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With ever-increasing political tensions between China and Russia on one side and the EU and the US on the other, it only seems a matter of time until protectionist policies cause a decoupling of global value chains. This paper uses a computable general equilibrium trade model calibrated with the latest version of the GTAP database to simulate the effect of such a decoupling–implemented by doubling non-tariff barriers–between the two blocks on trade and welfare. Imposing import barriers almost completely eliminates bilateral imports. In addition, changes in price levels lead to higher imports and lower exports of the imposing country group from and to the rest of the world. The targeted country group increases exports to the rest of the world and reduces imports. Welfare falls in all countries involved, suggesting that governments should strive to cooperate rather than turn away from each other. By imposing a trade war on Russia, the political West could inflict severe damage on the Russian economy because of the latter's smaller relative economic size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies focusing on China and Russia, whose relationship is of key importance to the configuration of the international system, have been evolving dynamically in various disciplines. We analyze the evolution of this research by focusing on the fields of International Relations and Area Studies. This novel bibliometric study employs Biblioshiny, AntConc, and VOSviewer to analyze 947 publications collected from the Web of Science Core Collection, focusing specifically on 266 publications in International Relations and Area Studies. While mapping research on China and Russia over the last three decades (1990–2019), we identify the main trends regarding the annual distribution of papers, document types, dominant journals, collaboration networks between countries, and the most productive authors. We also establish prevailing research themes resulting from keyword analysis and their respective growth over time, as well as the density of the most frequently used terms and methods employed in the selected research fields. Finally, we identify fruitful avenues for further research, while also demonstrating how the bibliometric approach can inform and direct developments on China and Russia studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do multinational corporations (MNCs) frequently encounter corporate social responsibility (CSR) crises in leading emerging markets in the new century? Existing research about institutional impacts on MNC CSR has developed a void-based account about how the flawed institutional system allows misdeeds to happen. But the fact that such misdeeds have turned into increasing CSR crises in the new century along with institutional change is rarely taken into account. This paper combines studies of institutional voids, institutional entrepreneurship, and stakeholder theory to develop a concept of institutional sophistication, which refers to both the top-down maturation of the regulatory system that standardizes firm behavior and the bottom-up diversification and intensification of grassroots initiatives that redefine stakeholder membership. Based on this concept, we developed a framework to comprehensively demonstrate how both institutional voids and sophistication drive the MNC CSR crisis in leading emerging markets. Empirically, we established an original database that includes 309 publicized CSR crises encountered by major foreign MNCs in China, India, and Russia, 2000-2011. Through a content analysis, the paper reveals six common sophistication processes that drive the MNC crisis across contexts and also specifies stakeholder strategies that make these processes happen and vary by social problems and national contexts. We also discussed the value of studying corporate social irresponsible behavior in understanding the institution-MNC relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing housing regime theories are established in the Western marketised contexts and have limited applicability in post-transitional housing systems. This paper compares Chinese and Russian housing systems since transition to obtain more understanding of post-transitional housing systems and the housing challenges facing these economies currently. A conceptual framework that investigates housing system operation through the interaction between housing market operations and housing policies in three spheres-production, exchange and consumption-is used in the analysis. The comparison shows that different strategies applied in transition, particularly regarding the government's role, have contributed to different housing system outcomes in these two countries. It further supports existing research which shows that post-transitional housing systems are still transforming and are characterised by an essential deviation from Western marketised systems. Thus, housing systems in transitional economies are better understood from a more hybrid and dynamic view, rather than a single and static perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the background of 'the Belt and Road' initiative, the economic cooperation has great potential between China and Russia. The railway accessibility has an important influence on the economic connections of cities along the railway line. This paper studied the Sino-Russian transnational economic connection based on the railway class accessibility along Trans-Siberian railway (the transnational China railway branch line). The results are as following. First, the railway accessibility of the Chinese nodes is stronger than that of the Russian nodes, which in general displays a tendency of space attenuation from China to the Sino-Russian border, then to Russia. Spatially, the railway accessibility within the study area shows a 'High East, Low West' and 'High South, Low North' spatial pattern. The railway accessibility of the nodes, which are located at the beginning and end of the railway line, is weaker than those nodes located in the middle of the line. Second, the railway accessibility and external economic connection intensity summation of the nodes show a positive relationship along the railway line. The economic connection intensity summation of different nodes presents obvious regional differentiation. Finally, as economic connection network has evolved, the small world effect of Sino-Russian railway economic connection network becomes strong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global reproductive landscapes and with them cross-border routes are rapidly changing. This paper examines the reproductive routes and choices of fertility travellers from China to Russia as reported by medical professionals and fertility service providers. Providing new empirical data, it raises new ethical questions on the facilitation of cross-border reproductive travel and the commercialisation of reproductive treatment. The relaxation of the one-child policy in 2014 in China, the increasing demand for ART exceeding the capacity of national fertility clinics and the difficulty of accessing treatment with donor eggs concomitant with a growing economic power of the upper–middle class are shaping the ART industry in Asia in new ways. A new development is Chinese citizens increasingly seeking ART treatment in Russia, which has a long-standing practice of ART governed by a liberal legislation. Furthermore, as China prohibits the export of gametes, Chinese fertility travellers rely on acquiring donor gametes once starting treatment abroad. Clinicians in Russia report three strategies amongst their Chinese patients: One group is using donor eggs of women of Asian appearance living in Russia or is hiring women of resembling appearance from third-party countries to donate their eggs in Russia to create resemblance in their offspring. Another group is buying white donor gametes to create Eurasian mixed children and thus 'enhance' their offspring. Providing novel empirical data, this article informs ethical deliberation and raises imminent questions for further research in this understudied geographic region and on cross-border reproductive treatment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to investigate under which conditions non-democratic political regimes are capable of making credible commitments to maintain a certain level of local autonomy and to incentivize local bureaucrats. For this purpose, we compare two big non-democratic countries-Russia and China. While China has managed to establish a relatively stable system, with substantial decision-making rights resting with sub-national governments, in Russia relations between the center and the regions have been highly unstable and driven primarily by the extent to which central elites consolidated their power. We argue that China has been able to make credible commitments because its non-democratic rule is based on competition between vertical elite networks that span regional and central political arenas, and because the country has limited access to natural resources: these two characteristics explain the difference between the two cases we investigate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state is a key driver of corporate social responsibility across developed and developing countries. But the existing research provides comparatively little knowledge about: (1) how companies strategically manage the relationship with the state through corporate social responsibility (CSR); (2) how this strategy takes shape under the influence of political institutions. Understanding these questions captures a realistic picture of how a company applies CSR to interacting with the state, particularly in countries where the state relationship is critical to the business operation. This article draws on political legitimacy as a useful concept to directly address both strategic and politically embedded natures of CSR. This work extends the currently under-specified political implication of the strategic view of CSR and provides fresh insights to the political legitimacy research by specifying a typology of CSR-based legitimacy strategies and its contextual variation. China and Russia are the focal settings. A qualitative analysis of business-state interaction cases is done using a database that contains the majority of CSR reports published in Chinese and Russian as the end of 2009. As a result, this paper identifies four qualitatively different types of CSR-based political legitimacy strategies and reveals how the adoption of these strategies differs across Chinese companies, Russian companies, and multinational corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with comparative summary of sediment loads and particulate trace metals (V, Cr, Co, Cu, Zn, Cd, Pb) transport in the largest Asian rivers of Russia and China. Environmental conditions and human interventions in the selected catchments (Lena, Ob, Enisey, Selenga, Kolyma, Amur, Yellow, Yangtze, Pearl) are analyzed with respect to the rate and composition of suspended sediment loads. The paper presents calculations of sediment load changes at the downstream sections of the rivers and new database of the chemical composition of suspended matter which involves all recent studies of the last decade for the sediment geochemistry. The results indicate that fluvial system and its human modifications are the most significant drivers of sediment load. Fluvial erosion in the unconfined channels exerts a significant control on the sediment load changes due to observed permafrost melting. We concluded that construction of reservoirs has the most important influence on land-ocean sediment fluxes in the largest rivers of Asia but plays relatively weak role in heavy metal composition in suspended particulate matter (SPM) due to lowest sedimentation rates of the fine clay particles, which are mostly enriched with heavy metals. The paper also presents novel mapping approaches related to cartographic recognition of the fluvial system and its human modification and sediment transfer processes in the largest Asian rivers of Russia and China, linked with a specific legend. Finally, analysis of uncertainties associated with estimating the SPM composition in the rivers was done with respect to spatial and temporal variability. It was shown that the main error occurs due to incorporation of data only from particular hydrological seasons which usually ignore high flood conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the attitude of the Russian society toward the Russian-Chinese relations in general and toward the One Belt — One Road (OBOR) megaproject in particular. An analysis is made of the Russian scientific, official and expert discourse, based on methods of critical geopolitics, as well as investigating the grass-roots ideas concerning China and the OBOR Initiative. It is found that expert discourse is dominated by negative and neutral analytical publications, whereas official discourse and grass-rout ideas have a clearly positive connotation, although occasionally with some wariness. The critical nature of expert discourse in respect of China reflects distrust Chinese politics from Russian specialists, associated with the lack of comparability of the demographic and economic potentials of the two countries and the ambitions of the Chinese leadership. It is established that in foreign scientific circles, the Russian strategy of the "turn to the East" is perceived skeptically. The authors do not believe in a real possibility that Chinese and Russian projects can be reconciled in the implementation of the strategic interests of the Russian Federation, referring to the different interests of the two countries. It is noted that the fears of unequal competition are encouraged by the approach of the Chinese side approach to joint projects focused primarily on the needs of China, as well as by the obvious difference in the interests of the two States. The main obstacle to a further development of bilateral cooperation is a credibility gap on either side of the Russian-Chinese border. Field studies in the Russian-Chinese borderland in Zabaikalskii krai confirmed this conclusion, showing that at the regional and local level the Russian-Chinese relations are sharply asymmetric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This cross-cultural study with employee-supervisor dyads in Russia and China examines links between harmonious and obsessive work passion and four job- and organization-focused outcomes (job satisfaction, intentions to quit, job performance, and organizational citizenship behaviors) and two career-focused outcomes (career satisfaction and occupational commitment). Design/Methodology/Approach: Data were collected from employee-supervisor dyads in Russia ( N = 223) and China ( N = 193). We undertook a series of hierarchical regressions to examine the hypothesized relationships. Findings: We found considerable support for the harmonious passion-work outcome relationships and less support for the obsessive passion-work outcome relationships. In both Russia and China, harmonious passion predicted all six hypothesized outcomes. However, obsessive work passion predicted job satisfaction and occupational commitment in Russia, but was unrelated to any of the hypothesized outcomes in China. We also identified several culture-specific work passion-outcome relationships. Implications: Our research extends the duality of the work passion construct to non-Western cultures. The examination of a variety of work passion outcomes provides a finer-grained approach to how two types of passion uniquely link to different work consequences. Several culture-specific findings refute the traditionally held assumption that harmonious passion relates to solely positive outcomes, whereas obsessive passion relates to solely negative outcomes. Collectively, the results augment the nomological framework of the passion construct. The study informs managerial practices by suggesting when work passion needs to be encouraged or tamed. Originality/Value: This is the first study that examines a variety of job-, organization-, and career-focused outcomes of work passion in non-Western organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I would like to show that China's rough treatment of Uyghurs is related not only to domestic tensions in Xinjiang but also to the legacy of Uyghurs' association with the Soviet Union and Russia against China's nationality policy. Both, but particularly Moscow, used the Uyghurs in their virtual propaganda and, moreover, also in actual acts of organizing outfits-mainly civilian but also military-including espionage, sabotage, and even preparations for invasion. While most-if not all-of these attempts failed, the memories of these actions still survive. Behind the apparent friendship between China and Russia today are hidden mutual suspicions as well as unsettled accounts going back as far as the seventeenth century. Given these potential, and occasionally actual, tensions and China's growing economic advantage over Russia, a future conflict is an eventuality that should be taken into consideration, meaning that Uyghurs may become pawns in this playground yet again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on comparison of perceptions of ethical business cultures in large business organizations from four largest emerging economies, commonly referred to as the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), and from the US. The data were collected from more than 13,000 managers and employees of business organizations in five countries. The study found significant differences among BRIC countries, with respondents from India and Brazil providing more favorable assessments of ethical cultures of their organizations than respondents from China and Russia. Overall, highest mean scores were provided by respondents from India, the US, and Brazil. There were significant similarities in ratings between the US and Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits a conventional interpretation of Sino-Japanese energy relations from geopolitical and zero-sum viewpoints. Contemporary Sino-Japanese disputes over the East China Sea and their scramble over a crude-oil pipeline from Russia have drawn global attention to the intensification of the rivalry between the two giant energy consumers. Beijing and Tokyo, however, have gradually found common interests resulting from business opportunities, environmental countermeasures, etc. Russia’s failure in driving a wedge between China and Japan, and the United States’ proactive engagement in Asia-Pacific energy issues, appear to provide new opportunities in which the East Asian powers’ energy rivalry can be reduced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts of several studies on environmental geochemistry. Some of the abstracts presented include "Biogeochemical Cycling of Nutrients in Karstic Catchments, Southwestern China: Linkages to Changes of Eco-Environments," by Congqiang Liu and "Emerging Organic Contamination in China," by Guibin Jiang and colleagues.