Search

In recent years the lawfulness of certain types of sanctions and the question about the usefulness of sanctions in general have become topical and widely discussed issues. Of special significance is the expanding use by powerful states of unilateral coercive measures without Security Council authorisation, or beyond Security Council authorisation, to illustrate their displeasure with the domestic or foreign policies of certain members of the international community. Over time the nature of these measures has taken on diverse forms and their encroachment on human rights and freedoms has become a matter of international concern. This contribution examines the developments that have taken place in this context since the 2000 report of the Working Group on the negative impact of sanctions by focussing on the interventions by key United Nations bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to demonstrate that Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) may provide useful tools for interpreting epidermalized relations of power in the international system and for challenging the racial dynamics that cut across the teaching, research and extension dimensions in the field of International Relations. This study shows that CWS have potential to support the implementation of Laws 10.639/03 and 11.645/2008, which require the inclusion, in a cross-curricular manner, of education regarding ethnic-racial relations in higher education curricula in Brazil. In this paper, I provide an introduction to the field of CWS, drawing primarily from the Brazilian afro-feminist contribution in pretuguês of Cida Bento, with her concept of narcissistic pacts of whiteness. Methodologically, this article makes use of a decolonial approach, based on bibliographic and documental research techniques. This paper stresses the importance of naming and historicizing the power of whiteness, to understand how it hegemonizes itself in space and time, and through which means it does so. It is a novel and original study, which innovates by introducing Black epistemologies and stating their applicability as regards teaching, research and extension, opening paths to destabilize the colonial support beams of the IR field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Coupled Model Intercomparison Project (CMIP) is one of the biggest international efforts aimed at better understanding the past, present, and future of climate changes in a multi-model context. A total of 21 model intercomparison projects (MIPs) were endorsed in its sixth phase (CMIP6), which included 190 different experiments that were used to simulate 40 000 years and produced around 40 PB of data in total. This paper presents the main findings obtained from the CPMIP (the Computational Performance Model Intercomparison Project), a collection of a common set of metrics, specifically designed for assessing climate model performance. These metrics were exclusively collected from the production runs of experiments used in CMIP6 and primarily from institutions within the IS-ENES3 consortium. The document presents the full set of CPMIP metrics per institution and experiment, including a detailed analysis and discussion of each of the measurements. During the analysis, we found a positive correlation between the core hours needed, the complexity of the models, and the resolution used. Likewise, we show that between 5 %–15 % of the execution cost is spent in the coupling between independent components, and it only gets worse by increasing the number of resources. From the data, it is clear that queue times have a great impact on the actual speed achieved and have a huge variability across different institutions, ranging from none to up to 78 % execution overhead. Furthermore, our evaluation shows that the estimated carbon footprint of running such big simulations within the IS-ENES3 consortium is 1692 t of CO 2 equivalent. As a result of the collection, we contribute to the creation of a comprehensive database for future community reference, establishing a benchmark for evaluation and facilitating the multi-model, multi-platform comparisons crucial for understanding climate modelling performance. Given the diverse range of applications, configurations, and hardware utilised, further work is required for the standardisation and formulation of general rules. The paper concludes with recommendations for future exercises aimed at addressing the encountered challenges which will facilitate more collections of a similar nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Latin America's role in an international system in flux, with high levels of uncertainty and transformations that signal a shift in the geoeconomic and geopolitical landscape across the world. Against this backdrop, the paper examines the challenges (both old and new) the region must face, focusing on the impact of global changes on regional dynamics and the capacity of the different countries to find answers both to the international situation and old and new internal problems. In addition, as an introductory paper to this monograph entitled "Geopolitics from Latin America: a change of cycle and multipolarity", it identifies the fulcrums of these changes, their impact, the main actors involved and the processes underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding India's public stand professing its respect of the sovereignty principle, the imperatives of competitive international relations have necessitated the use of force against its neighbors, thereby undermining their sovereignty. This use of force has been manifested through conventional wars as well as through the sub-conventional use of force such as surgical strikes. This paper examines how India has sought to toe a fine line between pursuing its national interest through the application of military power while being mindful of the broader normative frameworks influencing state behavior since 1947. In doing so, it engages with the interplay of the material and the ideational. Given the time span of the study, it also seeks to shine light on the elements of continuity and change that mark its application of military power through the prism of the sovereignty principle. Furthermore, the paper also pays attention to the recent surgical strikes, features that mark them as being different from previous such actions performed by India, and what this means for India's understanding of the sovereignty principle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background The COVID-19 pandemic demanded quick exchanges between experts and institutions supporting governments to provide evidence-based information in response to the crisis. Initially, there was no regular cross-country forum in the field of population health. This paper describes the set-up and benefits of implementing such a forum. Methods A group of public health practitioners from academia, national public health institutes and ministries of health decided in April 2020 to meet bi-monthly to discuss a vast array of population health topics in a structured format called a Rapid Exchange Forum (REF). An ad-hoc mailing group was established to collect responses to questions brought forward in the forum from at least five countries within 24 h. This endeavour, which evolved as network of networks was awarded an EU grant in autumn 2020 and was called PHIRI (Population Health Information Research Infrastructure). Results Responses from up to 31 countries were compiled and shared immediately via the European Health Information Portal. This exchange was complemented by special REFs that focused on the advantages and disadvantages of vaccination, for example. By July 2023, 54 REFs had taken place with topics going beyond COVID-19. Conclusion The REF demonstrated its value for quick yet evidence-based cross-country exchange in times of crisis and was highly appreciated by countries and European Commission. It demonstrated its sustainability even after the acute crisis by expanding the topics covered and managing to continue exchange with the aim of capacity building and mutual learning, making it a true EU response and coordination mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defence diplomacy within the sphere of statecraft is experiencing rapid growth due to the geopolitical and geo-economic interests of rising power blocs around the world. This paper aims to provide a comprehensive historical background of significant activities undertaken in modern defence diplomacy. The central research question explores how the activities in defence diplomacy have shaped the landscape of international relations. It is found that defence diplomacy activities like military exchanges, exercises and cooperation with roots in antiquity, have continuously adapted to shape history and remain relevant in today's complex international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic policy uncertainty has had an important impact on trade and sustainable economic development. Especially in some specific industries, uncertainty has increased dramatically. The extant related literature mainly analyzes the nexus between uncertainty and trade across different industries and focuses less on a specific industry. Using Chinese customs data on HS 8-digit products over the period of 2000–2013, this paper first investigates the impact of both foreign economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and domestic intra-industry trade on China's mechanical and electrical product exports to 23 trading partners and applies pooled OLS regressions to conduct an empirical study. This paper finds that EPU has a significant inhibition effect on mechanical and electrical product exports; conversely, intra-industry trade can both significantly promote exports and alleviate the inhibition effect of EPU. In addition, the export impact of EPU varied with different trade patterns. It can significantly inhibit processing exports, while it has no effect on ordinary exports. The results of this paper indicate that in the context of increasing uncertainty, our findings could have far-reaching policy implications for China to build a new development pattern of domestic and international dual circulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to study the dynamics and influencing factors of China-Argentina cooperation in the multilateral framework from a multidimensional theoretical perspective, in order to reveal the external thrust and internal logic of the development of Sino-Argentine relations. The four theories discussed in the paper are not opposed but complementary to each other. Together, they explain the factors that drive and hinder Sino-Argentine cooperation at the multilateral level. This article also presents a study of Sino-Argentine cooperation practices at three different levels of multilateral platforms, namely the UN General Assembly and Security Council, the G20 and the China-CELAC Forum. Cooperation between China and Argentina in multilateral mechanisms not only helps communication, understanding and coordination of positions between China and Argentina on major international issues, but also contributes to jointly enhancing the voice and influence of developing countries in international affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated acceptance of learning from other countries, especially for high-income countries to learn from low- and middle-income countries, a practice known as global learning. COVID-19’s rapid disease transmission underscored how connected the globe is as well as revealed stark health inequities which facilitated looking outside of one’s borders for solutions. The Global Learning for Health Equity (GL4HE) Network, supported by Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, held a 3-part webinar series in December 2021 to understand the current state of global learning and explore how global learning can advance health equity in the post-COVID-19 era. This paper reflects on these cutting-edge discussions about the current state of global learning, drawing upon the highlights, perspectives, and conclusions that emerged from these webinars. The paper also comments on best practices for global learning, including adapting for context, addressing biases, funding considerations, ensuring bidirectional partnerships, community engagement, and adopting a multidisciplinary approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how China's assistance to countries in the Western Balkans during the pandemic boosted their reputation in the region, through the case studies of Serbia, Macedonia, and Albania. The COVID-19 crisis has tested EU's reputation of solidarity and partnership to the Western Balkans, with Balkan political leaders accusing the bloc of selfishness due to its decision in 2020 to restrict exports of medical equipment to candidate states and the perceived neglect of the region during the vaccine distribution in early 2021. Simultaniously, China sent planes containing tonnes of medical supplies, respirators, medical personnel, and later vaccines, that would be received with great pomp and live media coverage, in a powerful public diplomacy and vaccine diplomacy offensive. This paper argues that this helped improve public opinion and reshape narratives on China in the Western Balkans. Still, attitudes vary between states, with Serbians having the most favourable views on China as a foreign partner. On the other hand, while public perceptions on China have seen a positive shift in Macedonia and Albania, this has not translated in a change in their pro-EU stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the European Union (EU) response to three conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa region and shines a spotlight on the degree of division among its member states and on the management of these divisions. It concludes that the EU's desire to be seen as an international actor varies according to the confrontation; it is stronger in the Arab-Israeli conflict, but weaker in the Sahara. Domestic protest and politicisation in the EU affect the fragmentation of positions and the frequency of obstructionist stances. The EU manages the divisions differently in each conflict, with strategies that vary according to the level of ambition or the desire to ensure the sides note the existence of a European position. The paper highlights the growing interaction between the different regional flashpoints and makes the case for a systemic and multilevel approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights on the search of New Zealand for a comfortable relationship with the U.S. under the collective security agreement Australian, New Zealand, and U.S. (ANZUS) treaty. Topics discussed include the prohibition of nuclear-armed vessels by former New Zealand Prime Minister David Lange, the vision of diplomat Alan Watt, and the global diplomacy with Washington, District of Columbia.

This paper examines the ties between Latin America and Asia by moving beyond the homogenisation of the two regions through elevating the importance of opposition to a third party, in this case an "imperialist" and developed North. In contrast to normative analyses based on outmoded conceptions of world history, it proposes an intellectual exercise that problematises the interregional bond by placing the emphasis on heterogeneities rather than broad bush approaches that ignore the complex and diverse national and regional realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international system is in a period of transition, marked by a weakening of multilateralism, challenges to the liberal order and the consolidation of new global leaderships. In addition, various cross-border crises, like the COVID-19 pandemic, have compounded the effects of these changes at a regional level. Given this context, what room is there for regional cooperation in Latin America? As a tool for regional coordination and integration into international flows and dynamics, regionalism can boast achievements, but challenges remain. In analytical terms, this paper proposes an approach that enables an examination of the combination of interests, ideas and institutions at play on a regional level in Latin America. The central argument is that the changing dynamics of regionalism are a product of the way in which states' interests interact with ideas about the region in a specific institutional environment over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eurovision Song Contest has long served as a platform for cultural diplomacy among its participants. This paper examines how Russia and Ukraine have approached cultural diplomacy in and around the Eurovision Song Contest in the wake of the Russo-Ukrainian war. Following an outline of pertinent events from 2014 to 2022, including the Song Contest and the respective countries' selected entries as well as the public discourse surrounding them, two distinct types of cultural diplomacy—culturalist versus neo-propagandist—are employed in a congruence analysis. The findings show that Russia employed a largely neo-propagandist approach to cultural diplomacy characterized by their projected image of peacefulness, innocence, and strength to alter their situational image. Ukraine has employed a mostly culturalist approach mainly focused on mutual recognition and the representation of national culture. The conscious instrumentalization of the platform to counter misconstrued perceptions of Ukraine shaped by the Kremlin's rhetoric also adds neo-propagandist elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an in-depth analysis of the evolving landscape of international politics, the challenges this scenario presents for the field of International Relations (IR) and the pivotal role played by Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional (RBPI) in shaping both academic knowledge and policy frameworks. The study aims to achieve two primary objectives. First, to contextualize the significant shifts in international politics in the last few years, such as the rise of China and the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, while advocating for interdisciplinary approaches and highlighting the contributions of Latin American, particularly Brazilian, scholars to global academic debates. Second, to trace the history, evolution, and international impact of RBPI since its inception in 1958, emphasizing its role in leveraging the standards of academic publishing in Brazil and Latin America, fostering international collaborations, and influencing policy decisions. The paper proposes that RBPI serves as an indispensable platform for advancing rigorous academic inquiry and offers a more inclusive perspective on international relations, thereby having a lasting impact on both the academic and policy landscapes globally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents separate research papers that cover different topics related to international relations and geopolitical dynamics, some of which are, paper by Michael Beckley, which focuses on the concept of "peaking powers;" paper by Tyler Jost explores how China's national security institutions and their information flow influence the likelihood of miscalculations in international crises; and paper by Victor D. Cha, which discusses China's use of economic coercion.

Since the 18th National Congress of the CPC, China has creatively put forward a global governance view with Chinese characteristics based on diplomatic thoughts established since the foundation of PRC, and actively led the global governance reform with the responsibility of a big power and provided public goods for the whole international community. There exists a corresponding link between the China's rise and global governance, which means that China's rise is an individual unit composed in the global governance as a systematic process. As one of the key players on the world stage, China's endeavor of establishing view of global governance has contributed to the agenda and tendency of global governance and led to a world-wide attention by politician and academician. The understanding and cognition of China by other key powers, especially the Europe and US, in the process of global governance will play an increasingly important role in China's diplomatic environment and effectiveness. During the last decade the intensified de-globalization has been leading the global governance to the risk of fragmentation as well as the focus on China's view and diplomacy by international community. Especially academic circles in Europe and US have focused on China's diplomacy and its' view of global governance, and shaped it into a popular topic in the study of international relations. The concrete manifestation is that majority of Europe and US scholars usually put the issue of how to understand and respond to China's rise into the research agenda of foreign relations with priority. And even certain percentage of the research will take the China's rise and its view of global governance as the framework to analyze the West and its' international policy. The purpose of this paper is to understand the cognition of Europe and US academic circles on China's view of global governance since we know that it is the key element to clarify the current mechanism and tendency of global governance. The paper is based on collection of professional studies by those famous research institutes like the Brookings Institution, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, which have significant influence in the field of international studies. The literature collection follows two criteria. Firstly, the authors of literature should be from Europe and US research institutions. Secondly the literature should be mainly about China's view and its' innovation in field of global governance in the new era. This paper also includes researches of some scholars from Canada and other countries because of their Western value identity and their distinguished research on China. The paper finds that the cognition has been shaped into a continuous and extensive analysis of China's global governance view mainly from four dimensions of role definition, behavior cognition, change response and image shaping. Europe and US academic circles believe that China, while benefiting from the international community and improving its discourse power obviously due to its' cherry-picking involvement, is and will continue to be a challenge to the global governance system based on international rules. And there are alternative points regarding that China, as a new role with distinctive characteristics in the international structure, has exerted various influences onto the global governance system and rules, but at the same time, China itself is also dominated by international rules and will not destroy it. On the whole, Europe and US academic circles have formed a rich and complicated cognitive spectrum about China's global governance view, which includes not only negative comments but pragmatic and rational analysis, and has a political orientation serving the Europe and US competition strategy against China. This paper explores into the cognitive spectrum of China's view of global governance in Europe and US academic circles and holds that since Europe and US are the defenders of the current global governance institution, their cognition of China's view of global governance has occupied the commanding heights of the relevant research context. It is important for China to enhance its diplomacy and promote the reform of global governance in the future to actively fit for the challenges and opportunities in the process of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the gender agenda has permeated all policy areas and has gained relevance through the constant work of organisations that have succeeded in making issues and challenges visible. This paper examines the interaction between international politics and the gender agenda in Argentina during the presidency of Alberto Fernández (2019-2023). Based on a triangulation of information gathered from interviews, official documents, and news reports, the paper aims to analyse, in the context of recent foreign policy, what kind of decisions are linked to the gender agenda, and at the same time, what international projection the gender policies implemented at the local level have. We propose that the gender agenda has opened up a space in Argentine foreign policy in a short period and that it has done so mainly based on the country’s trajectory in the international sphere linked to human rights and the discussion of inequalities in the world. The creation of the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity has been crucial, projecting the country into global gender debates in an institutionalised way. Although concrete policies are developing in some cases, the agendas in this dual track demonstrate that these profound social demands have come to the state to stay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the literature on simulations-based teaching in the discipline of international relations and associated social science fields, tracing the development of frequently used simulations platforms over the last half-century. It then examines the application of the Council on Foreign Relations' Model Diplomacy program in three courses, International Crisis Simulations, Political Development, and Politics of Asia, at a small liberal arts college in the South from 2018 to 2019 and considers the effectiveness of simulations-based teaching in achieving desired learning outcomes, such as critical and analytical thinking, oral and written communication, and collaboration. Finally, the paper provides practical steps and suggestions for the integration of Model Diplomacy and other simulations into an array of Asian studies courses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientists and diplomats have significant differences in professional skills, activity time and work content, but they should work together. With the deepening impact of science and technology (S&T) on socio-economic development and international relations, S&T has become a crucial component of national strategies, particularly for diplomacy. There is a need for scientific evidence and advice, meaning that mastering more knowledge and skills in S&T would be helpful in negotiations. This paper analyses the ideas of S&T diplomacy, including a review of its 40-year history in China, its definition (with detailed connotations) and its characteristics. The paper focuses on the significant role of people-to-people communication in S&T, which may inform future work. Five suggestions are given to strengthen the strategic planning of S&T diplomacy: (1) A more clarified, strategic goal of future-oriented S&T diplomacy is required; (2) It is important to build a theoretical system for China to describe S&T diplomacy; (3) The creation of a global S&T cooperation map that adapts to the new type of international relations would be valuable; (4) Fairness and justice shall be maintained, while a reform of the global S&T governance system is promoted; (5) It is a must to adhere to bottom-line thinking and strengthen risk prediction and emergency responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the policies of the United Nations and specialized institutions concerning the coordination of international community efforts to combat terrorist threats. Terrorism remains a significant threat to international security, despite the war in Ukraine taking priority in terms of insecurity. In this regard, international cooperation aimed at countering terrorism remains relevant, and the actions taken between 2015 and 2018 must be expanded and intensified. Such cooperation requires the participation of a broad spectrum of actors in international relations, including states, governmental international organizations, and civil society. Terrorism continues to be a global problem, and multilateral cooperation is both timely and necessary to counter it. Terrorist movements have not taken a break, despite their lack of large-scale actions, as they continue to express themselves through the activities of crisis cells or lone wolves. Consequently, prophylaxis methods must be supplemented, considering the new forms of terrorism expression. The United Nations organization continues to prove itself as the institution authorized to develop the legal framework and coordinate international efforts to counter this scourge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the conspiratorial worldview that surrounded the foreign policy of Jair Bolsonaro's government in Brazil during the tenure of Ernesto Araújo as Brazilian Foreign Minister (2019-2021), discussing the potential roles that conspiracy theory played for Bolsonaro's political movement and administration. We focus on Ernesto Araújo's so-called globalist conspiracy theory, employing his speeches, publications, and interviews as main sources. We conclude that Araújo's globalist conspiracy theory constitutes what Michael Barkun calls a 'systemic conspiracy theory', presenting significant potential functions for the energization and cohesion of Bolsonaro's political movement. The paper also concludes that, given its focus on the intrinsic unit of the 'nation' and the 'people', Araújo's globalist conspiracy theory has opened potential avenues for the use of symbolic and material violence against Brazilians who do not fit into this unit, consolidating ideological foundations for the fasciticization of Bolsonaro's followers, with significant and grave potential consequences for Brazilian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Equatorial Guinea (EG) joined the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and Portuguese-speaking Countries (Forum Macao) in 2022, becoming the tenth member-state. This occurred during the 2022 Extraordinary Ministerial Conference, after it acceded to the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries (CPLP) in 2014. Since 2015, China and EG have been intensifying their bilateral cooperation after establishing a comprehensive cooperative partnership (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, 2015). In 2019, the two countries signed a Belt and Road Initiative (B&RI) MoU during the second Belt and Road Forum in Beijing, and initiated a strategic approach for bilateral cooperation. Consequently, considering the uniqueness of EG as a Portuguese-speaking Country (PSC) and as the newest member of Forum Macao, this paper poses and answers the following research question: What will be the impact of Sino-Equatoguinean cooperation in light of EG's recent accession to FM? Methodologically, the research uses qualitative data supported by triangular referencing, including official and non-official sources, namely official statistics, academic papers, and media reports, to look into the bilateral Sino-Equatoguinean relations under the B&RI Lusophone framework, as well as the fact that EG is a CPLP member state. Accordingly, the methodologic rationale focuses on the uniqueness of EG as one of the Lusophone countries and relates it to the Chinese B&RI at three levels: domestic, regional and global. This paper is organized as follows: (1) Introduction; (2) The uniqueness of EG as a PSC; (3) The B&RI and the Lusophone Countries; (4) Cooperation between Equatorial Guinea and China; (5) Conclusion - The Future of Sino-Equatoguinean Cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has had a significant impact on dermatology, but to date no bibliometric analysis of this field has been identified. Therefore, the aim of this study was to perform a bibliometric indicator analysis of the worldwide scientific production of COVID-19 in dermatology. Materials and Methods: An advanced bibliographic search was performed in the Scopus database to identify articles on COVID-19 and dermatology from 2020 to 2021. The collected information was analysed with SciVal software. Bibliometric data were described through figures and summary tables. Results: A total of 1448 documents were collected and analysed. Torello Lotti was the author with the greatest scientific production; however, Esther Freeman had the greatest impact. Harvard University was the institution with the highest number of published articles. Most papers were published in the first quartiles. The United States and Italy were the leading countries in terms of production. Articles with international collaboration had the highest impact. Conclusion: Articles related to dermatology and COVID-19 are mostly published with American and Italian affiliations. In addition, there has been an increase in the distribution of articles published in the first quartile, which would reflect a growing interest in the community. Publications with international collaboration reported the highest impact, so future authors should take this into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has a reputation as a global hub of innovation and strives to maintain this identity on a global scale through the promotion of its intellectual property (IP) policies. While the U.S. advocates for increased cooperation and compromise to facilitate stronger and more efficient IP protection worldwide, progress thus far conforms to terms set by the United States requiring significant changes to foreign laws. However, the United States consistently opposes compromises requiring changes to American law. Despite technological progress that could facilitate communication between patent offices, there has been little change in the governing structures of international IP law. Consequently, inefficiencies during patent examination are causing significant backlog and monetary loss. In considering the current state of ajjairs in the international IP sphere, this Paper will analyze the history and original goals ofinternational IP law, assess the deleterious effect of innovation nationalism on cooperation, and propose a mechanism using existing structures to build a sustainable globalized IP regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article introduces debates on Nancy Cartwright's concept of nomological machines applied to international relations theory. What the neo-neo synthesis claims as the essence of the international system is a set of conditions imposed upon international phenomena for the latter to fit into the theories themselves. It argues that the law-like explanations tailored by neorealism and neoliberalism are by no means a representation of the world as it is, but rather a predication of the world as these theories want it to be. Methodology: It critically reviews the foundations of neo-neo theories, suggesting a philosophical methodology by reframing the ontological terms of neorealism and neoliberalism based on the concept of nomological machines. Conclusions: This article contends that neo-neo theories could benefit from a capacities-oriented approach, which offers a less categorical understanding of how explanations of international phenomena are tailored, allowing alternative principles to provide invaluable insights about the international system. Originality: This paper innovates by intersecting the ideas of nomological machines with the metatheoretical debate on international relations, thus enabling theoretical improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper aims to analyze the vast, varied and lasting presence of the little-known revolutionary rhetoric exploited by Francisco Franco throughout the dictatorship in Spain. To this end, this rhetoric is connected with the different contexts in which it was used and with the terminology employed in those same years by thinkers or politicians linked above all to the Falange. Methodology: As this article is interested in the public discourse of Franco's regime, it has examined in detail and qualitatively the content of Franco's public speeches. For this purpose, we have resorted to the official compilations made under Franco's regime and, because of their selective and incomplete nature, also to newspaper sources. Thus, more than a history of intellectual or political ideas, this work is linked to their public and pragmatic dimension and delves into the complex practical functioning of ideologies. Originality: With few exceptions, Franco's rhetoric has not been studied in detail, and even less in the revolutionary rhetoric. The originality of this study lies in the fact that it is the first specific and analytical approach, although not quantitative, to Franco's revolutionary rhetoric. For example, it explains its unknown survival until the 1960s and even the 1970s, so that it outlived the so-called defalangization of Francoism. Conclusions: Franco's revolutionary rhetoric was characterized by great flexibility and imprecision. It underwent many changes over the years and coexisted with other central discursive frameworks, such as the Cruzada's. It was a crucial factor in the discursive legitimization of Francoism, especially in its initial years. Compared to the Cruzada, with which it complemented, it stood out for its elasticity and pretended transversality. In addition, it was connected with a legitimacy of exercise, not of origin, which was, in fact, more easily connected with the present and the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been several overlapping crises in North Africa in recent decades. The social contract is in crisis, and this became clear during the antiauthoritarian uprisings of 2011 and 2019. In addition, the region is locked in a socioeconomic crisis that deepened after the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and has been aggravated by the global impacts of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This paper underscores the need to reflect on the legitimation of the North African elites in this context, looking at the connection between the domestic and international spheres. It also presents various legitimation strategies that take in the interaction between the domestic and external spaces. This approach seeks to enrich the debate on the relationship between authoritarianism, its legitimation and the international dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pinnacle of the Novak's reflections on possible perspectives for the future of the world and the development of international relations is his vision of "Caritapolis" ("Civilization of love"), which is presented especially in the book The universal hunger for liberty – Why the clash of civilizations is not inevitable (2004a). Novak builds the concept on the religious assumptions and on the minimum level of general belief in basic principles (cultural humility, regulative idea of truth, the dignity of the individual person, solidarity), which he considers to be the key to the world security, prosperity and the democratic future of the globalized world. This "vision for the 21st century" is to contribute to the consideration of a universal civilization that would respect all its internal variations and create a certain unity despite its rich diversity of value and religious ideas. The aim of this paper is to present Novak's concept of Caritapolis and to evaluate it in terms of context of the social doctrine of the Church, Catholic social thought debates, relevance in the context of debates in the social sciences, especially the theories of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines Russia's cultural expansionism that extends beyond the military invasion in Ukraine since 2014. In the first part, I trace Russia's systematic efforts to seize and manipulate Ukrainian heritage, often under the guise of protection. I also touch on the role of museums in this expansion, where they are used to preserve collections through coercive acquisition and to promote a Russian-centric narrative. The second part of the article delves into the historical relationships between Russia and Ukraine, especially in the context of the Soviet era's museum infrastructure. Overall, the text calls for new concepts and international efforts to critique Russia's actions and protect Ukrainian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the importance of global health diplomacy (GHD), with India emerging as a key player. India's commitment to GHD is demonstrated by its active participation in regional and multilateral projects, pharmaceutical expertise, and large-scale manufacturing capabilities, which include the production and distribution of COVID-19 vaccines and essential medicines. India has supported nations in need through bilateral and multilateral platforms, providing vaccines to countries experiencing shortages and offering technical assistance and capacity-building programs to improve healthcare infrastructure and response capabilities. India's unique approach to GHD, rooted in humanitarian diplomacy, emphasized collaboration and empathy and stressed the well-being of humanity by embracing the philosophy of "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam," which translates to "the world is one family." Against this background, this paper's main focus is to analyze the rise of India's GHD amidst the COVID-19 pandemic and its leadership in addressing various global challenges. India has demonstrated its commitment to global solidarity by offering medical supplies, equipment, and expertise to more than 100 countries. India's rising global leadership can be attributed to its proactive approach, humanitarian diplomacy, and significant contributions to global health initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Putin executed his invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, it has generated various responses in the real world and on social media. Among the most active users worldwide, Indonesian netizens contribute significantly to social media debates. It is intriguing since the past pattern indicates that Indonesian social media seldom generate a massive response to international affairs issues, especially those unrelated to Indonesia. However, in the case of Putin's Invasion, the Indonesian netizens behaved out of pattern by reproducing extensive narratives to support Russia's invasion by glorifying Putin's masculine side. In this paper, we trace how the narrative glorifying Putin's masculinities is constructed within Indonesian netizens' responses by interpreting Twitter data right after the first Russian attack from February 2022 to March 2022. Further, we also explain under what conditions the narratives emerge. We found that the narrative created two different patterns: the first pattern radiated romanticizing Putin's machoism aspect and, at the same time, feminizing the Indonesian government. We then argue that the supporting narratives are linked with how Indonesian gender relations are imbued with hegemonic masculinity products of the past Indonesian colonialism that shaped the praise for the hegemonic masculinity point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the need for a comprehensive biography of Norman Kirk, the fourth Labour prime minister of New Zealand, emphasizing the lack of insights on Kirk's dynamics with key officials, Frank Corner and Bill Gilbert, in recently published biographies. It suggests that future biographers should delve into Kirk's extensive papers at Archives New Zealand and explores specific topics not covered in existing biographies, focusing on Kirk's global diplomacy and foreign policy.

This paper aims to divert from the conventional understanding of diplomacy and foreign policy, which is conditioned by postmodern realities. These emerging realities, which transcend national borders, strongly consider science, technology, climate, environment, and security. Thus, the postmodern age, characterized by fragmentation, uncertainty and risk, requires a shift from conventional multilateral and/or bilateral diplomacy to cosmopolitan diplomacy and foreign policy. This paper will apply Ulrich Beck's theory of cosmopolitanism, reflexivity and risk on Türkiye's diplomatic relations with the Western Balkans countries. A brief analysis of Turkish relations with the Western Balkans countries shall expand to the common questions of climate, environment, digitalization, and security. What could be the role of involuntary enlightenment, enforced communication across different borders, political catharsis, enforced cosmopolitanism, global system of governance, international legalism, and digitalization in framing Türkiye's cosmopolitan diplomacy towards the Western Balkans? How the focus on environmental diplomacy, health diplomacy, migration diplomacy, reconciliation diplomacy, digital diplomacy, youth diplomacy and education diplomacy could encounter an exclusive Western Balkans focus on emancipatory politics, ethnonationalism, narratives and ideologies? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses a specific phenomenon concerning power concepts in Canadian and EU foreign policies. As is widely known, the liberal-democratic platform has dominated global relations after the end of the Cold War. Implemented power approaches are studied from theoretical perspectives of liberalism/constructivism standpoints and their realist critique. Canada has been presented mostly as a middle power in international relations trying to find its specific role as a mediator and balancer among superpowers. On the other hand, the EU is classified predominantly as a normative power with tendencies to act as a great power from some point of view. In the paper, we analyse both entities through the recent concept of ‘awkward power’, whereby states have a so-called “dubious character”, acting in-between the potential of great and middle powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Coupled Model Intercomparison Project (CMIP) is one of the biggest international efforts to better understand past, present and future climate changes in a multi-model context. A total of 21 Model Intercomparison Projects (MIPs) were endorsed in its 6th phase (CMIP6), which included 190 different experiments that were used to simulate 40000 years and produced around 40 PB of data in total. This paper shows the main results obtained from the collection of performance metrics done for CMIP6 (CPMIP). The document provides the list of partners involved, the CPMIP metrics per institution/model, and the approach used for the collection and the coordination behind this process. Furthermore, a section has been included to analyze the results and prove the usefulness of the metrics for the community. Moreover, we describe the main difficulties faced during the collection and propose recommendations for future exercises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the underlying factors that pushed Russia, the European Union (EU), Türkiye, and somehow the U.S. to offer mediation to settle the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The eruption of the fierce clashes between Azerbaijan and Armenia ended the war that happened in 2020 when Russia brokered the ceasefire. However, Russia's war in Ukraine was signaling renewed fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh. Hence, some actors started to step into the hostility to facilitate diplomatic efforts to lower the temperatures of the conflicting parties. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan made a military assault on Artsakh in 2023 and gained a final victory over Nagorno-Karabakh. Amid tension, the EU, Russia, and Türkiye will hold a responsible role and bring hopes that diplomacy may bring Azerbaijan and Armenia closer to peace, and an eventual settlement will ensue. The research demonstrates that a new geopolitical change has been taking place in the South Caucasus region, which is causing complexities amid some options set by the mediators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, South Africa's international standing has come under attack by Western-leaning forces who advocate that the country should forget its global South stance in favour of obeisance to the neoliberal world order. This can be seen in the almost 30-year-old narrative which questions who South Africa should be allied with. The purpose of this narrative, according to Professor Chris Landsberg, is to 'de-legitimize' the country's international image. In this research, the author examines South African-Cuban relations from a realist and postcolonial perspective, arguing that South Africa's rich history and foreign policy of non-alignment in fact give it a respected status in the community of international states--an idea which is never afforded to the country. Instead, the nuances of South African-Cuban relations, and in fact South Africa's relationship with other states which are vocally 'anti-imperialist', are often overlooked, distorted, and hidden from the public's attention. This paper brings attention to this debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of how political leader personalities affect the foreign policy of their states is a long-standing query in foreign policy analysis, within which the use of leaders' speech, or verbal statements, to explain how leaders behave is a methodologically productive subfield. One of the more prominent and reliable methodologies used to assess leader personality through leader speech is Leader Trait Analysis (LTA), developed by Margaret Hermann. However, because LTA was developed using English language vocabulary and grammar, its accuracy using Russian language speeches to discern leader personality traits has relied on translation. Translation is both inefficient and may not accurately transfer the semantics of speech upon which LTA's results depend. Responding to this issue, this paper applies Mona Baker's translation studies criteria to qualitatively compare the semantic equivalence, or maintenance of a text's original meaning, between English translations used to create an LTA profile for Vladimir Putin and Putin's original Russian speeches. The research identifies the preponderance of grammatical differences between English and Russian in limiting how well English translations of Russian speech maintain semantic equivalence relevant to assessing leader personality. It is concluded that an accurate understanding of Russian leaders' personalities requires Russian language specific LTA profiling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is democracy's place in the shifting international order? There is a fear that a more geopolitical order will only aggravate the general crisis of democracy; or that a more plural order will dilute the efforts to defend the rules governing it. Yet, while recent political and normative trends corroborate this concern, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has in some ways given greater prominence to the defence of democratic values around the world. This paper explores the impact that geopolitical tensions and shifting international order on global democracy. And in the context of the crisis of meaning affecting democracies, it examines whether Russia's war in Ukraine has served both as a catalyst of the international dimensions of support for democracy and as a factor magnifying its fragility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal international order established after the end of the Cold War is currently an order in transition. The shift in material power - following the rise of China - is necessary to understanding the changes in the international order, but it is not the whole story. We are seeing both material and ideational changes. The present moment is one of rules under challenge. But the normative contestation the international order is facing is not just about the rivalry between China and the United States or the tired description of "the rest against the West"; its parameters are more complex and diverse. To demonstrate that, this paper looks at three very different issues on the international agenda: a) governance of the Internet, b) sexual and reproductive rights and c) migration management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the introduction to the 40th anniversary issue of Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, this paper looks at developments in international relations over the last four decades, alongside the publication's content and against the backdrop of the current crisis of the international order (or disorder). It spans the end of the Cold War and the faith deposited in globalisation and liberal democracy in the unipolar world of the mid-1990s, taking in the spread of the values and ideas of global governance at the end of the last century, before arriving at the growing multipolarity, rivalry between China and the United States and the challenge to the liberal order and permacrisis of recent years. Special mention is made of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collection of in situ data is generally a costly process, with the Arctic being no exception. Indeed, there has been a perception that the Arctic is lacking in situ sampling; however, after many years of concerted effort and international collaboration, the Arctic is now rather well sampled, with many cruise expeditions every year. For example, the GLODAP (Global Ocean Data Analysis Project) product has a greater density of in situ sampling points within the Arctic than along the Equator. While this is useful for open-ocean processes, the fjords of the Arctic, which serve as crucially important intersections of terrestrial, coastal, and marine processes, are sampled in a much more ad hoc process. This is not to say they are not well sampled but rather that the data are more difficult to source and combine for further analysis. It was therefore noted that the fjords of the Arctic are lacking in FAIR (findable, accessible, interoperable, and reusable) data. To address this issue, a single dataset has been created from publicly available, predominantly in situ data from seven study sites in Svalbard and Greenland. After finding and accessing the data from a number of online platforms, they were amalgamated into a single project-wide standard, ensuring their interoperability. The dataset was then uploaded to PANGAEA so that it can be findable and reusable in the future. The focus of the data collection was driven by the key drivers of change in Arctic fjords identified in a companion review paper. To demonstrate the usability of this dataset, an analysis of the relationship between the different drivers was performed. Via the use of an Arctic biogeochemical model, these relationships were projected forward to 2100 via Representative Carbon Pathways (RCPs) 2.6, 4.5, and 8.5. This dataset is a work in progress, and as new datasets containing the relevant key drivers are released, they will be added to an updated version planned for the middle of 2024. The dataset (Schlegel and Gattuso, 2022) is available on PANGAEA at https://doi.org/10.1594/PANGAEA.953115. A live version is available at the FACE-IT WP1 site and can be accessed by clicking the "Data access" tab: https://face-it-project.github.io/WP1/ (last access: 17 August 2023). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By conducting discourse analysis on Chinese textual materials around 1962, this paper tries to inductively explore the national identities of Chinese people during the 1962 Sino-Indian border conflict. It finds that China perceived itself as a persistent and resilient nation in the ongoing fight against invasion and oppression. The predominant social discourse around 1962 showed a strong enmity and resistance toward the imperialism which was then imposed on India. These national identities have formed a natural response as maintaining a tough stance toward incursion and repression, and have contributed to China's resolution to defense its territory with resorting to military force, even though it might not be beneficial in terms of diplomatic relations and economic interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Promoting respect for human rights and providing humanitarian assistance exemplify one of the core shared values and objectives of the EU-UN agenda, deeply rooted in the premise that universal values of peace, equal rights, freedom, and human dignity may be effectively defended through efficient multilateralism only. The paper aims to offer a deep analysis of the legal framework underpinning the EU-UN partnership and to underscore the critical intersections of the EU and UN systems of addressing human rights protection and unimpeded access to humanitarian assistance. The research builds on Article 21 of the Treaty on European Union, which sets the basis for the EU´s action on the international scene in line with the principles of the Charter of the UN and international law, including the promotion of multilateral solutions to common issues in the area of human rights and humanitarian assistance. Particular emphasis is put on the EU priorities for the UN, adopted annually by the Council´s conclusions guiding the EU´s yearly work adapted to the UN´s agenda and global affairs. Alongside the examination of the current positive law and corresponding scholarly literature, the paper also provides insight into the best practices of the EU-UN natural partnership on the ground, such as the early recovery of war-affected communities in Ukraine through the UN Development Programme (UNDP). Thus, the paper combines doctrinal legal research with the socio-legal approach in outlining the specificities of the EU-UN multi-layered cooperation with respect to human rights protection and humanitarian assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]