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Fear of crime, i.e., the fear of becoming a victim of crime, takes into account not only the emotional aspect of fear of criminal threat, but also the assessment of the risk of becoming a victim and measures to avoid or avert danger (Gabriel & Greve, 2003; Jackson & Gray, 2010; Kappes et al., 2013; May et al., 2010). In accord with Spielberger (1972), a distinction is made between situational and dispositional fear of crime. Situational fear refers to how intensely fear is felt in a potentially threatening situation, whereas dispositional fear expresses how likely a person is to perceive a situation as potentially threatening and respond accordingly. Mostly dispositional fear is measured in studies, usually by asking about the frequency or intensity of experiencing fear or worry in relation to various offenses in the past 12 months and estimating the likelihood of victimization by such offenses. Although fear of crime has been a subject of research for several decades, especially in criminological research, there is still disagreement about what is meant by this construct (Borg et al., 2020; Valente et al., 2020). For example, it is discussed to what extent fear of crime is a specific reaction to perceived crime risks or, in the sense of the generalization thesis, an expression of societal and existential fears due to societal transformation processes and associated insecurity, which only find symbolic expression in fear of crime (Hirtenlehner, 2006; Hirtenlehner et al., 2018; Hohage, 2004; Lee, 2001). Another approach focuses on fear of crime being an expression of a generalized anxiety disorder (Ellis & Renouf, 2018; Reid et al., 2020), with fear of the unknown as underlying factor (Carleton, 2016). The proposed study is based on an emotion psychological understanding of fear of crime as an emotional response to a specific perceived threat and related coping processes (Bals, 2004; Gabriel & Greve, 2003). Two questions are examined: 1. How specific is fear of crime as distinguished from a general fear of the unknown? 2. To what extent can the associations between fear of crime and societal and existential fears found for the generalization thesis be attributed to the use of dispositional measures as opposed to situational measures, given that dispositional ones are less temporally and situationally specific and thus may provide a stronger projection surface for other fears?

The lack of organisation in urban spaces plays a decisive role in the level of integration, communication and social bonds of the residents, impacting the citizens’ feelings of trust and security. Different personal variables and contextual characteristics have been associated with the fear of crime (FOC). The main objective of this study is to analyse how individual and social/environmental variables, and incivilities, predict crime against people and property, crime that has either happened or is feared to happen. Five hundred and fifty‐four residents (M = 43.82; SD = 18.38) in the Historic Centre of Porto (HCP), Portugal, answered 61 items of the Diagnosis of Local Security (DLS) Questionnaire. The results of this study show that in the most frequent crime category, 72% of occurrences represent crime against property. In the feared crime category, there is a preponderance of crime against people (61%). Age of the respondents predicted the most frequent and feared crime, while sex predicted the most feared crime only. Social/environmental variables, as well as incivilities, also predict the frequent and feared crime in two typologies, i.e., crime against people and crime against property. Practical implications to reduce FOC and areas for further investigation are discussed., This research was funded by Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia (FCT), grant number “PTDC/DIR‐DCP/28120/2017” (Project LookCrim—Looking at crime: Communities and physical spaces), This work was supported by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) under the scope of the strategic funding of UID/BIO/04469/2019 unit and BioTecNorte operation (NORTE-01- 0145-FEDER-000004) funded by the European Regional Development Fund under the scope of Norte2020 –Programa Operacional Re- gional do Norte. This work was also supported by an FCT PhD grant [FRH/BD/111645/2015]. The authors also acknowledge the project fund- ing by the “02/SAICT/2017 –Projetos de Investigação Científica e Desen- volvimento Tecnológico (IC&DT) –POCI-01-0145-FEDER-028893”. This work was also supported by FCT and the Competitiveness and Internationalization Operational Program under Grant Agreement No. 030881 (PTDC/EMD-EMD/30881/2017 (POCI-01-0145-FEDER- 030881) and by FCT project UIDB/50026/2020 and UIDP/50026/2020. Additionally, this work has been funded by ICVS Scientific Microscopy Platform, member of the national infrastructure PPBI - Portuguese Plat- form of Bioimaging (PPBI-POCI-01-0145-FEDER-022122; by National funds, through the FCT project UIDB/50026/2020 and UIDP/50026/2020 and by the project NORTE-01-0145-FEDER-000039, supported by Norte Portugal Regional Operational Programme (NORTE 2020), un- der the PORTUGAL 2020 Partnership Agreement, through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF).

Studies on post-World War II housing estates have largely focused on problematic neighbourhoods, and there is a scarcity of literature on housing estates across their entire social scale. Moreover, there is insufficient evidence on the extent to which tenure structure differentiates estates from each other in terms of social disorder. Using a large cluster sample of Finnish estates representing a wide variety of estate neighbourhoods, we examined the implications of tenure structure in terms of social disadvantage and perceived social disorder. We also studied how social interaction and normative regulation mediate the impact of structural estate characteristics. We found that rental domination is associated with social disadvantage, which exposes residents to social disorder, in line with social disorganisation theory. Differences in normative regulation partly explain this association. In contrast, social interaction in the neighbourhood is not associated with the level of perceived social disorder. The theoretical and practical implications of the results are discussed.

In recent years, the legislators in the UK, Italy and Belgium have progressively empowered local authorities to subject sometimes already criminalised and harmful, but also some relatively harmless uncivil conduct to intrusive and punitive measures deeply affecting individuals' rights. However, judicial action in these three countries has been recently trying to restrain the (illegitimate) use of penalising powers of local authorities by delivering interesting liberty-safeguarding decisions. This paper firstly describes the (expanded) regulation of incivilities in the three aforesaid European countries. Secondly, it focuses on two criteria that inform judicial review of legislative and administrative action, namely the principle of legality and the principle of proportionality. Thirdly, it examines the case law of English, Welsh and Scottish courts, along with Italian and Belgian courts, and shows how courts can safeguard the individual's rights and freedoms against (illegitimate) penalisation of conduct that is deemed anti-social or uncivil at the local level.

Since its introduction in the early 1990s in Brussels, open-street CCTV has grown both in scope and in its purpose. The camera network of the Belgian capital city has undergone successive waves of extension, gradually gaining ground both physically and ideologically. In this article, we propose to investigate the geographical extension and distribution of open-street cameras in Brussels, as well as the underlying policies and rationale. We have produced a detailed map of the spatial distribution of open-street cameras at the scale of the city region. In addition to a spatial analysis, a series of semi-structured interviews were conducted with public authorities and local police. The CCTV network in Brussels is entangled in a context of global city competition and the neoliberal governance of insecurity, which prompted us to consider the uptake of video surveillance in light of the local political economy., Also available in French and in Dutch., info:eu-repo/semantics/published, http://journals.openedition.org/brussels/1427

This study investigated the relation between crime, fear, and micro level physical environmental features: physical incivilities, places that afford concealment (or refuge), limited prospect, and blocked escape. Low and high crime streets in Istanbul, Turkey was determined. Then 68 streets were selected via cluster random sampling and evaluated by two investigators at the site and by 127 people via photographs for perceived safety, upkeep (as an indicator of physical incivilities) the extent to which they afford wide vista (prospect) and easy escape and concealment opportunities, the density and height of trees, shrubs, and walls. Results supported the theory and the findings of previous empirical studies. (C) 2012 Published by Elsevier B.V. Selection and/or peer-review under responsibility of Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies(cE-Bs), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia

Fait individuel, l’adolescence est aussi un fait social conduisant le sujet à vivre des situations nouvelles. Cette adaptation à la nouveauté peut s’avérer difficile pour certains qui présentent alors des comportements socialement inadaptés. Parmi ces comportements, les incivilités et les violences scolaires tiennent une place notable. Ces violences, ces incivilités se constatent partout dans le monde, même si les faits prennent souvent des significations différentes selon les pays, la notion même de violence n’ayant pas le même sens d’une culture à une autre. En France, les faits ont particulièrement évolué depuis 10 ans. Les protagonistes sont de plus en plus jeunes, commencent dès l’école primaire et les condisciples sont beaucoup plus souvent les cibles que les personnels, enseignants ou administratifs. Après avoir présenté les faits relatifs au phénomène, cet exposé passe en revue les conduites différemment perçues par l’élève et par l’enseignant et celles constatées et reconnues par les élèves, prenant enfin en compte le rôle des familles comme inhibiteur potentiel des violences scolaires. À cet effet sont rapportés des résultats d’enquêtes concernant 70 enseignants et 550 collégiens ou lycéens. Adolescence is an individual as well as a social fact, which leads the subject to live new situations. To adapt to these new experiences may turn out to be difficult for some who will then have socially inadequate behaviours. Among these, bullying and violence at school are of the most important. These kinds of violence may be found everywhere around the world, even though these phenomena do not have the same meaning within different cultures. In France, things have changed a lot during the last ten years. The protagonists are getting younger and begin in elementary school. In addition, the other students are more often targets than school workers, teachers or administrative staff. After a brief presentation of facts relative to these phenomena of violence, this paper describes successively conducts that students and teachers perceive in a different way and those noted and admitted by students, taking into account the role families play as a potential inhibiting factor of violence at school. Results from surveys concerning 70 teachers and 550 junior high-school or high-school students are reported to this purpose.

The study of the repression of resistance to the police in Brussels during the period between 1945 and 1975 invalidates the hypothesis of a phenomenon of rebellion among young people. The analysis of legal cases suggests that this resistance is the result of police interference in private conflicts. Men in their thirties who are most often from a disadvantaged background, frequent the public and semi-public spaces (street and pubs) of the urbanised municipalities of Brussels during their free time. Their involvement in violent interactions with their friends or wives – an assertion of their male identity or a release of physical energy – displeases authority figures, who convey middle-class standards of behaviour and intervene in an attempt to re-establish order. People with different ways of behaving clash in public as they try to impose their way of being. Police activity contributes to the criminalisation of working-class forms of social life and leisure.