Search

O objetivo principal é identificar a origem do poder das finanças nos dois últimos governos da ditadura militar, sobretudo no governo Geisel (1974-1978), entendido como definitivo para a compreensão da história política e econômica do Brasil nas últimas décadas. Ao final, sugerimos aproximações entre o governo Geisel e os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), possíveis na medida em que ambos praticaram políticas favoráveis ao setor produtivo, sem enfrentamento dos interesses financeiros, afora o breve momento em que o governo Dilma tentou baixar os juros bancários. El objetivo principal del artículo es identificar el origen del poder de las finanzas en los dos últimos gobiernos de la dictadura militar, especialmente el gobierno Geisel (1974-1978), entendido como decisivo para la comprensión de la historia política y económica del Brasil en las últimas décadas. Al final se sugieren similitudes entre el Gobierno Geisel y los gobiernos del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT), posibles ya que los últimos también adoptaran políticas favorables al sector productivo, sin enfrentamiento de los intereses financieros, aparte del breve tiempo en el que el Gobierno de Dilma intenta bajar los intereses bancarios. The goal is to identify the origin of the political power of finance in the final two governments of the military dictatorship, especially the Geisel government (1974- 1978), understood as definitive in the political and economic history of Brazil in recent decades. We will also highlight similarities between the Geisel and PT governments; that they both adopt policies that are favorable for the productive sector, without opposing bank interests, despite the short time in which the Dilma government tried to lower bank interest. Le principal objectif consiste à identifier l'origine du pouvoir des finances lors des deux derniers gouvernements de la dictature militaire, en particulier le gouvernement Geisel (1974-1978), compris comme décisif pour la compréhension de l'histoire politique et économique du Brésil des dernières décennies. Finalement sont suggérées des similitudes possibles entre le Gouvernement Geisel et les gouvernements du Parti des Travailleurs (PT), étant donné que ces derniers ont adopté despolitiques favorables au secteur productif, sans affrontement des intérêts financiers, excepté la courte période durant laquelle le gouvernement de Dilma a tenté de diminuer les intérêts bancaires

In the post-crisis period of 1929, Argentinean economics saw gradual but structural changes not only from an economical point of view, but also in its policies and institutions. Among these was the fiscal policy that contemplated new economic and fiscal needs. In midwar 1942, President Ramón Castillo’s conservative government launched a fiscal reform plan that sparked a lively reaction from the social forces that were his main supporters. This led to the crisis of a unique political regime that was born at the beginning of the economic debacle.En el período post crisis de 1929, la economía argentina sufrió modificaciones paulatinas tanto estructurales, como a nivel político e institucional. Entre éstas, la política fiscal que contemplaba nuevas necesidades económicas y fiscales. En 1942 en plena guerra, el gobierno conservador del Presidente Ramón Castillo lanzó un plan de reforma fiscal que motivó una viva reacción de las fuerzas sociales que eran su base de sustentación. Ello facilitó la crisis de un régimen político singular nacido en el comienzo de la debacle económica.

Este ensayo se plantea como una crítica conceptual y política a los debates sobre el Estado contemporáneo y sus crisis, en particular en las sociedades atravesadas por conflictos armados como el caso colombiano. La discusión se centra en el proceso de implementación del paquete de tecnologías políticas derivadas de la justicia transicional en materia de reparación para la población en situación de desplazamiento forzado. Lo anterior es una forma de reflexión política sobre este nuevo ámbito de trasnacionalización de las funciones estatales. The current dissertation covers a critical approach about concepts and political contemporary debates on Nation State issues, particularly in cases of societies deeply affected by internal conflicts, such us the Colombian case. The paper focuses in the implementation process of the transitional justice political technologies, in regard of the restoration of internal displaced people rights. The main thesis argues that this new field of policy development in Colombia is performing as another field of trasnationalitation of states responsibilities.

In the post-crisis period of 1929, Argentinean economics saw gradual but structural changes not only from an economical point of view, but also in its policies and institutions. Among these was the fiscal policy that contemplated new economic and fiscal needs. In midwar 1942, President Ramón Castillo’s conservative government launched a fiscal reform plan that sparked a lively reaction from the social forces that were his main supporters. This led to the crisis of a unique political regime that was born at the beginning of the economic debacle. En el período post crisis de 1929, la economía argentina sufrió modificaciones paulatinas tanto estructurales, como a nivel político e institucional. Entre éstas, la política fiscal que contemplaba nuevas necesidades económicas y fiscales. En 1942 en plena guerra, el gobierno conservador del Presidente Ramón Castillo lanzó un plan de reforma fiscal que motivó una viva reacción de las fuerzas sociales que eran su base de sustentación. Ello facilitó la crisis de un régimen político singular nacido en el comienzo de la debacle económica.

According to the textbook approach, the developmental states of the Far East have been considered as strong and autonomous entities. Although their bureaucratic elites have remained isolated from direct pressures stemming from society, the state capacity has also been utilised in order to allocate resources in the interest of the whole society. Yet, society – by and large –has remained weak and subordinated to the state elite. On the other hand, the general perception of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has been just the opposite. The violent and permanent conflict amongst rent-seeking groups for influence and authority over resources has culminated in a situation where states have become extremely weak and fragmented, while society – depending on the capacity of competing groups for mobilising resources to organise themselves mostly on a regional or local level (resulting in local petty kingdoms) – has never had the chance to evolve as a strong player. State failure in the literature, therefore, – in the context of SSA – refers not just to a weak and captured state but also to a non-functioning, and sometimes even non-existent society, too. Recently, however, the driving forces of globalisation might have triggered serious changes in the above described status quo. Accordingly, our hypothesis is the following: globalisation, especially the dynamic changes of technology, capital and communication have made the simplistic “strong state–weak society” (in Asia) and “weak state–weak society” (in Africa) categorisation somewhat obsolete. While our comparative study has a strong emphasis on the empirical scrutiny of trying to uncover the dynamics of changes in state–society relations in the two chosen regions both qualitatively and quantitatively, it also aims at complementing the meaning and essence of the concepts and methodology of stateness, state capacity and state-society relations, the well-known building blocks of the seminal works of Evans (1995), Leftwich (1995), Migdal (1988) or Myrdal (1968).

In thinking about policy, academic economists alternate between theoretical models in which governments can design finely-tuned optimal interventions and practical considerations which usually assume the government to be incompetent and hostage to special interests. I argue in this paper that neither of these caricatures is accurate, and that there is much to be learned by undertaking systematic, analytical studies of state capabilities -- how they are generated and why they differ across countries and issue areas. Case studies of export subsidization in Korea, Brazil, Turkey, India, Kenya, and Bolivia are presented to confront usual presumptions against actual experience. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the successful cases (Korea and Brazil) turn out to be ones in which the government exercised discretion and selectivity, while the most uniform and non-discretionary cases (Kenya and Bolivia) were clear failures. The paradox is explained in terms of state autonomy and policy coherence.

Article Published in Cochin University Law Review 1983