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On 13 July 1974, two constitutional experts, Michael Dekleris and Orhan Aldıkacti from Greece and Turkey respectively, who had been supporting the enhanced intercommunal negotiations, reached a tentative agreement on the Cyprus problem.2 This was to be ratified on 16 July by Glafkos Clerides and Rauf Denktash on behalf of the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot Community.3 However, the coup against President Makarios on 15 July by the Greek Junta and the subsequent Turkish invasion on 20 July changed the overall political scene drastically. Not surprisingly, the basis of negotiations for a solution to the Cyprus problem changed from a unitary State to what eventually came to be known as a bizonal bicommunal federation. This paper assesses the results and repercussions of successive rounds of intercommunal negotiations under the auspices of the UN since 1974.4 In addition, certain suggestions are made for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to evaluate the state of Greek-Turkish relations in light of recent developments in the reconfiguration of Turkish foreign policy. Following twenty years of détente and relative calm in bilateral relations, the year 2020 witnessed two escalations in Greek-Turkish relations, one in March involving refugees and immigrants on the Greek-Turkish land border and another in August involving military vessels of the two countries. The refugee crisis and potential military conflict regarding energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean have raised tensions at a moment the political and institutional tools for the promotion of conflict resolution between Greece and Turkey linked to Turkey's EU membership perspective appear to be obsolete. This paper seeks an answer to the question of whether structural or ideational factors played the most prominent role in the recent escalation of the Greek-Turkish disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Economic & Social Research is the property of Abant Izzet Baysal University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to identify the literacy skills of individuals whose highest level of education was in the field 'teacher training and educational sciences'. The study sample comprised 10,618 individuals in the field of teacher training and educational sciences, selected from 31 countries (participating in the International Adult Skills Assessment Programme during the 2014-2015 survey) using a multi-stage sampling method. The study employed multi-level latent class analysis and three-step analysis in order to determine both the number of multi-level latent classes of educators' literacy scores as well as the selected independent variables' success in predicting those latent classes. The analysis revealed that educators in Germany constituted the group with the highest literacy skills while educators from Singapore comprised the group with the lowest literacy skills. [This study was presented at the 9th International Congress of Educational Research. Ordu University, Ordu, Turkey.]

Copyright of Hellenic Studies / Etudes Helleniques is the property of Centre for Hellenic Studies & Research Canada-KEEK and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For hundreds of years, the Eastern Mediterranean island of Cyprus has been subjected to the — not always welcome — attentions of external powers, finally gaining some independence from Britain in 1960. Since then, Cyprus has been the object of three international crises, almost leading to war between NATO members Greece and Turkey. Following a Turkish invasion and occupation which continues to the present, tensions have continued, while Turkey continues to occupy over one-third of Cyprus, an EU member, while trying itself to gain entry to the organisation. Papers released by British government departments in January 2008 reveal the following: an increasingly submissive yet tetchy attitude in British foreign policy formulation vis-à-vis American pressure (mainly Kissinger) on Britain not to leave Cyprus; the question of the USA financing the British bases; British government criticism of Turkey's perceived intransigence in finding a solution to the Cyprus conundrum; British government criticism of Turkey's position on its continental-shelf dispute with Greece; Britain's strong support for Turkey's European aspirations, flying in the face of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Cyprus' recommendations; past and future President Clerides' seeming contentedness with the British military presence on Cyprus; and a marked difference between French and British views. The article concludes that the British government submitted to US demands and suggests that Cyprus remains a cat's paw of big-power politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This scope of this paper is to forecast the extent to which a settlement of the Cyprus issue may be possible given the decisions taken during the Copenhagen EU summit. It aims, in addition, at investigating the possibilities of improvement in Greek-Turkish relations which may lead, in turn, to reducing the arms race between the two countries. The paper uses a Genetically Evolved Certainty Neuron Fuzzy Cognitive algorithm to consider a number of scenarios examining the possible reactions of all sides involved in the Cyprus issue, namely Greece, Turkey, Cyprus, the Turkish-Cypriot community that the international environment. All simulation exercises suggest that the Greek and the Cypriot side should not necessarily rely on the decisions taken during the Copenhagen summit conference. The forecasts point out, in addition, that the optimism of the Greek government concerning the outlook of its relations with Turkey, and a subsequent reduction of the arms race against it, is far from being justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the correlates of attitudes toward marriage and children in North Cyprus, South Cyprus, Turkey and Greece, using the most recent wave of the European Values Study (EVS) data. The results show the most support for the second demographic transition theory. The combined effects of education, religiosity, political ideology and gender ideology explain the most variance in family values among these four countries. Less religiosity and egalitarian gender ideology are correlated with egalitarian attitudes towards marriage and children throughout, but cross-country differences are also significant. The effects of parenthood, marital status, education, and political ideology are in the expected direction, yet the effects are not universal but country-specific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of tourism activities on local water resources remains a largely understudied issue in environmental and sustainable tourism management. The aim of the paper is to present a simple methodology that allows an estimate of direct and indirect local water use associated with different holiday packages and to then discuss relevant management implications. This is explored through the creation of five illustrative examples of holidays to semi-arid eastern Mediterranean destinations: Cyprus (2), Turkey, Greece and Syria. Using available data on water use associated with different forms of travel, accommodation and tourist activities, indicative water footprints are calculated for each of the illustrative examples. Food consumption by tourists appears to have by far the most significant impact on the overall water footprint and this aspect of water use is explored in detail in the paper. The paper also suggests a way of employing the water footprint methodology along with import/export balance sheets of main food commodities to distinguish between the global and local pressure of tourism demand on water resources. Water resource use is likely to become an increasingly important issue in tourism management and must be considered alongside more established environmental concerns such as energy use, using methodologies that can capture direct as well as supply chain impacts. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The contemporary history of three countries was marked on July 1974 when the Greek colonels overthrew the legitimate government of Cyprus, Turkey invaded the island to preserve her interests and Greece returned to democracy, but withdrew from NATO. The apathy of her allies was a bitter experience for Greece, considering that the government in Athens was struggling to cope with the consequences of the invasion and Turkey's aggression, as well as with the diplomatic isolation caused by the seven-year dictatorial rule. This paper examines the response of the Greek government and makes particular reference to Karamanlis's archives and Greek parliamentary proceedings. The purpose of the present study is to explore whether Greece was genuinely committed to the settlement of the Cyprus issue and failed due to lack of support or simply ignored the appeals of the Cypriot people and pursued more vital foreign policy objectives, thus contributing to the partition of the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Turkish-Greek relations are thorny relations, dominated by military intervention on some occasions and the threat of the use of military force at other times. This study came to analyze the principles of both Turkey and Greek foreign policy, shed light on the most important factors that limit Turkish-Greek relations, and present three scenarios for the future of Turkish-Greek relations. To achieve these objectives, the study used a decision-making approach and revealed that Turkish-Greek relations are determined by various contentious issues represented by the dispute in the Aegean Sea, the dispute over the island of Cyprus, the dispute over the continental shelf, the refusal to recognize the Turkish minority in Greece, Athens' harboring of Turkish and Kurdish opponents wanted by the Turkish government, exploratory talks, Greece's strategy in dealing with Turkey, and the exploration for natural resources in the Mediterranean. In light of the determinants of Turkish-Greek relations, the study proposed three Scenarios for the future of that bilateral relation: The first scenario is to maintain the status quo, the second scenario is to improve Turkish-Greek relations, the third scenario is to worsen Turkish-Greek relations. These scenarios are subject to their occurrence in light of developments on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has affected education at all levels in various ways. This paper provides a review of the literature on the challenges of online learning for children with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND). Method: In total, 17 studies from nine countries were analysed. The challenges of online learning for children with SEND reported by teachers and parents and the strategies applied to overcome the challenges were identified. Results: The challenges of online learning were the need of parental support, routine change, inequities of resources and access to technology, lack of accommodations, and social isolation. There was a considerable lack of interventions aimed at promoting the educational outcomes of children with SEND. Conclusions: The findings emphasise the importance of parent-teacher collaboration and communication. Suggestions for strategies to address challenges as well as for further research are also discussed.

This article aims to reveal the transformation of the US Cyprus policy between 1960 and 1967. In the early 1960s, the US adopted a policy of non-intervention in the Cyprus dispute. However, the developments on the Island in 1964 made it impossible for the US to refrain from the dispute after a point. For this reason, the US tried to manage the Cyprus dispute so that it would not harm the harmony and cohesion of the NATO Alliance. During this period, the US occasionally confronted Turkey and Greece. However, despite all the tensions, the US administration was careful not to break relations with its allies completely. On the other hand, Turkey and Greece considered themselves indispensable to the US during this period. Each ally always expected the support of the US against the other. However, most of the time, both allies were dissatisfied with the attitude of the US at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a comparative examination of four local learning centres that provide learning opportunities throughout life in Bulgaria, Cyprus, Greece and Turkey. The paper aims to assess some of the strengths and weaknesses of different types of local learning centres and partnerships in South-Eastern Europe--in line with the value and impact of the Lisbon strategy for developing multipurpose local learning centres for "brining learning closer to home"--in order to draw some conclusions on how to promote greater collaboration and a culture of co-operation, in an area where a lifelong learning culture is still underdeveloped, compared with that in other parts of the European Union. (Contains 1 figure and 55 notes.)

Desire industries have emerged as a major social relation of seduction under the Neoliberal Imperium. Through the household domestic and entertainment reproductive sectors, the desire industries promise fulfilment, while intimately tying freedom and prosperity with securitisation for individuals and states alike and preserving wealth through access to the market, the state, and masculine power for what comes to be constituted as the bourgeois and white elite. More concretely, this paper examines how the "higher income generating" peripheries of Cyprus, Greece, and Turkey actively participate in bringing female migrant labour from "lower income generating" countries. Albeit in contradictory ways, these countries work toward realising the historical tendencies of capital by feminising, racialising, sexualising, and constituting the subject of exploitation as a threat to the (re)production of the neoliberal imperium's relations. Through the "import" and exploitation of cheap reproductive labour for what is referred to in this article as the "desire" or sex industries, these peripheries work toward realising the (re)production of neoliberalism, albeit with strategies, activities, contestations, and struggles. Female migrants face daily violence as their labour is exploited to realise the historical tendencies of capital, and yet, these working class migrant women exceed capital's push and attempt to seize their corporeal bodies, and/or appropriate their feminine labour. They invest time and energy toward constituting communities that do not exploit, violate, appropriate, and indeed, kill their bodies. In moving to realise this potential, the creative power of labourers, as producers of their own communities, is crucial toward social and self-affirmation and social and self-realisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper is describing an initiative in cultural, outdoor science education that took place in the west Crete-Greece (Chania & Rethymnon counties) in 2015, and organized in collaboration with teachers and social bodies, to connect Science, Education and Local Communities for a better quality of everyday life. The initiative concentrated in organizing the European Educational Conference "Mediterranean Sea Connects Us: Progress in Education with Local Communities", which hosted as a training program that can be applied elsewhere, with different target groups, promoting the aims of participatory acquisition of knowledge by sharing them in company, with experiential activities in moments of joy, happiness and wisdom. Educators-officials of high level and much experienced in the three levels of Education from Greece, Cyprus, Turkey and Romania, with representatives from local bodies, were invited to deposit experience, aspects, ideas and expectations on future educational collaboration in the area of Balkans, East Mediterranean and widely. As coexisting in the same geographical area, with long and important common past, as collaborators in educational projects from the past, intended to be partners in important and innovative future jointed actions in cultural STEM Education, for the progress of Mediterranean local educational communities.

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to refine theory of negotiation by empirically investigating the extent to which national-, societal- and individual-level cultures relate to negotiators' tendency to endorse questionable negotiation tactics. Design/methodology/approach: To assess the hypothesized relationships between culture and ethically questionable negotiation tactics at three cultural levels of analysis, the authors collected data from Turks who reside in Turkey and in Germany and from Greeks who reside in Greece and in Cyprus. Respondents' national-level cultural values were inferred from their nationality, respondents' societal-level cultural values were inferred from their country of residency, and respondents' individual-level cultural values were inferred from their discrete and unique individuality. Findings: At the national level, the authors found that Turks in Turkey and Germany scored significantly higher than Greeks in Greece and Cyprus on the endorsement of pretending negotiation tactics. At the societal level, the authors found that Turkish negotiators in Germany displayed higher levels of lying negotiation tactics and lower levels of pretending negotiation tactics than Turkish negotiators in Turkey. Greek negotiators in Greece endorsed deceiving and lying tactics more than Greek negotiators in Cyprus. At the individual level, the authors found that negotiators who score high on vertical individualism and collectivism endorse questionable negotiation tactics significantly more than negotiators who score high on horizontal individualism and collectivism. Originality/value: The authors empirically demonstrate how national-, societal- and individual-level cultures differentially influence negotiators' tendency to endorse questionable negotiation tactics. The study's trilevel analysis allows for integrating the societal-level theories of negotiators' acculturation and cultural adjustment to a host culture, highlighting the importance of bicultural identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Turkish government facing the 1964 Cyprus crisis applied the principle of negative reciprocity toward Greece and expelled Greek citizens living in Turkey. By doing so, Turkey aimed at pressuring Greece to bring the Greek Cypriot side to the negotiation table. Although Turkish policy proved to be a failure, the expulsions continued. The deportation resulted in the demise of the Greek minority in Turkey for the following reasons: first, there were intermarriages between the Greek citizens and the Greek minority; and second, Turkey's Greeks finally lost their hope of being treated as equal Turkish citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last three decades, we have widely witnessed the peculiar relationship between tourism and incidents of political instability. Responding to the urgent call for additional empirical inquiries, we conducted an econometric study, using the VAR-EGARCH-DCC model, on the regional tourism interdependency (volatility) between four Eastern Mediterranean countries, namely Greece, Turkey, Cyprus and Israel. Monthly arrival data from 1987 to 2012, along with a series of political instability variables collected from machine-coded databases, were utilized to model effects and to add empirical substance to contemporary and emerging theories. Our findings are relevant to industry stakeholders in that they explore tourism demand and volatilities. The findings indicate a positive effect on tourism demand in the presence of verbal or material cooperation between a destination country and others. In contrast, when investigating verbal conflict between a destination country and others, our findings reveal a negative impact on tourist arrivals and an increase in volatility in the destination country. Finally, in our investigation of incidents of material conflict, we saw a strong negative impact on tourist arrivals in all four destinations, accompanied by a significant increase in volatility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) has been carried out in order to determine the provenance of a selected set of 30 sherds of Mycenaean style excavated at Tarsus-Gözlükule. The provenance could be established or made feasible in 80% of the samples. The results confirm the current status of research, namely that in the LH IIIC phase trade patterns changed and Mycenaean wares, which used to be exported to the Near East, were now produced locally. At Tarsus, the LH IIIC imports came from Cyprus and the eastern Aegean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue of Cypriot oil seems to be gathering importance, and interested parties are trying to place themselves in positions of advantage. Large oil companies from the United States, China, France, Germany, Great Britain, Norway, and Russia seem to be interested in investing in the prospect of hydrocarbon deposits in Cyprus's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Turkey has not recognized the EEZ of Cyprus and, for decades, has not only opposed the United Nations' Convention on the Law of the Sea but it has interpreted and attempted to distort it to make gains in its maritime conflict with Greece and Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean. Greece and Cyprus, on the other hand, were almost completely satisfied with the benefits of the Constitution of the Oceans, as it has also been known, and voted in favor of the convention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the Europeanization of Greece and Turkey's policies towards their respective Turkish/Muslim and Greek/Orthodox minorities. It begins with a comparative survey of nation-building processes in both countries. It shows that as bilateral tensions rose, minorities' rights as citizens were increasingly compromised by the perception that minorities were agents of their kin-states. Greek accession to the European Economic Community in 1981 catalyzed a slow process of internationalization of European norms of minority protection among policymakers, though pockets of resistance persist to this day. Turkey, meanwhile, became a candidate for membership in December 1999. The carrot-and-stick incentive structure of the accession process led to a rapid succession of taboo-shattering reforms, catalyzing a partial transformation of minority policies. By 2007, however, an altered calculus of domestic and international forces impeded the implementation of reform and consequently the transformation of minority treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses issues concerning the security of Cyprus. He suggests the origins of the disagreement over security relate to whether the Treaty of Alliance 1960 should be rescinded and Greek and Turkish military forces withdrawn and whether the Treaty of Guarantee 1960 should be rescinded so Greece, Turkey and Great Britain can longer "take action" under the treaty terms. The author mentions that a constitutional convention may be a vehicle for forming consensus on these security issues particularly given lessons from the peace process in Northern Ireland.

The authors discuss the isolation of Turkish Cypriots meaning the de jure recognition of a Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus from the states that link with it in such domains as trade and capital investment. Yet, there are regional economic differences in the area that any future constitutional settlement must take into account. They mention the differing interests of Greece, Turkey and Great Britain in the area and that the optimal solution would be Turkey's recognition of Cyprus's northern security sector.

The article discusses the relationship between nationalism and religion and its adaptation to cultural values and ideological differences in countries on the Balkan Peninsula. The incorporation of religious concepts in movements for state formation and ethnonational expansion in the Balkans, the effects of institutionalization and de-institutionalization in the post-communist era, the historical association of nationalism with ethnic identity, the secular reforms in Turkey, the influence of the Ottoman Empire in Greece, and the impact of post-colonialism in Cyprus are discussed.

This article surveys the history of Cyprus's conflict and partition to derive historical, tactical, and strategic lessons about how the Cyprus problem should be resolved and about the value of partitions more generally. Cyprus is complex. Tensions between North and South are very low, in part because the partition has been a cause of peace. However, both sides remain pervaded by antagonistic and one-sided biases, histories, and myths. Moreover, almost every plausible solution, including the Annan Plan, that proposes to unite the island also incorporates the group-based and gridlock-prone characteristics of the conflict-generating 1960 constitution. A Cyprus solution solves little and creates risks. A better plan to create a permanent peace is to recognize a much smaller North, and bring all sides including Turkey into the European Union. This would create peace, give most Greek Cypriot refugees their land and homes back, and restore all freedoms throughout the island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the views of the governments of Greece and Cyprus towards the question of Turkish membership in the European Union. Specifically, it shows that fundamental differences have emerged in the way in which the two perceive the benefits of Turkish engagement with the EU. For Greece, Turkish accession is seen as a transformative process. For the Greek Cypriots, the process of Turkish accession is viewed as a form of leverage. Moreover, and contrary to the prevailing view in certain quarters, there is no evidence of Greek collusion in Greek Cypriot thinking. Indeed, the ability of the Greek government to influence the Greek Cypriot leadership is rather limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the implications of the accession of Cyprus to the European Union in 2004 for the relationship of Greece with Turkey and Turkey with Europe. Role of Cyprus in the foreign policy of Greece; Rejection by the Greek Cypriots to the accession; Role of international law on Cyprus' problem; Evaluation of the Annan Plan.

The article offers information on the situation of Cyprus post 1974 and the negotiations carried out there. It states after Athens-inspired coup against the government of President Makarios, Turkey intervened with military powers to help Turkish Cypriot Community. The people were divided as Turkish and Greek Cypriots later and problem in sharing power started. It mentions that the Greek Cypriots acquired international legitimacy as the while the Turkish Cypriots were recognized only by Turkey.

This paper describes the previously unknown larva of Plectrocnemia renetta Malicky 1975. Information on the morphology of the final instar larva is given and the most important diagnostic features are illustrated. A preliminary discriminatory matrix for the Greek larvae of Plectrocnemia Stephens 1836 is also provided. Plectrocnemia renetta and P. conspersa conspersa (Curtis 1834) belong to the group where the inner and outer dorsal secondary setae on abdominal segment IX are strongly different in length. These two species can be separated from each other by the arrangement of muscle attachment spots on the head capsule, number and length of setae on abdominal sternum IX, and by distribution patterns. With respect to zoogeography, Plectrocnemia renetta has been reported from Cyprus, Turkey, and from the Greek islands of Ikaria and Samos.

On the island of Cyprus, believed to be the birthplace of Aphrodite, the Muslim minority (settled there following the Ottoman conquest of the island in 1571) and Orthodox Christians (the native majority) lived together in peace for hundreds of years. However, as a result of ethnic conflict in the late 1950s, the Muslim Cypriot Turks established their own political state in the north of the island in 1974, and Cyprus was divided into northern Turkish and southern Greek sections. This paper attempts to examine historical, religious, cultural and psychological aspects of the relationship between these two large groups, prior to recent conflicts, by studying fairy tales told by Turkish Cypriots about a hundred years ago. It is hoped that this paper will encourage similar studies of other communities where different large-group identities live side by side, and that such studies may support their peaceful co-existence.