Search

Social enterprises, which are businesses with social objectives, have been championed by the UK government as an opportunity to deliver more innovative, socially oriented, and commercially sustainable public services. However, very little is known about them, especially in a social care context. This paper therefore aims to answer the following three questions: (1) What are care social enterprises?, (2) What are their distinctive qualities?, and (3) How can they contribute to the adult social care sector? It presents evidence from a "mapping" of care social enterprises in three English local authorities, and from interviews with 35 stakeholders from across the social care and social enterprise sectors. Drawing on an institutional logics framework, we explore the influence of different norms, goals, and practices on care social enterprises and the extent to which they are aligned with those of the public, private, and not-for-profit sectors. We found that their unique combination of business and social logics, along with an entrepreneurial mindset, may make them more flexible, innovative, and able to diversify their income than public and not-for-profit care organisations. They were also considered more trustworthy than private care services. However, their competing social and business logics can create internal tensions and bring uncertainty about what organisational model they are. These tensions can make it challenging for us to define what a care social enterprise is and in turn for social enterprises to promote themselves and attract funding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demographic situation, changes in the role of women in society and growing demand for long‐term care (LTC) of older people have challenged the ability to meet the growing LTC needs in most developed countries. In countries where responsibility for LTC is still largely laid on families, it is, however, even more critical and calls for improvements in formal LTC systems. More intensive stakeholder collaboration in LTC policy development, organising and delivery are of primary importance in improving LTC systems. Such collaboration, however, is not always successful; thus, it is critical to understand what makes it effective and efficient. In this paper, we specifically look into multistakeholder collaboration in LTC in Lithuania, one of the fastest ageing countries in the EU, with the demand for LTC services growing fast and exceeding the supply despite rising business and NGO engagement. To determine facilitators of such collaboration, we build on the data obtained through eight focus group discussions with all key stakeholder representatives (LTC policymakers, organisers and service providers [public, private and NGOs], 54 participants in total). Our findings indicate that in addition to national and organisational level facilitators studied in prior research, there are important individual level factors, such as meaningfulness at work, concern and care for others, possibility for personal growth and development, satisfaction with supervision, a sense of belonging and role clarity. On the other hand, our results show that collaboration is constrained by a shortage of human resources, increased workload caused by growing LTC demand, bureaucratic requirements, legal restrictions, lack of awareness of LTC service availability among elder persons, and prevailing social norms and attitudes to institutionalised care. Interestingly, a lack of financial resources is not perceived as a major constraint. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demographic trends escalate the demands for formal long-term care ( LTC) in the majority of the developed world. The LTC workforce is characterised by its very low wages, the actual scale of which is less well known. This article investigates the scale of poverty-pay in the feminised LTC sector and attempts to understand the perceived reasons behind persisting low wages in the sector. The analysis makes use of large national workforce pay data and a longitudinal survey of care workers, as well as interviews with key stakeholders in the sector. The analysis suggests that there are at least between 10 and 13% of care workers who are effectively being paid under the National Minimum Wage in England. Thematic qualitative analysis of 300 interviews with employers, care workers and service users highlight three key explanatory factors of low pay: the intrinsic nature of LTC work, the value of caring for older people, and marketisation and outsourcing of services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]