Significant life events have a clear time frame, interfere with everyday life, and are perceived as personally significant (Luhmann et al., 2020). Although significant life events have a major impact on our lives and well-being (Luhmann et al., 2012), studies of the experience and handling of significant life events across the lifespan are not yet sufficiently available. The first part of the paper aims to investigate whether there are age differences in the characteristics of significant life events, meaning, whether (a) age-normativity, (b) valence, and (c) perceived control of life events differ with increasing age. The second part examines whether these characteristics age-differentially predict the outcomes of significant life events in terms of subjective well-being, subjective health, and life satisfaction. (a) Age-normativity is a socially shared idea about age-appropriate development across the life course (e.g., Neugarten, 1969). Different life events are normative in different age groups (Wrosch & Freund, 2001). For example, starting a family is more likely to occur in young adulthood, while losing a partner is more likely to occur in older adulthood. Non- normative events are usually not expected (Frazier et al., 2011) and are not shared with peers who would provide mutual support (Leopold & Lechner, 2015). Thus, people who experience non-normative events need to invest more internal resources and self-regulation to compensate for the lack of socio-structural support (Wrosch & Freund, 2001). This has consequences for the outcomes of normative and non-normative life events. According to some studies (most recently Shi & Brown, 2021), normative events are perceived more positively, whereas non- normative life events are perceived more negatively. Across the life span, non-normative events might become more prevalent and prominent (Baltes et al., 1980). In other words, older adults might report lower expectancy of and fewer peers with similar experiences than younger adults. At the same time, older adults might deal with non-normative events better than young adults. This might be the case because older adults have better self-regulatory skills than younger adults (Kunzmann et al., 2014). Thus, we expect that non-normative events are negatively associated with subjective well-being, life satisfaction, and subjective health, but that this negative association becomes weaker with increasing age. (b) Across the lifespan, individuals experience both positive (e.g., birth of a child) and negative life events (e.g., loss of a loved one). However, people of different ages might not experience the same amount of positive and negative life events. Older compared to younger adults experience more developmental losses and fewer developmental gains (Heckhausen et al., 1989). Thus, older adults might experience less positive life events (indicating developmental gains) and more negative life events (indicating developmental losses). At the same time, older adults might deal with negative life events, or strains and challenges better than young adults. There are two reasons for this assumption. According to the positivity effect (Reed & Carstensen, 2012), older adults perceive and remember more positive and less negative information than younger adults. Thus, they might experience the same life event more positively than younger adults. In addition, older adults have better emotion-regulation strategies when dealing with difficult life situations (Birditt et al., 2005; Charles et al., 2010; Kunzmann et al., 2014), which might help them to deal with negative life events. In line with these arguments, Gomez and colleagues (2009) found that the influence of negative life events on subjective well-being was weaker in older compared to younger adults. Accordingly, we expect that the association between the valence and strain of the life event on the one hand and subjective well-being, life satisfaction, and subjective health on the other is weaker in older compared to younger adulthood. (c) Perceived control over one’s life (e.g., individual’s perceived capacity to influence a certain incident) is fundamental for the mobilization of resources and coping strategies in stressful situations (Lachman, 2006), leading to better well-being and psychological outcomes (Kunzmann et al., 2002; Lachman et al., 2011). It has been shown that older adults experience less controllable events (e.g., losses or illnesses) and have fewer resources to control significant life events (Glück & Bluck, 2007). However, although older adults might experience life events that are less under their control, they use self-regulatory strategies to compensate for control losses (Heckhausen et al., 1989). Specifically, as older adults have less capacity to influence their lives through primary-control strategies (i.e., influencing the life event), they use secondary-control strategies (such as reframing the life event) to counteract possible negative effects of loss of primary control (Lang & Heckhausen, 2001). Thus, we expect that perceived control over the life event (indicating primary control) is less strongly related to subjective well-being, life satisfaction, and subjective health in older compared to younger adults. To counteract the limitation of one measurement point, the temporal distance between the survey (i.e., the time point of the assessment) and the occurrence of the life event will be included as a moderator in the analyses. The strength of the associations between the life events’ characteristics and the outcome variables should diminish the further back the event occurred (see for example Nikitin et al., 2012; Suh et al., 1996).