Search

Princess Reema Bint Bander Al-Saud is a Saudi woman leader who is nowadays serving as the Saudi ambassador to the United States of America. She has been serving passionately and effectively in both the public and private sectors of Saudi Arabia, setting a perfect example of Saudi women's empowerment in different fields. This paper gives a comprehensive linguistic analysis of selected spoken texts of HRH Princess Reema. The research focuses on both the rhetoric and the persuasive patterns based on the linguistic structures proposed by Van Dijk's theory and Norman Fairclough's reflections on Ideology. This paper has successfully identified some essential linguistic strategies and how they are conducted skillfully by HRH Princess Reema Bint Bander with a focus on the concept of Saudi women empowerment. This research adopts a qualitative method based on observations and thematic interpretations of selected texts of a public speech given by HRH Princess Reema. Moreover, this paper investigates the linguistic and the stylistic markers that Princess Reema applied in her public remarks that makes her address sounds very persuasive and convincing. This research concludes by discussing some linguistic themes that HRH Princess Reema mentioned, such as the concepts of Conservatism, Socialism, and Liberalism feminist ideology, which create a perfect model of Saudi woman empowerment aligned with the Vision of 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the appointment of career diplomats and political appointees to ambassadorial positions. We present models of the strategic interaction of political donors and presidential candidates, which predicts that donations will match the quality of diplomatic posting granted by the candidate. We test this prediction and confirm it for four presidential terms representing two presidents and 764 diplomatic postings over the 2000 to 2013 period. This allows for the generation of a price list associated with a range of desirable diplomatic posts. This paper provides evidence in support of the proposition that ambassadorships, in locations that are deemed desirable such as Western Europe, are awarded as a form of patronage in return for campaign contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of writer and Nobel Prize laureate William Faulkner as the U.S. cultural ambassador to Latin American, Asia and Europe during the Cold War between 1954 and 1961. Topics include the significance of Faulkner's Nobel Prize for Literature award, given in November 1950, to State Department officials, who wanted to display his work as evidence of the U.S. freedom of expression and cultural achievement, the scholarship on cultural diplomacy and Cold War racial politics, and the construction and interaction of conflicting aspects of the writer's official tours.

This paper aims to analyze the diplomatic work of Antonio Carrillo Flores, Mexico's ambassador to the United States, between 1958 and 1964. Using Carrillo's personal archive, I show that his experience in the Mexican economic bureaucracy was fundamental in strengthening the commercial and financial relationship with that country. I also show that, with pragmatism, he used the Cold War logic to promote a Latin American economic agenda and look for alternatives to reduce dependence on the United States. I divide the work into two parts that correspond to the Republican administration of Eisenhower (1958-1960) and the Democratic administration of Kennedy (1961-1964), ending with the appointment of Carrillo as the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"A Summer of Mass Murder: 1941 Rehearsal for the Hungarian Holocaust" by George Eisen is a comprehensive study of the deportation and annihilation of "stateless" Jews from Hungary in the summer of 1941. The author explores the reasons behind the deportations, including economic factors and anti-Galicianer sentiment, and examines the roles of various individuals and organizations involved. Eisen sheds light on the perpetrators, victims, survivors, and bystanders, providing a multifaceted understanding of this tragic chapter in history. The book also addresses the return of some deportees to Hungary and the challenges they faced. Overall, this work contributes significantly to our knowledge of the Hungarian Holocaust and emphasizes the responsibility of Hungarian officials in the planning and execution of the deportations. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the appointment of male versus female career diplomats to ambassadorial posts. We assess the role played by ambassadors' individual characteristics, including education, marital status, and number of children, and host countries' characteristics, such as quality of life and regime type, in determining if a male or female is appointed to ambassadorial positions to represent the United States in foreign countries. The time frame of this study is the entire presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush (1993–2008), during which 603 career diplomats were appointed as ambassadors. The study provides empirical evidence that there remain significant differences between women and men serving as ambassadors. Female ambassadors are more likely to be single and have no children and are less likely to be Ivy League graduates than male ambassadors. Furthermore, they are more likely to be appointed to countries with lower quality of life and better human rights records. Finally, time plays a role in the likelihood of a woman being appointed as ambassador. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article extends scholars' recent integration of the history of U.S.-Indigenous relations into the history of American foreign relations by addressing the state's attempts to acquire information about Native people's ways of perceiving reality. My focus is on the intertwined careers in policymaking and scholarship of Henry Rowe Schoolcraft. Schoolcraft used his position as U.S. ambassador ('Indian agent') to the Ojibwe people to become the government's leading expert on Indigenous cultures. The cultural information officials like Schoolcraft gathered was tightly connected to matters of national security, with significant implications for both international relations and the discipline now known as anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

That was reflected in the fact that Trump ended up losing the vote toHillary Clinton in the top 30 cities in America but won the election. Donald Trump's unconventional presidency turned politics and diplomatic relations inWashington DC on its head. The three most powerful countries in the world, without much doubt are Russia, China and theUnited States. There is an inherentdistrust of head office; there's an inherent distrust in Russia of Moscow, there's an inherentdistrust in China of Beijing; and the same in America - there's an inherent distrust ofWashington DC. [Extracted from the article]

Ledyard had sailed with Cook on his Third Voyage, then went to Paris where he became a close friend of the American Ambassador, Thomas Jefferson. Ever since his Endeavour voyage with Cook, Banks had worried that France would grab New Holland before Britain got around to it. As reported by Arthur Bowes Smyth, surgeon on the Lady Penrhyn, Phillip sent two horses to Botany Bay to collect Laperouse and his friends. Ledyard would have boasted about his friendship with Jefferson which inevitably led to his mentioning the detailed letter written by John Paul Jones. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyzes Curtiss-Wright Aerospace Industry's inflow process to the Turkish market in the early 1930s. In these years, aviation was a quite significant industry that contributed economic, military, and political prestige of the states. Progressive decision-makers of Turkey were looking for an opportunity to establish a partnership with a multinational company to manufacture its own aircraft because the young state was destitute of such technology. Curtiss-Wright was eager to do business in Turkey; two American pilots' record-breaking flight from New York to Istanbul in 1931; withdraw of German Junkers Aerospace Industry's from Turkey in 1929 and American Ambassador Joseph Grew's public diplomacy between 1927 to 1932, helped this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the intelligence career of Austrian-born U.S. diplomat Robert Strausz-Hupé. He founded the Foreign Policy Research Institute at the University of Pennsylvania in 1955 and delivered numerous lectures on foreign relations. He served as U.S. Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Belgium, Sweden and Turkey and U.S. Permanent Representative on the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

On the other hand, not a few intellectuals of a new generation raised an argument that a civilized government should be responsible for protecting the individual right of religious freedom rather than establishing an orthodox state religion. The Meiji state reluctantly withdrew the prohibition against Christianity in 1873 while, at the same time, they had started the institutionalization of Shinto as the state religion. In hindsight, the Meiji government did not place the highest priority to establishment of a state religion. Noteworthy is Shimaji's adoption of the idea that a state religion would harm the development of civilization instead of defending the independence of Buddhism from the intervention of the government. [Extracted from the article]

The modern investor-state arbitration regime was explicitly designed to replace commercial diplomacy as a mechanism for protecting foreign investment. I argue, however, that diplomacy continues to play an important role in managing political risk, particularly in countries with weak rule of law. Yet, since commercial diplomacy occurs primarily behind closed doors, it is difficult to observe, let alone test for its effects. To overcome this obstacle, I exploit variation in vacancies among US ambassadors to foreign countries--conditions overwhelmingly driven by US domestic political factors--which provides for a quasi-natural experiment for testing the effects of commercial diplomacy. I show that American firms operating abroad are significantly more likely to initiate investor-state arbitration disputes during temporary vacancies in US ambassadorships. The effects of these vacancies prove particularly strong in countries with weak rule of law. The results suggest American investors frequently seek assistance from the US government in informally resolving incipient investment disputes; if diplomatic channels are unsuccessful or unavailable, investors then file formal arbitration cases. These findings underline that, even in highly legalized issue areas in world politics, such as investment protection, informal diplomacy continues to influence important political economy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nawaz blithely quotes from a conversation with General Pervez Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, then chief of staff of the Pakistan Army, who categorically denied knowing that Bin Laden was living on the very doorstop of the Pakistan Military Academy. REFERENCES 1 Daniel S. Markey, No Exit from Pakistan: America's Tortured Relationship with Pakistan (New York: Cambridge University Press. Yet Nawaz provides no clear rationale for starting his analysis of the recent tribulations of the US-Pakistan relationship at that particular moment. [Extracted from the article]

The growing bureaucratic performance literature focuses on differences in programs or agencies led by either careerists or political appointees; yet this literature still struggles to measure and then compare performance across agencies. This article examines ambassadorial performance to provide new measures of individual- and organization-level performance. Using a new data set of embassy inspection reports by the State Department's inspector general, I find that the traditional dichotomy of careerists versus appointees explains some performance differences even as some key individual-level characteristics that are expected to affect performance are not influential. These findings have important implications for presidents and agencies in their approaches to leadership selection and performance evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media accounts of presidential appointments have often characterized the ambassadorial appointments process as overtaken by patronage concerns, with the most attractive posts set aside for those responsible for the president's election, few of whom have diplomatic experience. Here, using original data on all ambassadors, envoys, and other chiefs of mission appointed during the 68th through 112th Congresses, I leverage the credentialing process of the Foreign Service to conduct an empirical test of the determinants of professional versus nonprofessional appointments. I find that Foreign Service appointments are more likely when there exists significant ideological distance between the appointing president and the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, when the difficulty of the posting is high, and when the attractiveness of the posting is low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives While there is great deal of scholarship on the nature of presidential appointments in the realm of domestic policy (e.g., cabinet departments and regulatory agencies), foreign policy appointments have received far less attention. Yet, these appointments are important because they have global implications, dealing with such basic issues as trade, diplomacy, war, and peace. We examine one type of foreign policy appointment, the ambassadorial appointments of Presidents George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton. Methods We employ data provided by the U.S. Department of State and data collected from various sources on the background characteristics of their U.S. ambassadors. Results We find that while both presidents promoted loyalty over competence in their ambassadorial appointments, they did so in different ways. The first President Bush used a personal 'friends and neighbors' approach, while Clinton rewarded former campaign officials. Though it generally is assumed that presidents reward key contributors from their presidential campaign with key assignments, we find that Clinton was more likely than Bush to reward contributors with appointments to choice countries. Finally, we demonstrate that women and minorities received appointments of lesser quality during the Bush administration. Conclusions The determinants of ambassadorial appointments are more complex than previously assumed. While presidents appoint ambassadors on the basis of campaign contributions, they do not reward them equally with plum assignments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the visit of James Richards, President Eisenhower's special emissary to the Middle East, to Iraq in April 1957 following the pronouncement of the Eisenhower Doctrine. An analysis of the Richards Mission encompasses a range of specific issues, including the relationship in Iraq between the US and UK and American assessments of the stability of the Iraqi government. Moreover, this article examines the American strategy for navigating the rising tide of Arab nationalist sentiment in Iraq after the Suez War. This article explores the ways in which US policy-makers privileged the notions of ‘stability’ and ‘order’ in Iraqi political affairs and reflects on the critical dilemmas and contradictions underlying American policy towards Iraq and the Middle East after the 1956 Suez War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]