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This article maps the behaviours of two middle powers, Australia and Indonesia, as a response to the emergence and evolution of the Indo-Pacific concept. The background for this analysis is the emergence and development of the 'Indo-Pacific' concept as a response to crises of legitimacy enveloping the region and how countries in the region, including middle powers, respond to it. Using a minimalist definition which I have developed of a middle power as a country with a middle level of power capabilities and a penchant for cooperation, this article develops a framework based on two dimensions of outcome (ranging from status-quoist to reformist outlooks) and process (ranging from Lockean to Kantian strategies) to facilitate a more open-ended approach towards looking at middle-power behaviours beyond the common categorisation of traditional/emerging, and Western/non-Western. Using Australia's 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper and 2023 National Defence: Defence Strategic Review, and Indonesia's 2015 Defence White Paper and 2019 ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific, this article concludes that while Australia is exhibiting a status-quoist/Lockean approach, Indonesia is demonstrating a reformist/Kantian approach towards the Indo-Pacific. The outcome-process dimension framework developed in this article is useful as a tool to map other middle power behaviours in various contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's new government is committed to delivering the next defence white paper in 2015. The two previous white papers took a predominantly risk-management approach to Southeast Asia, generally ignored the strategic opportunities in the region, treated it as a stand-alone region largely unrelated to developments in East Asia and failed to link Australia's policies in Southeast Asia with the broader goal of helping to ensure greater strategic stability in Asia by putting constraints on Chinese assertiveness and encouraging its peaceful rise. After offering a summary of recent Australian defence thinking on Southeast Asia, this paper outlines why managing China is the key variable when it comes to strategic stability in the region. It then examines how China's strategy and behaviour can be shaped and influenced by events and relationships in Southeast Asia, and offers some suggestions as to the role Australia can seek to play in Southeast Asia that relates to Canberra's China-focused objectives and strategic stability in Asia more broadly If that can be achieved in the 2015 defence white paper, Australia - which is often criticized for being preoccupied primarily with managing the relationship with its superpower ally the United States - will demonstrate to itself and Asia that its heavy reliance on the ANZUS treaty is no barrier to strategic creativity in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sino-Australia relations have experienced a rapid deterioration in the past half-decade. From genial ties centred around trade and exchange, the relationship has descended into mutual hostility, prompting the editor of China's Global Times to notoriously liken Australia to a blob of gum on the bottom of a shoe. To explain the deteriorating relationship, scholars have proposed numerous ideas, pointing to factors as wide-ranging as 'Chinese influence', poor diplomacy efforts, and ontological (in)security touched off by neoliberal governmentality. The current paper examines these ideas in a literature review, then synthesises such ideas to provide its own explanation of why things 'went wrong'. It also addresses corollary questions such as why Australia adopted a uniquely assertive China policy, and why this occurred specifically around 2017. We argue that the breakdown in relations can be attributed to the rise of nationalist, sovereignty-oriented movements in the West, and the spillover effect this had on Australian leadership; the profound uncertainty attending the election of Trump and his isolationist tendencies; and the shift to a more rigid, authoritarian approach to foreign affairs under Xi. This perspective adds to the literature by identifying failings on both sides while underscoring significant yet underappreciated global trends, such as nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: To present and discuss our experiences of learning how to establish and maintain an international collaboration as early career nurse researchers residing in the United States and Australia. Background: International research collaborations require additional startup time given the complexities of navigating cultural differences, obtaining ethics committee approvals in different countries and collecting human subject data. International collaborations may be daunting for early career researchers given their inexperience and pragmatic focus on research projects that lead to outputs achievable on short timelines for career advancement. Design: Discussion paper. Data Sources: Evidence from international literature about global collaborations across numerous disciplines, including potential factors that could facilitate or constrain early career researcher efforts to engage in international collaborations, were combined with authors' lived experiences as early career researchers. Discussion: Our collaboration began in July 2022 through a professional introduction spurred by a call for applications to fund global nursing education collaborations. Interpersonal, logistical and organizational factors played a role in our lived experiences of beginning an international collaboration. Our experiences are consistent with published literature about the time and complexity involved in conducting international research. Conclusion: Investing time building interpersonal relationships strengthens international research and supports collaborative learning and intercultural understanding. These professional relationships can be built over time to develop significant bodies of research with international impact. Early career researchers need to be resilient, persistent and tenacious as they 'jump through hoops' to establish international research collaborations. Impact: Building relationships during international research collaborations supports collaborative learning for intercultural understanding and strengthens research to address emerging global problems. International nursing research collaborations could encourage greater curiosity, innovative ideas and solutions to international problems that could not be achieved in isolation. Patient or Public Contribution: There was no patient or public involvement in the design and development of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International Relations (IR) is a discipline founded upon and shaped by colonialism and Eurocentrism. Its Eurocentric tropes and myths distort the discipline's historiography and its perceptions of why and how it was founded, and for what purpose, such that race and colonialism are eliminated from mainstream discussions of disciplinary history and IR's main themes, concepts, and theories. This is reproduced in both the teaching and research of IR. Focusing on the former, this paper reflects on my experiences as the convenor of a course on colonialism. This is a second year, core course in the Politics and IR program at UNSW Sydney. The explicit purpose of the course is to contribute to decolonising UNSW's Politics and IR curriculum by centring Indigenous perspectives of colonialism and IR, critically interrogating the racism and Eurocentricity of Politics and IR, and exploring how colonialism shaped the world we live in and continues to inform our world and our lived, everyday experiences. This paper explores the concepts and theory informing the pedagogical praxis employed in the course, this praxis itself, and critically reflects on the achievements, challenges, and pitfalls of actively attempting to contribute to decolonising the IR classroom within Australia's settler colonial context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of public opinion in shaping Australian foreign policy. It emphasizes the need for an informed public and discusses the changing global landscape, with the decline of globalism and the rise of nationalism and protectionism. The article highlights the challenges Australia faces in navigating this changing world and the role of the recently released foreign policy White Paper. It emphasizes the importance of engaging the Australian public, including the new generation of policymakers and the diverse society, in foreign policy discussions and decision-making. [Extracted from the article]

Australia's international relations (IR) discipline has a deep colonial history, but has never been through a conscious process of decolonisation. Although discussions of decolonising IR have taken place elsewhere, the discussion in Australia is in its infancy. This collection examines the possibilities for decolonising Australia's IR in the present moment, looking at its teaching practice, its research, its styles of analysis, and its relationship with Australian foreign policy. We consider what is particular to Australia's settler colonial context, what is achievable, and what is not. The collection also seeks to develop a new style of anti‐colonial foreign policy analysis in Australia, looking at the relationship between colonisation, settlement, and foreign policy. In this introduction, we first look over debates on decolonisation elsewhere in the field. We then examine the historical background of Australia's IR discipline, and look at Australian Indigenous diplomacy, to consider what is specific to Australia's context. We conclude by looking over the contributions of the papers in this collection, and consider what a decolonised Australian IR might look like. Ultimately, we argue that any process of decolonisation will be extremely difficult, and that decolonisation in Australian IR should be perceived as an ongoing struggle, rather than an endpoint in itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of international and collaborative publication trends in prominent behavior‐analytic journals has been a topic of interest for behavioral researchers. This paper focuses on publication trends from 1997 through 2020 in three prominent journals: Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior (JEAB), Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis (JABA), and Perspectives on Behavior Science (PBS). The variable of interest was the percentage of articles published per geographical category—Australasia/East Asia, Europe, Latin America, Middle East, North America, and Africa. The results showed that 79, 96, and 87% of the published articles in JEAB, JABA, and PBS, respectively, were conducted by researchers with a North American affiliation. Furthermore, 12, 4, and 4% of the articles in JEAB, JABA, and PBS, respectively, were coauthored by at least two researchers from different geographical categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quad or Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, a group of four democracies, the US, India, Japan, and Australia, was first proposed in 2007 by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in his 'confluence of two seas' speech that subsequently embarked on the path to the foundation of the group. Quad perceives China's economic growth, which enables her to transform the world order as a threat and aims at containing the growing Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific region. The Malabar naval exercises in the Indian Ocean by the Quad members were one such exercise. This paper, aims to analyze the formation of Quad and will contemplate whether the group is causing confrontation or stability in the Asia-Pacific and Indo-Pacific regions. The paper will also assess that the Quad is designed to counter China's growing influence in the Asia-pacific and Indo-pacific regions. Containing China is likely to create a confrontation in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comprehensively illustrates how the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Australia is reflected in the broad literature. By utilising a systematic literature review, this research divides literature into four groups: 1. The BRI narratives in the Australian media; 2. Economic opportunities and political influence of the BRI in Australia; 3. Exploring why Australia has refused the BRI; and 4. The growing China threat rhetoric. This paper not only fills in the literature gaps by offering an exhaustive knowledge of the BRI in Australia, but also, to some extent, contributes to a broader understanding of China in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The rapid globalization along with the growing trend of openness and sharing approach enabled widespread of digital technologies all over the world. However, we can still find differences between countries in technology use and perceptions of usefulness for learning. Understanding students' use of educational technology and their perceptions of its usefulness is especially significant today, given the rapid penetration of online learning into higher education as a response to Covid‐19. Objectives: This research aimed to understand students' actual experiences with digital technologies during their academic studies and their perceptions of technology usefulness across institutional and international contexts (Israel and Australia). Methods: This quantitative study used data from a large‐scale bi‐national online survey of 3003 students in both countries. Comparative analyses were conducted. In addition, factor analysis was used to identify latent factors from 16 variables of students' perceptions of the usefulness of digital resources usefulness. Results and conclusion: The results revealed significant differences in technology usage and its perceived usefulness between students in the two countries. They confirmed the predominance of 'official' digital resources, such as learning management systems and online library resources. However, large percentages also reported the use of 'non‐official' digital resources, including academic search services; subject‐related videos and audio recordings on content‐sharing websites such as YouTube and Wikipedia; and communication and/or collaboration with other students through social networks. Thus, universities need to consider the potential use of incorporating these resources for improving teaching and learning. Moreover, understanding the differences will assist in implementing tailored techno‐pedagogical solutions to the students. Lay Description: What is currently known about the subject matter: Technologies can enhance learning experiences, however the actual usage and sense of usefulness by higher education students is not well understood.Most technologies are under‐utilized for learning purposes, partly because the quality of students' learning experience is not yet guaranteed.Learning‐environment culture is important factor in the adoption of digital resources and practices in academic studies. What the paper adds to this: A large‐scale bi‐national survey of 3003 students at Monash University in Australia and Tel Aviv University in Israel adds to our empirical understanding of student use and perception of usefulness of digital technologies for their studies.'Official' digital resources, such as LMS and online library resources as well as 'non‐official' digital resources, including specialized academic search services, subject‐related videos and audio recordings on content‐sharing websites and communication were found to be in predominance.Significant international differences in technology usage and its perceived usefulness were found in 'official' and 'non‐official' digital resources. Implication of the study findings: Students use a range of 'non‐official' technologies to support their studies, which suggests universities need to consider the potential use of incorporating these resources and practices.The advantage of the digital technologies for academic learning is not utilized yet. We still have work to do in order to cross the chasm.The high usage and perceived usefulness of the external video materials (OER, such as MOOCs) raise questions regarding how to integrate them in academic learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study examined the practices and attitudes of Australian biobanks regarding access to samples and data, as well as local and global networking with other biobanks. Methods: This was a mixed-methods study, including an online survey of Australian biobank administrators and qualitative interviews with survey participants. The survey examined the criteria applied when considering requests to share or network. The interviews explored attitudes and practices regarding sharing and networking. Results: Most (90.9%; 30/33) biobanks offered access to their samples and data to others, principally for research (90.6%; 29/32). The most common criteria used to evaluate access requests included ethical oversight (84.8%; 28/33), scientific merit (84.8%; 28/33) and intended use (81.8%; 27/33). Just over two-thirds (69.7%; 23/33) of biobanks participated in Australian networks, and 39.1% (9/23) participated in global networks. Networking took the form of both sharing standardised operating procedures and policies (60.9%) and sharing samples and data (43.5%). Thirteen of the 16 interviewees participated in networks. Motivations for sharing included scientific necessity, sharing expertise and standardising operations and governance. Significant barriers to networking remain, including insufficient resources, inconsistent regulations and procedures, and cultural and political issues to do with the conduct of research. Conclusions: Many Australian biobanks are already active participants in various types of global biobanking. If biobanks are to expand and make the most of their involvement in global networks, then important barriers need to be overcome. What is known about the topic?: Biobanks that store human tissue and associated data are increasingly forming local, national and global networks. These networks create opportunities for enhancing the utility and sustainability of biobanks, but also raise considerable technical, legal and ethical challenges. What does this paper add?: This paper reports findings from a mixed-methods study of Australian biobanks and reveals contemporary practices and perspectives concerning sample and data sharing, as well as local and global networking. It found most Australian biobanks currently take part in these activities. What are the implications for practitioners?: Many Australian biobanks are networking in various ways across regional and national borders. A better understanding of current practices and views on significant and emerging issues is relevant to the diverse range of biobank stakeholders involved in any agenda to expand biobank networking, including patients, consumers, clinicians, scientists, policy makers and regulators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: This study aims to present a general bibliometric overview of the development status of global nursing research from 2000 to 2019. Design: A longitudinal bibliometric analysis of nursing research was conducted. Methods: Nursing research publications (N = 88,665) were obtained from Web of Science. Bibliometric method was used to map the output and citation impact trends of countries/regions, institutions, disciplines, and journals and analyse the research collaboration among countries/regions and institutions. Results: The global paper output in nursing research increased steadily over the past two decades and it varied in different countries/regions with the USA being far ahead of the others. The paper output and cross‐border collaboration are mainly distributed in several developed countries like the USA, the UK, Australia, and Canada. The University of Pennsylvania, Harvard University, University of Toronto, and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill have high academic influence in the field of nursing. Increasing attention from academic fields has been paid to research on nursing. Journal of Advanced Nursing is the most prolific and most cited journal in nursing field. Conclusion: Nursing research has developed steadily over the last two decades. Both the scientific output and research collaboration are disproportionally distributed between high‐income countries/regions and low‐ and middle‐income countries/regions. Most research and collaboration have taken place in a few developed countries across North America, Europe, and Oceania. Impact: The study highlighted the need for policy makers and funding agencies, especially those from low‐ and middle‐income countries/regions, to allocate research funding that supports the nursing higher education and international cooperation so as to promote the development of high‐quality nursing research in those countries/regions. At the same time, researchers from non‐English‐speaking countries/regions should attach more importance to publishing papers in English, strengthening the academic exchanges with international nursing colleagues and better integrating into the international academic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a rapidly changing global environment, there have been renewed calls to position community development more centrally in social work, particularly in the face of contemporary practice challenges. This paper analyses the broad policy contexts of neoliberalism, globalisation, and governance change and discusses how these forces interact with social work and community development, drawing on examples from Australia and Ireland. The paper argues that sociopolitical forces both restrict and present opportunities for social work and community development practice and we seek to reactivate debate about the position of community development within changing and challenging contexts. IMPLICATIONS Contextualises community development practice, policy, and research within contemporary environments of neoliberalism, globalisation, and governance change. Critically evaluates implications and new opportunities for social work and community development, drawing on examples from Australia and Ireland. Reactivates debate and analysis on the position of community development in contemporary social work as we move forward into the new decade, and the next global agenda for social work and social development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Australian policy reports recommended schools to be leveraged to better support student mental health, with a focus on regional and rural areas where students have poorer mental health outcomes. In designing solutions to address this systemic gap, decision‐makers require an understanding of the barriers and facilitators experienced by regional and rural schools. However, current literature has focused on metropolitan schools and neglected to explore facilitators. Objective: To review the evidence on barriers and facilitators in delivering student mental health support experienced by regional and rural schools in Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development nations. Design: A mixed‐methods systematic review of peer‐reviewed and grey literature. Findings: The search identified 4819 studies. A full‐text review by 2 reviewers resulted in 5 papers, which met the inclusion criteria and were assessed using methodological appraisal. One study used qualitative data, 2 studies used quantitative data, and 2 studies were a mixed‐methods design. Discussion: While there was a paucity of studies, this review draws together the most up‐to‐date research. The barriers and facilitators were categorised into 3 themes: access to services and resources; mental health literacy of staff and parents; and communication and collaboration between stakeholders. Conclusion: This review presents a comprehensive synthesis of the literature and highlights opportunities to leverage rural and regional schools to support student mental health, focusing on the quality of communication and collaboration, and increasing access to services and resources, and mental health literacy. Research should explore the unique advantages of rural and regional areas to inform policy, including a focus on strengths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like many other regional powers in the Asia‐Pacific, Australia is a middle‐sized state wedged between two great powers, the United States (US) and the People's Republic of China. While Australia continues to rely upon the US alliance for security, China remains its biggest trading partner. Over the past two decades, Australia's public foreign policy discussions have centred upon Australia's "China Choice" in the context of growing strategic rivalry between these dominant powers. This debate has sought to grapple with the options available to Australia in managing its relations with an increasingly assertive China and an unpredictable US. This article examines the public debate on China policy since the election of the conservative Liberal‐National Coalition government in 2013. It argues the appropriateness of a pragmatic foreign policy in relation to the engagement of great powers has been the central question in Australia's China debate. Yet what constitutes pragmatic action in relation to Australia's China policy is varied and based on differing understandings of how middle‐sized states can and do seek to cope with structural shifts. The paper also argues, however, that an emergent anti‐pragmatist tradition has recently emerged that reflects the unprecedented challenges facing Australian foreign policy and presents "pragmatism" as a threat to Australian sovereignty, principles, and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks why it took ten years after a major famine in Indonesia in 1957 for Australia's food aid to increase in greater amounts, and why food aid was so significant in Australia's foreign aid to Indonesia during the late 1960s and 1970s. Indonesia's reluctance to apply for food aid under the Colombo Plan is the reason for the delay. A combination of humanitarian, commercial and international relations interests converged to shape Australia's rapidly growing food aid to Indonesia after 1966. Food aid contributed to alleviating food shortages and famines in Indonesia. It also supported Australian firms in regaining their share in the growing market for wheat‐based products in Indonesia, and in building market share for Australian rice exports, in competition with United States (US) producers and the US PL480 food aid program. Food aid also allowed Australia to expand its foreign aid program to Indonesia rapidly after 1966, in support of the government of new President Soeharto and improved bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in Australian history have lamentably neglected the military traditions of First Australians prior to European contact. This is due largely to a combination of academic and social bigotry, and loss of Indigenous knowledge after settlement. Thankfully, the situation is beginning to change, in no small part due to the growing literature surrounding the Frontier Wars of Australia. All aspects of Indigenous customs and norms are now beginning to receive a balanced analysis. Yet, very little has ever been written on the laws, customs and norms that regulated Indigenous Australian collective armed conflicts. This paper, co-written by a military legal practitioner and an ethno-historian, uses early accounts to reconstruct ten laws of war evidently recognized across much of pre-settlement Australia. The study is a preliminary one, aiming to stimulate further research and debate in this neglected field, which has only recently been explored in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The aim of this study was to explore whether a relationship exists between the number of disasters a jurisdiction has experienced and the presence of disaster-specific pharmacy legislation. Methods: Pharmacy legislation specific to disasters was reviewed for five countries: Australia, Canada, UK, US and New Zealand. A binary logistic regression test using a generalised estimating equation was used to examine the association between the number of disasters experienced by a state, province, territory or country and whether they had disaster-specific pharmacy legislation. Results: Three of six models were statistically significant, suggesting that the odds of a jurisdiction having disaster-specific pharmacy legislation increased as the number of disasters increased for the period 2007–17 and 2013–17. There was an association between the everyday emergency supply legislation and the presence of the extended disaster-specific emergency supply legislation AH19093_IE1.gif. Conclusions: It is evident from this review that there are inconsistencies as to the level of assistance pharmacists can provide during times of crisis depending on their jurisdiction and location of practice. It is not a question of whether pharmacists have the skills and capabilities to assist, but rather what legislative barriers are preventing them from being able to contribute further to the disaster healthcare team. What is known about the topic?: The contributing factors to disaster-specific pharmacy legislation has not previously been explored in Australia. It can be postulated that the number of disasters experienced by a jurisdiction increases the likelihood of governments introducing disaster-specific pharmacy legislation based on other countries. What does this paper add?: This study compared five countries and their pharmacy legislation specific to disasters. It identified that as the number of disasters increases, the odds of a jurisdiction having disaster-specific emergency supply or disaster relocation or mobile pharmacy legislation increases. However, this is likely to be only one of many factors affecting the political decisions of when and what legislation is passed in relation to pharmacists' roles in disasters. What are the implications for practitioners?: Pharmacists are well situated in the community to be of assistance during disasters. However, their ability to help patients with chronic disease management or providing necessary vaccinations in disasters is limited by the legislation in their jurisdiction. Releasing pharmacists' full potential in disasters could alleviate the burden of low-acuity patients on other healthcare services. This could subsequently free up other healthcare professionals to treat high-acuity patients and emergencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade agreements influence the distribution of money, goods, services and daily living conditions – the social determinants of health and health equity, which ultimately impacts differentially on health within and between countries. In order to advance health equity as a trade policy goal, greater understanding is needed of how different actors frame their interests in order to shape government priorities, thus helping to identify competing agendas across policy communities. This paper reports on a study of how policy actors framed their interests for the Trans Pacific Partnership agreement. We analysed 88 submissions made by industry actors, not for profit organisations, unions, researchers and individual citizens to the Australian government during treaty negotiations. We show that policy actors' ideas of the purpose of trade agreements are shaped by competing underlying assumptions of the role of the state, market and society. We identify three primary framings: a dominant neoliberal market frame, and counter frames for the public interest and state sovereignty. Our analysis highlights the potential enabling and constraining impact of policy frames for health equity. In particular, the current dominant market framing largely excludes the social determinants of health and health equity. We argue that advocacy needs to tackle head on the underlying assumptions of market framings in order to open up space for the social. We identify successful examples of health framing for equity as well as opportunities for engagement with 'non-traditional' allies on shared issues of concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse provided some insight into manifestations of child sexual abuse within an ultra-orthodox Jewish community. This paper extends the analysis by the Royal Commission (RC) to another Australian ultra-orthodox community that of Adass Israel, whereby a former school headmistress allegedly abused multiple students and then fled to the State of Israel in 2008. That case is unusual given that both the perpetrator and victims were female. Attention is drawn to a number of components similar to the RC findings pertaining to the particular vulnerability of children within ultra-orthodox communities given the absence of sex education and entrenched patriarchal authority, the reluctance of such communities to report child sexual abuse (CSA) allegations to secular authorities and associated cultural and religious factors, the failure of community leaders within or beyond Australia to support or compensate CSA survivors, and the absence of formal child protection protocols. Additionally, some conclusions are drawn about the key role played by advocacy groups such as Jewish Community Watch in exposing the global travel of child sex offenders, and the problematic legal protection provided to many such offenders by the State of Israel's Law of Return. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a proclaimed commitment of the 'developed West' to international cooperation in the formation of durable solutions for refugees, a pattern of defensive policy designed to outsource obligations under the 1951 Refugee Convention has emerged. In this context, on 26 September 2014, Australia and Cambodia signed a 'responsibility sharing' agreement for the relocation to Cambodia of recognised refugees who originally sought protection in Australia and were removed to Nauru for processing. Whilst the Cambodia Agreement is of particular relevance in the Australasian t region, this paper will analyse its nature and eff ect against the backdrop of the global trend of burden shifting and the implications of such an agreement for international law. This paper will examine whether the Cambodia Agreement complies with the t 1951 Refugee Convention through an analysis of the potential issues with fulfi lment of the rights found therein. This requires the establishment of a continuum of jurisdiction pursuant to which it is concluded that transferees under the Cambodia Agreement remain under the eff ective jurisdiction of Australia. This t paper concludes that while a developing country may have the capacity to provide the requisite standard of protection to refugees under the 1951 Refugee Convention, in practice Cambodia fails to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

abstract This paper, based on an exchange of librarians between academic libraries in Canada and Australia, describes the process of planning for and participating in an international job exchange. It highlights the benefits of the exchange and lessons learned from it and reflects on the opportunities for career development and renewal afforded by such a swap. This experience will be contextualized within the continuum of literature on library exchanges. By describing our successful exchange process, the authors aim to encourage more library staff exchanges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of several prominent disease outbreaks like Ebola and Zika, global health security is once again high on the international agenda. For its part, the Australian government has committed itself to strengthening regional health security. This policy direction - focusing on the Indo-Pacific region - is both consistent with Australia's traditional foreign policy approach of concentric circles informing strategic priorities, and is therefore understandable, even predictable. But given that local disease outbreaks in remote locations around the world now have the opportunity to travel rapidly internationally, is the adoption of an exclusively regional focus the most sensible one? This article considers the implications of Australia's new regional health security initiative, its focus and direction. The paper weighs the benefits and drawbacks of Australia's new programme and considers whether a wider focus is more appropriate for responding to the health threats of the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports an analysis of interviews conducted with 10 White Australian women who had undertaken intercountry adoption. The paper begins with an overview of how issues of culture play out within discourses of intercountry adoption in general and how this occurs specifically in Australian policy in regard to intercountry adoption. The analysis highlights how the interviewees were in many ways inculcated in broader Australian discourses of intercountry adoption, as much as in some instances there was an attempt to resist this. The paper concludes by discussing how it might be possible for White adoptive mothers in Australia to do other than remain complicit with marginalizing accounts of adoptive children's birth cultures and parents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. Healthcare-associated infection (HAI) surveillance programs are critical for infection prevention. Australia does not have a comprehensive national HAI surveillance program. The purpose of this paper is to provide an overview of established international and Australian statewide HAI surveillance programs and recommend a pathway for the development of a national HAI surveillance program in Australia. Methods. This study examined existing HAI surveillance programs through a literature review, a review of HAI surveillance program documentation, such as websites, surveillance manuals and data reports and direct contact with program representatives. Results. Evidence from international programs demonstrates national HAI surveillance reduces the incidence of HAIs. However, the current status of HAI surveillance activity in Australian states is disparate, variation between programs is not well understood, and the quality of data currently used to compose national HAI rates is uncertain. Conclusions. There is a need to develop a well-structured, evidence-based national HAI program in Australia to meet the increasing demand for validated reliable national HAI data. Such a program could be leveraged off the work of existing Australian and international programs. What is known about the topic? There is a large volume of literature demonstrating the effectiveness of national HAI surveillance programs in reducing the incidence of HAIs. Although some of the larger states of Australia have individual programs, a formalised national program does not exist. A well structured national HAI program in Australia would improve the understanding of the epidemiology of HAIs in Australia and provide high quality data for performance monitoring and ensuring that HAI prevention interventions are targeted appropriately. What does this paper add? This paper reviews well established international HAI surveillance programs and highlights the benefits and limitations of these programs, and identifies the gaps that currently exist in Australia. The paper then maps out a pathway towards the development of a national program. What are the implications for practitioners? This paper will act as a guide for future research and policy activities required for the establishment of a national HAI surveillance program in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 Australian Defence White Paper categorically termed Australia's zone of strategic interest the Indo-Pacific, the first time any government has defined its region this way. This raises questions about what the Indo-Pacific means, whether it is a coherent strategic system, the provenance of the concept and its implications for Asian security as well as Australian policy. Indo-Pacific Asia can best be understood as an expansive definition of a maritime super-region centred on South-East Asia, arising principally from the emergence of China and India as outward-looking trading states and strategic actors. It is a strategic system insofar as it involves the intersecting interests of key powers such as China, India and the USA, although the Indo-Pacific subregions will retain their own dynamics too. It suits Australia's two-ocean geography and expanding links with Asia, including India. The concept is, however, not limited to an Australian perspective and increasingly reflects US, Indian, Japanese and Indonesian ways of seeing the region. It also reflects China's expanding interests in the Indian Ocean, suggesting that the Chinese debate may shift towards partial acceptance of Indo-Pacific constructs alongside Asia-Pacific and East Asian ones, despite suspicions about its association with the US rebalance to Asia. Questions about Australia's ability to implement an effective Indo-Pacific strategy must account for force posture, alliance ties and defence diplomacy, as well as constraints on force structure and spending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the changing geo-political situation in the Asia-Pacific Region from an Australian defense policy perspective. The article focuses on China, the US, and Indonesia and examines Australia's strategic defense needs for the coming decade. The paper concludes by laying out four strategic defense options for Australia, 1. maintaining the US alliance, 2. going back to "fortress Australia," 3. towards Asian integrations, and 4. the "New Zealand" option. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asia's middle powers face a trilateral dilemma stemming from their relationships with the U.S. and China. This paper uses the Australian example to examine the dilemma. It shows that Australia has bound itself to the U.S. because of domestic political factors, cost considerations, a belief that it can keep its interests separate, and its perception of regional threats. The paper then argues that others are likely to resolve their trilateral dilemmas in ways that make the regional strategic dynamic more competitive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the coexistence of competing and contested interests in intercultural natural resource management ( NRM) systems in Australia and Malaysia, this paper explores the ways in which ontological pluralism and the interplay of socio-cultural, political-economic and biophysical influences shape NRM systems. We aim to foster a discursive space in which to reframe the challenges of capacity building in the rapidly changing spaces of intercultural NRM systems. The paper synthesizes the conceptual arguments of field research to conclude that capacity deficits of dominant institutions, processes and knowledge systems drive many systemic failures in land and sea management affecting Indigenous peoples. We advocate urgent action to build intercultural competence and new capacities and competencies in those institutions. The paper reframes intercultural NRM in terms of coexistence and invites wider debate about these 'new geographies of coexistence' in intercultural NRM systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights foreign policy issues in Australia from January-June 2016. Topics discussed include reasons the 2016 Defence White Paper (2016 DWP) is an important document to consider in relation to Australia's foreign policy, four priority areas for Australian foreign policy as integral to the achievement of the Strategic Defence Objectives, and debate over the proper relationship between foreign and defence policy.

Background: Socioeconomic trends herald what many describe as the Asian Century, whereby Asian economic, political and cultural influence is in global ascendency. Broadening relevant ties between Australia and Asia is evident and logical and may include strengthening alliances in mental health systems. Aim: We argue the importance of strengthening Asian mental health systems and some of the roles Australian mental health workers could have in promoting strengthening the Asian mental health system. Methods: This paper is a narrative review which sources data from reputable search databases. Results: A well-articulated Australian strategy to support strengthening the mental health system in Asia is lacking. While there are active initiatives operating in this space, these remain fragmented and underdeveloped. Coordinated, collaborative and culturally respectful efforts to enhance health education, research, policy, leadership and development assistance are key opportunities. Conclusion: Psychiatrists and other mental health professionals have a unique opportunity to contribute to improved mental health outcomes in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents and analyses a range of literature and policy statements that identifies issues and looks at the role which adult education plays in building communities and peace in post-conflict states. This paper explores and documents these developments in countries in close proximity to Australia which have been viewed by the former Australian government as constituting an 'arc of instability'. This is a term which will be critically discussed in the paper for the way in which it positions the nations of the Pacific and Australia's foreign policy as well as its aid and development policy. This paper reviews existing orthodox approaches to the region and development and discusses the criticisms that have been levelled at the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation and the rise of East Asia have accelerated the migration of Chinese populations across the Asia-Pacific rim. Ethnic Chinese populations from highly diverse sub-ethnic, socio-economic and political backgrounds are increasingly aggregated in major cities throughout the region. Nonetheless, there remains insufficient attention to the implications of greater economic interdependence and accelerated population movement upon the political cultures of host nations such as Australia, especially in the context of ensuing spatial and economic concentrations of activity. Both articulate and interlocking relationships between political and economic fields exist in the metropolitan engagements of Chinese Australian community groups and associations. Many of these political dimensions extend into 'formal' modes of politics. Framed by urban regime theory and the broader notion of urban politics, this paper claims that network resource exchange within Chinese Australian communities are tied to ethnic economies, and in certain contexts global processes. These kinds of social dynamics have implications for the expression of diasporic Chinese affinity and constructions of Chineseness. Explorations of transnational political tensions, in fact, highlight the diversity and potential fragility of diasporic interdependence within ethnic Chinese communities - communities that are persistently refashioned through new waves of migration and from different points of origin. This paper seeks to advance these perspectives through a case study of a particular period of tension between two representative peak bodies in Brisbane, Queensland. Grounded in the testimony of elite political actors, it reflects upon the nature of ethnic Chinese community representation in contemporary Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper outlines the current state of the Bologna process discussion in Australia, with an emphasis on its potential influence on engineering programmes and their internationalisation through student and graduate mobility. The paper relates this to the importance of the Washington Accord in providing a strong framework for global professional engineering programme accreditation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the Japanese position on East Timor and highlights tension in bilateral relations between Australia and Japan on East Timor during the year 1999. The sources of tension were over leadership, appropriate policy towards indonesia and the style of diplomacy conducted by Australia. In many respects the tension over East Timor shook complacency in bilateral relations. By January 2001 tension was resolved and bilateral ties have been strengthened in the areas of security and regional cooperation. What does this episode reveal about the bilateral relationship? Quite clearly, and despite the depth of networks that have been established over the decades, there was insufficient consultation on East Timor. In pan, the extraordinary events that unfolded after the results of the ballot in East Timor were announced on 4 September 1999 and Australia's leadership role in the international Force in East Timor (INTERFET) can explain the lack of consultation. Also, a drift in relations that had been evident for several years was a significant factor. Finally, the paper argues that despite the substantial improvement in bilateral relations, policy towards Indonesia will remain a potential source of friction between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critical overview of Australian, Chinese, and American perspectives on trilateralism, with a detailed discussion of Australian debates on the matter. Its aim is to trace the evolution of the changing discourse on the rise of China, examine major debates in Australia, and provide both an intellectual background and an overview for this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ebb and flow of coping with Australia’s identity dilemma as a European settler society located on the geographical edge of Asia leads to bouts of agonising, excitement and temporising. This has been given particular cogency with the power shift underway from the trans-Atlantic to the Asia-Pacific. The 2012 White Paper set 25 national objectives to be met by 2025, with targets ranging from improving trade links and increasing scholarships to teaching priority Asian languages. But in this transactional embrace of Asia that highlights economic and trade links, gaps might open up between ambition and delivery, especially amidst continuing evidence of insensitivity to how Asians forge lasting relationships. Ties with China are dominated by trade but security concerns remain. Relations with India should improve with the removal of the nuclear issue as an irritant and growing trade and tourist numbers. Japan remains an important trade and diplomatic partner. And geography and demography ensure that Indonesia is no less important to Australia than Asia’s big three. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first museum blockbusters in Australia were not conceived to support the local interests of tourism. The circumstances that gave rise to the earliest exhibitions were quite different from the situation today. Of these interests, cultural diplomacy was a key rationale behind the Commonwealth's involvement in major art exhibitions, or so-called “blockbusters”. This paper concentrates on the period in the 1970s when art blockbusters first attained national significance. It reveals some of the issues and challenges that followed the Commonwealth's foray into art, focusing on the roles of the various national agencies tasked with managing these events, namely the Visual Arts Board of the Australia Council, the Australian Art Exhibitions Corporation, the Australian Gallery Directors' Council, and the International Cultural Corporation of Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Australia have assumed a greater role in international affairs, emerging as regional powers with great power potential. Changes in the international environment, particularly the rise of China as a common source of concern and growing economic relations between the two countries in an era of increasingly complex interdependence, have provided an impulse for the two countries to enhance their bilateral ties. Part of that includes developing a robust maritime capability that can project force across blue water as well as on land, and which works in concert with allied maritime forces in assuring the defence of common interests. The paper provides an overview of the Indian–Australian relationship, focusing the analysis on India's changing maritime outlook, Australia's strategic priorities and a forecast of the possibilities for their developing a strategic partnership in the Indo-Pacific region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Australia–India relations continue to puzzle foreign policy analysts. The reasons for stronger ties seem obvious, yet each successive Australian government has proved unable to forge the links necessary for more fruitful collaboration. Prime minister John Howard made two visits to India. His second visit in 2006—when he expressed unqualified enthusiasm for India's fast-growing economy and for the development of a new centre of gravity for the world, the emerging ‘global middle class’ of China and India—promised to change the language of engagement from neglect to partnership. This paper examines the context of the changing relationship, looks at the role of leadership in the formulation of foreign policy, and asks whether the momentum developed from Howard's visit was deep and strong enough to sustain the shocks ahead—the 2009 attacks on Indian students and the reversal of the decision on the sale of uranium—and to maintain a position for Australia in India's growing global engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

wollin j.a. & fairweather c.t. (2012) Journal of Nursing Management 20, 20-27 Nursing education: a case study of a Bachelor of Science Nursing programme in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates Aim The aim of the present study was to report the process and outcomes of a collaborative venture to offer a Bachelor of Science Nursing programme in Abu Dhabi. Background An international educational collaboration between the Abu Dhabi government in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Griffith University (GU) Australia, successfully established a College of Health Sciences offering a Bachelor of Science Nursing (pre- and post-registration). Methods The report was written to reflect the chronological order of events as the Bachelor of Science Nursing programme was rolled out in Abu Dhabi commencing in 2007. Results The results of this initiative included the successful delivery of the programme and the gaining of initial accreditation in Abu Dhabi. Conclusion The paper presents important insights into the collaborative nature of the agreement and the unique outcomes; dual awards from UAE and Australia. Implications for nursing management The success of this initiative required ongoing commitment from the collaborating partners. The programme required ongoing support from the School of Nursing and Midwifery in Australia. Griffith University provided the Head of School and Deputy Head of School for Abu Dhabi and the curriculum. The academic and administrative support from Australia was significant and must be incorporated into any business plan when planning such a venture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the rise of China, Southeast Asian countries and Australia have begun shifting towards an accommodation policy. Robert Ross examines the accommodation policy in South Korea, Mochizuki discusses Japanese accommodationists, and Manicom and O'Neil show some evidence of Australian accommodation of Chinese strategic preferences. The scholarship has, however, narrowly focused on and overestimated the role of security. Through a study of the origin, process, structural conditions and impacts of accommodation policy, this paper broadens the concept of accommodation to capture its multiple meanings and practices. It finds that a selective accommodation policy and strategy toward the rise of China developed in Australia is a sign of the changing power relations under which the mainstream paradigms of containment and engagement, hard balancing or bandwagoning, have proved inadequate to the task of dealing with China, and that economic interdependence has driven the politics of accommodation in Australia and several Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Summary: Transparency of aid activity is being recognized to be one of the key areas whereby aid effectiveness can be improved. In this paper, we propose an index to measure and rank donors on the transparency of their aid activities. The Transparency Index rates 31 bilateral and multilateral donor agencies on six measures of transparency. We find that being a member of the IATI is a powerful signal of a donor being more transparent across most other dimensions as well. We find no relationship between transparency and donor aid volumes. Overall IDA and Australia are identified as the most transparent donors, while Korea and IDB Special Fund are the least transparent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-war period Australian Prime Ministers have played a proactive role in formulating foreign policy towards Japan. This paper explores the role of executive leadership towards Japan and its impact on the bilateral relationship. The Howard period and current Rudd-led initiatives on whaling, nuclear disarmament, climate change and regional architecture are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination of Australian foreign policy issues between January and December 2009. It discusses issues such as the impact of the Global Financial Crisis on the Australian economy and explores United States' response to the issue, the delivery of the Defence White Paper, which outlines the country's military expenses, the Chinese steel industry's demand for Australian iron-ore and the Australian policy on the war in Afghanistan and Pakistan and the continued deployment of troops.

This collection of papers focuses on the domestic and international politics of Australia's recent engagement with Asia. The theme of Asian engagement appears to be of particular pertinence to the current study of Australian politics given numerous pronouncements that we are entering an 'Asian century' during which key Asian economies will gain greater ascendancy and certain Asian states will come to play a more prominent role in global politics. We employ the idea of 're-engagement' in order to show how engagement with Asia has been turned to again and again by Australian governments, albeit in different political and strategic contexts. This collection aims to consider the politics of re-engagement from a number of different theoretical positions, as well as from a number of different perspectives (be it international relations/foreign policy, domestic politics, identity politics, or from the perspective of bilateral Asian partners). Emphasis is placed not simply on the foreign policy prerogatives behind re-engagement but also on the implications of the 'Asian century' for domestic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia's diplomatic and political relationship with Asia has been the basis on which the boundaries and membership of its political community have been constructed. This essay uses the example of the Australian Settlement as a strategy of citizenship and state building located within the political framework of an imperial association. Hence, the narrative of Australian Settlement depended on a notion of freedom - a civic identity - in a liberal imperial association and set against a racial order within her immediate region. This dual sovereignty became especially important as a middle power 'mask' of the state. This paper argues that these middle power ideas with respect to Australia's position in a liberal imperial association provided the basis for an eclectic group of individuals to develop innovative ideas about Australia's role in the Asia-Pacific that anticipated ideas of Asian engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political potency of national history has been understood for generations. Yet there has been an unquestionable surge in history's political influence over the last twenty or thirty years, as the various history wars that have broken out around the world attest. Australia has been no exception: disputes over its national story continue to generate considerable controversy in the media, in politics and in public debate. But how has this politicisation of the past affected Australian political history in the present? This paper examines how history is practised in contemporary Australian politics — and notices an increasingly strategic use of the past by politicians in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the Australian intervention in Solomon Islands as evidence of Mark Duffield's claim that the concept of development has been reinterpreted or 'radicalised' in the post-Cold War period. Duffield's contention that development now incorporates more transformative measures to address the concern among Northern states for conflict resolution is presented as a manifestation of the security-development nexus. The following argues that although Duffield's analysis cannot be applied to Solomon Islands without qualification, his claims provide insights into the disjuncture between Australian governmental declarations, policy and policy outcomes in regard to the ongoing Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]