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Scientists and diplomats have significant differences in professional skills, activity time and work content, but they should work together. With the deepening impact of science and technology (S&T) on socio-economic development and international relations, S&T has become a crucial component of national strategies, particularly for diplomacy. There is a need for scientific evidence and advice, meaning that mastering more knowledge and skills in S&T would be helpful in negotiations. This paper analyses the ideas of S&T diplomacy, including a review of its 40-year history in China, its definition (with detailed connotations) and its characteristics. The paper focuses on the significant role of people-to-people communication in S&T, which may inform future work. Five suggestions are given to strengthen the strategic planning of S&T diplomacy: (1) A more clarified, strategic goal of future-oriented S&T diplomacy is required; (2) It is important to build a theoretical system for China to describe S&T diplomacy; (3) The creation of a global S&T cooperation map that adapts to the new type of international relations would be valuable; (4) Fairness and justice shall be maintained, while a reform of the global S&T governance system is promoted; (5) It is a must to adhere to bottom-line thinking and strengthen risk prediction and emergency responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to describe the historical evolution of the cooperation between the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) and Mexico following the signing of their cooperation agreement in August 1975, which remained in effect until COMECON'S demise in 1991. To this end, a brief analysis is made of the antecedents of this international body, which was created within the so-called socialist bloc, and a review is conducted of the body's conception of international cooperation. After covering the historical context behind the mentioned agreement's negotiation, its legal framework, context and scope are reviewed. This paper thereby seeks to contribute to the historical memory of cooperation policy and its international regime, with particular reference to COMECON and Mexico in the period known as the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the question what have been the main contributions of international political economy (ipe) to the historical evolution of the intellectual field of International Relations (ir) in Argentina. This inquiry is embedded within a broader question about the process of the constitution of the ir field as an autonomous academic discipline in Argentina. In order to do so, I analyze the contributions made by ipe, especially Latin American structuralism and developmentalism, as spaces of theoretical and conceptual production from which part of the thinking about the international reality has been built. The main objective of the paper revolves around reconstructing the ipe agenda and its contribution to the development of Argentine ir through the observation and analysis of the main authors and concepts, the institutions that have served as spaces of knowledge production, and finally the academic journals that have acted as platforms for the dissemination of themes and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The genealogies of peoples and families developed in Europe during the modern period are prevalently studied by scholars from the perspective of the political history of ideas, with the aim of explaining the practical utility of genealogical works. These analyses do not foreground the aspect that is the focus of this paper: the fact that genealogical reconstructions are full of absurdities. They mix factual information, or information that may seem credible, with fabulous details, often false, sometimes ridiculous, in a word "incredible". This is all the more interesting since these texts were composed during the centuries in which scientific methods applied to historical research were developed. Using tools borrowed from cultural anthropology, this paper suggests an epistemological approach that takes into consideration the meaning and credibility of the genealogical materials in the still authoritative framework of the Historia Salutis, the unitary vision of human history as a fusion of the classical legacy and Biblical tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a profound importance with regard to Turkey's relationship and the Western Balkan states and their societies. This paper first analyses the Western Balkans from an historical developmental point of view and see its relationship ground towards the modern Turkish state having in mind their historical, cultural, religious, political, military and economical ties. Secondly it will be analysed the Turkish state policies towards the Western Balkans region and their states and societies. In the third part of the paper it will be focusing towards the Turkish coup d'états history and the civil-military issues that rise in the Turkish political history from the very beginning of its state formation and last until today. In the fourth part I will be structuring my paper while analysing the coup d'état attempt on the 15th of July and the Gulen movement as one the most important factor for the coup launch. In the last part actually the fifth I will be focusing on the coup d'état attempt of the 15th of July and its reflection in the Western Balkans as a political and universal event that dismantled the citizen sovereignty and legitimacy in general. Moreover, Turkish political relations with the Western Balkan states will be observed and future perspectives will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper undertakes an analysis of bilateral trade linkages between Australia and Thailand over 1990 to 2011, analysing changes in trade competitiveness, and possible role played by the Thailand-Australia Free Trade Agreement (TAFTA) that came into force in 2005. Trade competitiveness changes are measured by the revealed comparative advantage index (RCAI) at an aggregate and value-added level, as well as a constant market share analysis (CMS) analysis. An export-demand model utilizing interaction effects in presence of the TAFTA is then estimated, hitherto not attempted earlier in the empirical literature on Australia-Thailand trade. The findings of the paper suggest that the Thailand-Australian trade relationship has undergone further adjustment since the establishment of the TAFTA. However, the changes in trade patterns are not necessarily due to TAFTA but more of a long term trend. CMS analysis suggest that Thailand's export competitiveness significantly contributed to the remarkable growth of exports to Australia experienced over the period, and the strongest trade link between the two countries has been the export of automotive vehicles from Thailand to Australia. However, value-added RCAI reveals that Thailand's domestic industry have been contributing to its exports to a much lesser extent than as actually observed in its gross exports, and this reflects the increasing role of foreign firms and imported inputs in Thailand's machinery and transport equipment sector. The export demand model therefore finds a significant positive impact of the TAFTA only on Australian exports to Thailand, but not vice-versa. The observed statistically insignificant impact of the TAFTA on Thai exports to Australia could be due to the limited impact of the TAFTA on trade barriers in Australia, as Thai exporters already enjoyed low tariffs prior to implementation of the TAFTA. The insignificant income effect observed in presence of TAFTA confirms that the TAFTA agreement had no impact on Thailand's demand for Australian exports even while the Australian economy was growing. The results imply that Australia and Thailand's membership with the same country in three different FTAs (bilateral, regional and cross-regional) could throw up additional challenges of utilization of these agreements for actual business purposes in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a critical historical analysis of the trajectory of geo-political and economic relations between India and Singapore. This paper argues that India’s perception of its interests and its geopolitical orientation towards the Cold War prevented India’s security and economic integration with Southeast Asia. Apart from geopolitics, the economic orientation of India was also a critical factor that influenced the trajectory of India – Singapore economic engagement. However, there was a dramatic change after the Cold War ended. The structural change from bi-polarity towards a unipolar moment transformed both geopolitics and economic engagement. Moreover, India’s own economic orientation had also changed by the end of the Cold War. In sum, this paper attempts to elucidate upon how ideas construct economic and political interests and how geopolitical interests, once constructed, drive economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of this paper is to enrich the analytical record of the process of formation of the political system of the Argentine “Confederation” in the 1850s, from the specificities of San Juan province. We considered variations of San Juan political and economic integration in the national and “transcordillerano” stage. We reveal that the attempts of San Juan authorities to (re)articulated in a long-standing activity as overland trade with Chile, though not always successful, were important both to define provincial political tensions and the gravitation of the province in the political and institutional frame of the “Confederation”. So, we analyzed provincial, regional and international aspects of this process, taking into account the multiplicity of actors, resources, ideas and practices that were involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper represents a contribution to the knowledge about the experience of the Japanese community in rural areas of Argentina, particularly Buenos Aires (state) across the first half of the 20th century. With the objective of updating knowledge about this subject, a comparison was made between communities in peri-urban agricultural colonies: La Capilla, located in Florencio Varela, and Justo José de Urquiza, La Plata. We also focus on the origins, incursions, productive profiles, and the level of participation of Argentine and/or Japanese entities that influenced how each community developed, as well as successful companies and migrant settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with delimitations in the Adriatic sea after the signing of the Brijuni Convention in 1921 between Kingdom of Italy and Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The author analyses the Italian version of the agreement in accordance with the attached map. Analysis of the Brijuni Convention provides an insight into Adriatic fi shing policy during the fi rst decades of the 20th century as well as into complex relations between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Federation of Adapted Physical Activity (IFAPA) has three purposes; international cooperation, promoting and stimulating research, and dissemination of adapted physical activity knowledge. This historical paper describes the emergence and growth of these three purposes by IFAPA. It also explores IFAPA's progress from a small organization based in Québec to an international corporation with active regional federations in Europe, North America, and Asia, and delegates from over 50 countries at some of its symposia. Part 1 (Reid, 2015) dealt with three time periods; precursor context, 1960-1973; beginnings, 1973-1981; and awkward adolescence, 1981-1989. Part 2 will cover two periods; maturing procedures and international growth, 1989-1999, and strategic planning and technology, 1999-2012; as well as a section on IFAPA symposia. The conclusion offers an evaluation of IFAPA's success in realizing its purposes and suggests some existing challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research intends to investigate Iran-Pakistan economic and political links since 1947 and the issues/differences that affected the relations between them. Both Pakistan Iran have a long standing historical, cultural and religious ties. Persian literature and language have had a great impact on Sub-Continent's cultural and educational milieu. During the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, the relations between Pakistan and Iran were friendly but after the Islamic revolution of 1979 Pakistan tilted towards Saudi Arabia for its own interests. The ideological dimensions of foreign policy of both the countries also marred the friendly relations. Iran has some apprehensions that border violations and subversions carried out inside Iran are with the connivance of US. The paper has mainly adopted qualitative methods. The study recommends that Pakistan can increase trade and diplomatic relations with Iran to take advantage of resource rich country. The minor differences between the two countries can also be tackled through trade and diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International justice is characterized by the global articulation of basic human rights and peremptory norms outlawing crimes against humanity. In the twenty-first century, an international obligation of states to pursue individuals who bear responsibility for gross violations of human rights has formalized. Since the 1999 independence referendum, Timor-Leste has struggled to achieve substantive justice for the human rights violations committed during Indonesia's 25-year de facto administration. Timor-Leste provides a unique case study on the international dimensions of pursuing justice in a post-conflict transitional context, particularly as many alleged perpetrators of rights violations have been shielded by Indonesia. This presents a challenge for Timor-Leste in balancing its various international and domestic priorities: while domestic political order and rule of law necessitates the pursuit of substantive justice, Timor-Leste's external security interests require a positive relationship with Indonesia. This article examines the world's first bilateral Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Indonesia-Timor-Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship. It then analyses the implementation of the Commission's recommendations by Indonesia and Timor-Leste. The paper argues that the Commission was primarily a political mechanism designed to support international priorities rather than substantive justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The events of the Slovak-Hungarian "Little War" are closely connected to the circumstances of Hungary's re-annexation of Sub-Carpathia in March 1939, which took place under the motto of re-establishing a common Hungarian-Polish border. Corps belonging to the Carpathian section of the Hungarian army advanced into Sub-Carpathia and then proceeded to attack Slovak territories. Hungary's official explanation for its occupation of Sub-Carpathia ran as follows: since Slovakia has become an independent state and thus Czechoslovakia no longer exists as a state, the Viennese arbitration is no longer valid. Hungary has won the right to exercise its claim to Sub-Carpathia. The military conflict between Slovakia and Hungary came to an end when Germany intervened and ordered the two parties to conduct bilateral negotiations with a view to reaching an agreement. At the negotiations on March 28, 1939, the parties agreed to end hostilities and to establish a neutral zone between the two armies. They also agreed that Hungarian troops might remain at their occupied positions. On March 28 the Slovak delegation announced claims on Hungarian territory by way of compensation, but the Hungarian government rejected these claims. Germany offered no support to the Slovaks on the border issue; indeed, on April 7 Slovak troops were even required to withdraw from various settlements on the Slovak side of the demarcation line. On April 3, 1939, the German Ambassador to Budapest, Otto von Erdmannsdorff, paid a visit to the Hungarian foreign minister, István Csáky; in the course of their discussions, the two men touched upon the issue of the border established with Slovakia. The Ambassador informed Csáky that the Slovak government had turned to Germany for support, but that it had been told that under the circumstances any attempt at the full restoration of the old border, which was Slovakia's wish, would be futile. The German Ambassador then asked Csáky whether the Hungarian government would be willing to make certain territorial concessions. Csáky responded that this would be inconceivable — "where Hungarian soldiers have trodden, they will stay". Hungary could keep the 60-kilometre long and 20-kilometre wide strip of land that it had taken from Slovakia. The Hungarian authorities attached the area of land Sub-Carpathia, of which it remained a part until 1944. In 1945 the newly re-established Czechoslovakia was obliged to surrender the railway line between Csap and Ungvár as well as the Ung line: the Czechoslovak-Soviet border — today's frontier between Slovakia and Ukraine — was drawn ten to fifteen kilometres further west. During its engagements with the Slovak armed forces from March 23-28, 1939, the Hungarian army suffered 25 fatal and 56 non-fatal casualties; it captured 360 Slovak and 211 Czech/Moravian soldiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]