members of socioculturally differentiated populations, then target them with political messages aimed at cultivating voters' awareness of their particular disadvantage within the prevailing liberal order. Identity biopolitics exploits a positive feedback loop between targeting and content: the sociocultural differentiations liberalism declares politically irrelevant are used to target content that cultivates awareness of subjects' particular depoliticized disadvantage within the prevailing liberal order. The antiliberal populist exploits this condition to drive support for their political program. This article presents case studies of the Internet Research Agency and Cambridge Analytica during the 2016 general election in the United States to demonstrate the symbiosis between social media and antiliberal populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Declining fertility rates across world have generated deep concern among different stakeholders. In 2019, Finland's fertility rate was at an 'ultra-low' 1.35 children per woman. Investigating the affective work of policymaking on population issues—'population anxieties'—in a Nordic welfare state, this article constructs a genealogy of the affective biopolitics of populations in Finland. Drawing from a corpus of historical and recent materials, the article explores how population policy has invited and harnessed emotional orientation towards certain collective futures, while being disclosive of others. The analysis focuses on the issues of 'fertility decline' and 'the environment', and the reconfigurations of the population–environment nexus over the past decades. The article argues that persistent concerns about depopulation through ultra-low fertility underlie the affective stakes of Nordic biopolitics. Meanwhile, there is evident resistance to connecting population policy concerns with the climate crisis in the Nordic context. While in the so-called developing countries, demographic and ecological futures are seen mutually constitutive, the connection is not perceived as relevant to the Finnish welfare state. This is so despite Finland belonging to the affluent part of the world that is the largest producer of carbon dioxide emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Wearable technology (WT) use in organizations is accelerating despite ethical concerns about personal privacy, data security, and stress from increased surveillance. Technology media, a key producer of meanings about WT, gives some attention to these issues but they also routinely promote WT as if they are a panacea for employee wellness. We critically analyze 150 media articles to understand how they justify the adoption of WT into organizational life. We contribute by extending previous work on surveillance technology to show how and why WT media discourses use neo-liberal justifications to justify WT implementation. We explore implications including competing health and wellness discourses and make suggestions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies (University of Toronto Press) is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay examines factors responsible for the increase of productivity in traditional Malay wau bulan and wau kucing kite-making, indigenous to the Malaysian state of Kelantan and appropriated by the state as a common biopolitical production and symbolic property. This increase in productivity means increased accessibility of the commons among the community, achieved through state economic support and efforts by the community and state to promote the kite-making craft. Such increased productivity contradicts Michael Hardt's reasoning that property's productivity is usually reduced. Extending Hardt's theory to Ernesto Laclau's ideas on the relationship between the particular and the universal, the essay argues that the symbolic propertization of Kelantan kite making does not reflect a distinction between the kites' qualities as common versus symbolic property. Input from selected authoritative kite-making practitioners and recent cultural memory shows that the Kelantan community benefits economically from the state's appropriation of its traditional kites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Dobbs, abortion access advocates try to make clear the harm of abortion criminalization. Two figures came to dominate the landscape: the reproductive martyr and the tragic abortion provider. Their stories focus on the threat to the health and life of women who need abortion for medical reasons. While such stories can produce sympathy for individuals and outrage at abortion bans, they occlude more important accounts of the loss of abortion rights that focus on the gender inequality of bodily violability. Understanding abortion rights as an issue of freedom and equality provides better grounds for understanding their loss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]