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The objective of this paper is to suggest a mathematical model of unpaid housework and empirically test its main predictions using data from Mexico (2014) and Colombia (2017) time-use surveys. The model, based upon the Marxist-feminist approach, suggests that the magnitude of unpaid housework is determined by the super-exploitation of labor, i.e. the gap between wages and the value of labor-power. The outcome is an equation that relates positively the magnitude of unpaid housework with the super-exploitation of labor. The parametric and nonparametric regression estimates applied in both countries show preliminary empirical support for the theoretical model. The theoretical and empirical findings have several implications for Marxist-feminist literature as well as for empirical research on unpaid housework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers and practitioners recognise the importance of context when implementing healthcare interventions, but the influence of wider environment is rarely mapped. This paper identifies the country and policy-related factors potentially explaining the country differences in outcomes of an intervention focused on improving detection and management of heavy alcohol use in primary care in Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Qualitative data obtained through interviews, logbooks and document analysis are used to explain quantitative data on number of alcohol screenings and screening providers in each of the countries. Existing alcohol screening standards in Mexico, and policy prioritisation of primary care and consideration of alcohol as a public health issue in Colombia and Mexico positively contributed to the outcome, while the COVID-19 pandemic had a negative impact. In Peru, the context was unsupportive due to a combination of: political instability amongst regional health authorities; lack of focus on strengthening primary care due to the expansion of community mental health centres; alcohol considered as an addiction rather than a public health issue; and the impact of COVID-19 on healthcare. We found that wider environment-related factors interacted with the intervention implemented and can help explain country differences in outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of algorithmic political communication has arisen through the joint development of propaganda and communication theories, as well as the findings of computer science. This is a field that generates results that amplify and extend to political communication, such as microsegmentation or automated diffusion of content; likewise, it produces some adverse effects that hinder citizen participation in the cybersphere. This paper presents a review of works published in three Latin American countries (Colombia, Ecuador, and Mexico) with artificial intelligence, communication, and democracy as their constituent elements. The data come from a total of 206 documents, including reports from supranational organisms and associations, and publications in scientific journals indexed in databases such as Google Scholar and Scopus between 2011 and 2021. The selection criterion is based on the total or partial appearance of certain keywords, plus filters by relevance and impact factors. This systematic review is structured based along four axes that explain democracy according to Landman et al. (2009): electoral participation, participation of civil society, media integrity, and impartial administration. The main conclusions indicate that many of the practices in the studied countries are still at an incipient or experimental stage, with algorithmic political communication being used especially during electoral campaigns. Similarly, an increasing resistance from civil society to the influence of social networks is starting to be detected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the importance of political legitimacy in police actions in Mexico, especially in regions where criminal cartels build strategies that seek to justify their criminal activities through social and political actions that give them the legitimacy that the police lack on local and sub-national governments. The article observes aspects of legitimacy of the National Police of Colombia that can be applied to the Mexican case, specifically to the recently created Mexican National Guard. The analysis focuses on the municipalities of the so-called Tierra Caliente, Michoacana that exemplify the problems of political legitimacy and the difficulties that this implies for police activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the creation of the Colombian Indigenista Institute, CII (1942), its institutional history, and its closure (1949). The CII, influenced by the Mexican indigenista movement, fought for indigenous peoples’ visibility for eight years. In the end, however, the CII failed due to a combination of internal factors such as ideological disagreements, and internal ones, including violence, scarce resources, and lack of awareness on the part of politicians and elites about the status, challenges, and even existence of Amerindian groups in Colombia. Three Colombian scholars created the CII. They attended the First Inter-American Indigenista Congress (Pátzcuaro 1940) where they got in touch with Manuel Gamio, then director of the Interamerican Indigenista Institute. Gamio´s ideas — that Indians have the right to govern themselves, to have tribal organizations, to elect their community leaders, and to maintain and assert their cultural identity — inspired the Colombians. In this paper, I trace the influences of the Mexican indigenista movement on Colombian indigenismo projects between 1940 and 1950. I draw on a variety of sources including Colombian newspapers and magazines, as well as letters of the indigenistas housed at the Colombian library Luis Ángel Arango in Bogotá and the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection at the University of Texas at Austin. I conclude by explaining why Colombian indigenismo of the decade between 1940 and 1950 ultimately failed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. To determine the level of stability or change in topic areas published by public health journals in Latin America and the Caribbean, using keywords and co-word analysis, in order to support evidence-based research planning. Methods. Keywords were extracted from papers indexed in Scopus® that were published by the Revista de Salud Pública (RSP; Colombia), the Salud Pública de México (SPM; Mexico), and the Revista Peruana de Medicina Experimental y Salud Pública (RPMESP; Peru) for three periods: 2005 - 2007, 2008 - 2010, and 2011 - 2013. Co-word analysis was used to examine keywords extracted. Textual information was analyzed using centrality measures (inbetweenness and closeness). The hypothesis of stability/change of thematic coverage was tested using the Spearman's rho correlation coefficient. VOSviewer was used to visualize the co-word maps. Results. A moderate level of change in thematic coverage was observed in 2005 -- 2010, as evidenced by the correlation coefficients for two of the 3-year periods, 2005 -- 2007 and 2008 -- 2010: 0.545 for RSP and 0.593 for SPM. However, in 2008 -- 2013, more keywords remained constant from one period to the next, given the size of the correlation coefficients for the last 3-year periods: 2008 -- 2010 and 2011 -- 2013: 0.727 for RSP and 0.605 for SPM. Conclusion. The research hypothesis was partially accepted given that just two consecutive 3-year periods showed a statistically-significant degree of stability in thematic coverage in public health studies. In that sense, this study provides compelling evidence of the effectiveness of using a combined approach for examining the dynamics of thematic coverage: centrality measures for identifying the main keywords and visual inspection for detecting the structure of textual information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the evolution of fear of floating (FOF) and its effect on output in Chile, Colombia and Mexico. It shows that there has been a gradual rise in exchange-rate volatility as the period of floating lengthens in each country. The paper analyzes the implications of this evolution for the behavior of output. It finds that the reduction of FOF has tended to decrease output volatility in Chile. However, the opposite phenomenon has happened in Mexico, while the results for Colombia are ambiguous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyses of multicultural state-dictated social categories are often governed by those same categories, even while they deconstruct them. Nonetheless, these categories are often used in public spheres such as national imaginary or ethno-political activism. Taking a different point of departure, that of representations rather than the categories themselves, the aim of our paper is to understand the modes of classification that are relevant among four populations in Colombia and Mexico who would, a priori, be categorized as ‘black’ or ‘Indian’. The daily reality of these groups indicates other possible internal, sometimes even intersecting, kinds of categorizations, which, far from naturalizing the ‘Indian’ and ‘black’ categories, in fact reveal place-based social identifications. These identifications seem closer to the everyday lives and practices of the people in question, and underscore the local conceptions of their presence and agency in a given spot. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]