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For attracting private capital to the economy, African governments allocate territories for commercial and industrial use within Special Economic Zones (SEZ). This is an important factor in export diversification (primarily of manufactured products), expanding country’s participation in global value chains, and creating new jobs. Despite different specialization from labor-intensive (textile production, agriculture, etc.) to high-tech sectors, most of the existing SEZs are ineffective due to the underdevelopment of African markets, weak competition, large-scale corruption, but to a large extent - as a result of insufficient interconnection between individual producers.Economic space organization through the creation of clusters - production efficiency and the emergence of a special type of competition -allows them to use common infrastructure, labor and raw materials markets; jointly export products; exchange knowledge and technologies, which is significant in terms of the industrial revolution 4.0. Clusters have the characteristics of “growth poles” - territorial conglomerates that, due to their special position and infrastructural advantages, become locomotives of industrial growth, spreading to other regions.This is especially important given the prevalence of highly inefficient micro, small and medium-sized companies in African economies, a significant part of which is in the informal sector. Clusters, emerging as a rule “from below”, can turn into structure-forming elements of the economy (both at the national and regional levels), but only on condition of organizational and financial support from individual states and their economic communities. This is in the African economies interest, as evidenced by their gradual reorientation towards the domestic market development, as well the regional market expansion within the framework of integration associations.

International Transaction Journal of Engineering, Management, & Applied Sciences & Technologies, 13, 3, 13A3G: 1-9

Metropolis Shanghai has 23 million people and has a GDP over 300 billion dollars and is the most populous and richer, by the side of the two major urban poles of China: Beijing, north and urban agglomeration the Canton Delta -Hong Kong, south. Shanghai has become the symbol of modernization and increase of power China's after the economic reforms launch in 1978. With the opening of the enterprises for abroad and trade liberalization, China has become the “workshop of the world”, and Shanghai is the main gate of this workshop, and the first terminal of the port -containers, in the world, as volume of exports of goods. The power of metropolis Shanghai is based on its ability to integrate direct and indirect areas of influence, which are developed increasingly more towards the west, vast and very populous in hinterland of China's continental area.

The process of the elaboration and the implementation of the regional development strategies is facing challenges coming both form the limits of the instruments which are used for the substantiation of the planning documents and the lack of the most efficient evaluation methods of the implementation measures impact. The regional development strategies developed within 2007 - 2013 programming period as parts of the Regional Development Plans were based on a series of statistical analyses of the available statistical data. The specific details of the of the administrative system, the capacity of the national and local public administration to lead the management and control system created for the absorption of the EU funds in Romania were missing from the regional development strategies. These are the problems identified both within the annual implementation reports and national strategic reports as the main causes of the low rate of absorption. As a conclusion, there are more different aspects such as capacity of the public management or the coherence of the legal system that should take into account in the process of the substantiation of the regional development strategies.

This study investigates the spatial economic structure and inequality in Thailand at the national and regional levels, with a particular focus on the Northeastern region in the period from 1987 to 2007. The study has three main points: 1) examination of the economic structure and inequality at the national level and in the Northeastern region according to the Theil index, 2) determination of regional growth centres and satellite towns by using growth pole theory as a conceptual framework and incorporating spatial interaction analysis and 3) analysis of the relationship between regional growth centres and satellite towns with regard to the impact on growth and inequality. The results show that the Northeastern region is definitely the lagging region in the nation, by both gross domestic product (GDP) and gross regional product (GRP) per capita. It was therefore selected for a case study. Spatial analysis identified Nakhon Ratchasima, Khon Kaen, Udon Thani and Ubon Ratchathani as regional growth centres. Each of them has its own sphere of influence (or satellite towns), and the total area of regional growth centres and satellite towns are classified as sub-regions. The development of regional growth centres has a direct impact on sub-regional economic growth through economic and social relationships: urbanisation, industrial development, per capita growth, the number of higher educational institutes and so on. However, such growth negatively correlates with economic equality among the provinces in a sub-region. The inequality trend is obviously on an upswing. This study suggests that industrial links between regional growth centres and their satellite towns should be improved in order for regional growth centre development to have a consistently desirable effect on both economic growth and equality. Such a strong process means that the growth of regional growth centres will spread, leading to the development of their surrounding areas.

Since the 1980s, under a post-fordism scenery an “imagery” has been developed that represents regions as carriers of an opportunity for being more flexible and innovative than large national units. It has been emphasized also that foreign investments have an impact on innovation initiatives when an articulated social, economic and institutional context open to novelty and change exists. Regions, therefore, abandoned their position as “objects” of development to become “subjects” in charge of their own territorial development process. Under this new perspective, this article presents results of a study on innovation and territorial development in peripheral industrial agglomerations. This research analyses in the case of Bahía Blanca’s Petrochemical Pole. Investigates whether large enterprises activities have promoted territory’s competitiveness by pushing the advantages of proximity and located interaction., Bajo un escenario postfordista, se ha desarrollado desde la década de 1980 un “imaginario” que presenta a las regiones como portadoras de la oportunidad de actuar en forma más flexible e innovadora que las grandes unidades nacionales. Se ha enfatizado también el impacto de las inversiones extranjeras para el surgimiento de iniciativas innovadoras, siempre que exista un entorno social, económico e institucional articulado y receptivo a la novedad y al cambio. Así las regiones abandonan su pretérita situación de “objetos” de desarrollo para colocarse como “sujetos” encargados de reemprender su proceso de desarrollo territorial. Considerando este nuevo enfoque, el artículo expone los resultados de una investigación sobre innovación y desarrollo territorial en aglomeraciones industriales periféricas y analiza, para el caso del Polo Petroquímico de Bahía Blanca, si la actuación de las grandes empresas del Polo ha propiciado la competitividad del territorio al impulsar las ventajas de la proximidad y la interacción localizada.

Since the 1980s, under a post-fordism scenery an “imagery” has been developed that represents regions as carriers of an opportunity for being more flexible and innovative than large national units. It has been emphasized also that foreign investments have an impact on innovation initiatives when an articulated social, economic and institutional context open to novelty and change exists. Regions, therefore, abandoned their position as “objects” of development to become “subjects” in charge of their own territorial development process. Under this new perspective, this article presents results of a study on innovation and territorial development in peripheral industrial agglomerations. This research analyses in the case of Bahía Blanca’s Petrochemical Pole. Investigates whether large enterprises activities have promoted territory’s competitiveness by pushing the advantages of proximity and located interaction. Bajo un escenario postfordista, se ha desarrollado desde la década de 1980 un “imaginario” que presenta a las regiones como portadoras de la oportunidad de actuar en forma más flexible e innovadora que las grandes unidades nacionales. Se ha enfatizado también el impacto de las inversiones extranjeras para el surgimiento de iniciativas innovadoras, siempre que exista un entorno social, económico e institucional articulado y receptivo a la novedad y al cambio. Así las regiones abandonan su pretérita situación de “objetos” de desarrollo para colocarse como “sujetos” encargados de reemprender su proceso de desarrollo territorial. Considerando este nuevo enfoque, el artículo expone los resultados de una investigación sobre innovación y desarrollo territorial en aglomeraciones industriales periféricas y analiza, para el caso del Polo Petroquímico de Bahía Blanca, si la actuación de las grandes empresas del Polo ha propiciado la competitividad del territorio al impulsar las ventajas de la proximidad y la interacción localizada.

The Ten-Year Plan for the port of Antwerp (1956-1965) funded the expansion of the port's infrastructure over a 10-year period. Strictly, a national government-funded infrastructure program for the construction of a set of canal docks, the program laid the basis for a broader urbanization of the north-eastern Antwerp metropolitan region. The importance of the operation lies primarily in its role as an instrument of urbanization rather than in the improvement of the transport and transshipment capacity of the port because it opened up a large territory to industrial settlement. The linear layout of the project along the Scheldt River led planners to conceive the further urbanization of the adjacent region on a linear city model, with satellite communities attached to the industrial and infrastructural strip. Compared with the contemporary Europoort plan for the port of Rotterdam, where several planning agencies implemented conflicting plans for functionally distinct infrastructures and the construction of a new town, the success of the Antwerp approach resides in the flexible and strategic implementation of the project as a co-production between various authorities and private parties. The analysis of the territorial expansion of the port of Antwerp between 1945 and 1965 shows that what appears to be an infrastructural project is actually an industrialization endeavor. This industrialization endeavor fits into a larger urbanization project for the most important areas of the Belgian economical landscape. Rather than being guided by a formal town plan, this urbanization project is guided by a particular planning mode in which spatial concepts are not applied as models, but adapted to the societal, institutional and spatial context.