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Cette contribution vise à ouvrir quelques pistes et poser quelques jalons au sujet de l’idée de grande Roumanie au cours du xixe siècle. Ses conceptions et expressions varient, des rêves de reconstitution de la Dacie passée aux projets d’union politique des provinces habitées par des Roumains. Son histoire est beaucoup moins linéaire que l’a longtemps affirmée l’historiographie nationaliste : née à l’extérieur des pays roumains, l’idée a eu ses moments forts (1848) mais aussi ses adversaires acharnés, jusqu’au seuil de sa réalisation. This contribution aims to open up avenues for reflection and provide context for the idea of Greater Romania in the 19th century. Conceptions and expressions of the idea varied, from dreams of re-establishing historical Dacia to political union of the provinces inhabited by Romanians. Its history is far less linear than nationalist historiography long claimed: the idea, born outside the Romanian countries, had its moments (1848) but faced bitter opponents, until the eve of its realization.

Aujourd’hui oublié, Ben Fletcher compte cependant parmi les plus importants syndicalistes et révolutionnaires africains-américains de l’histoire des États-Unis. Il contribua en 1913 à la création du Local 8 de l’Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), peut-être le syndicat le plus radical des États-Unis. Ce syndicat représentait une main-d’œuvre composée d’un tiers de Noirs, d’un tiers d’Irlando-Américains et d’un tiers d’immigrants européens. Fletcher et ses camarades pensaient que ce qui unissait les travailleurs noirs et blancs était plus important que leurs différences, et que la meilleure manière de les aider était le syndicalisme interracial, c’est-à-dire apporter une solution de classe aux problèmes liés à la race. Il l’a fait dans une période où le racisme, l’antisyndicalisme et la xénophobie étaient endémiques, et cela sans même signer d’accord avec le patronat, par la seule pression constante que représentait la menace de faire grève. Fletcher et un petit groupe d’ouvriers noirs et blancs « non qualifiés » ont rendu possible ce que la plupart des institutions américaines ne sont toujours pas parvenues à réaliser : l’égalité et l’intégration. Now forgotten, Ben Fletcher ranks among the most important African Americans unionists and revolutionaries in U.S. history. In 1913, Fletcher helped create Local 8 of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), perhaps America’s most radical union. Local 8 represented a workforce one-third Black, one-third Irish American, and one-third European immigrant. Fletcher and other Wobblies believed that what united Black and white workers was more important than their racial differences, and that the best way to help Black workers was through interracial unionism—a class-based solution to racially-linked problems. He did so in an era of rampant racism, anti-unionism, and xenophobia and without signing a contract, preferring to enforce their demands via the ever-present threat of a strike. In short, Fletcher and a bunch of so-called “unskilled” working-class Black and white men, native-born and immigrant, managed to do what few American institutions have yet achieved: equality and integration.

As an engineer, I have always been intrigued by the development of autonomous systems. I believe autonomy has the potential to bring both great benefits and consequences to society, depending on the effectiveness of the implementation. For my undergraduate thesis at the University of Virginia, I wanted to explore the effects of this implementation within the scope of autonomous vehicles. Throughout my research into this subject, I determined that a single paper would not coherently explain my findings on both the social and technical aspects of effectively implementing autonomy. Thus, this thesis will contain two papers, the first providing a technical description of the development of my own autonomous system, and the second providing a social analysis of responsibility within the development of autonomous vehicles. The first paper, The Development of an Autonomous Platooning Campus Vehicle System, details the development of an autonomous platooning system used to transport passengers around the University of Virginia main campus. Standard product development practices such as researching customer needs and determining target specifications were used to generate various concepts for the system. Through these practices, my team and I decided on utilizing electric golf carts as base vehicles due to their reliability, low top speed, and already implemented electrical components. These vehicles were then modified to include a custom-made electronic control module (ECM) used to implement a drive-by-wire system into the carts. Robotic Operating System (ROS) based software was developed to implement platooning into the system. This included multiple ROS nodes to control the mechatronic systems of the carts, and an algorithmic node used to track and path plan the trajectories of the platooning carts. Finally, a detailed user manual was written for the system to ensure that the system could be utilized by patrons without previous knowledge of ROS. The product development stage of my technical project was the inspiration for my social analysis. During that stage, I notice a disconnect between how autonomous vehicles are characterized and how they are implemented within society. As I got further into the development process, I realized there was a need for me to ensure that the system my team and I were developing would be implemented responsibly within the existing UVA transportation system. Thus, the second paper, " Responsible Innovation in the Development of Autonomous Trucks", attempts to analyze the social effects of the implementation of autonomous vehicles within the transportation industry. The purpose of this paper is to determine if the trajectory of automation in the transportation industry adheres to the guidelines of responsible innovation, as outlined in the article Developing a Framework for Responsible Innovation (Stilgoe et al. , 2013). First, the paper briefly reviews the history of autonomous vehicles, detailing their conception, evolution, and current implementation. Then, the analysis section of the paper addresses each aspect of Stilgoes framework through the analysis of various research studies conducted about the effects of autonomy within the industry. Finally, the paper argues that while the implementation of automation has been somewhat responsible, more effect must be placed on anticipating the possible effects of automation and including the voices of parties that may be excluded from current conversations within the industry. By conducting research on the two topics concurrently, I gained a greater understanding of each topic and a better understanding of how engineering and ethics exist synergistically. My technical topic allowed me to gain first-person experience in the development processes of autonomous systems; my social topic gave me a platform to research the ethical considerations of automation and the shortcomings of previous attempts at innovation. By utilizing both topics simultaneously, I now understand that my work as an engineer extends far past my technical knowledge. Because of this research, my team and I took much more comprehensive steps in ensuring that our system was implemented responsibly. This included conducting a campus-wide poll about concerns with the system and interviewing workers within the University of Virginia on what suggestions they had regarding the development of the system. By publishing my findings from both papers, I hope to inspire my fellow engineers to take similar steps when developing their own systems to further gain an understanding of how their work interacts within the environments they exist in. References Stilgoe, J., Owen, R., & Macnaghten, P. (2013). Developing a framework for responsible innovation. Research Policy, 42(9), 1568–1580. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.respol.2013.05.008

A wide variation of surgical options, complications, and union rates are reported in the treatment of end-stage ankle arthritis. However, open ankle arthrodesis remains the golden standard for ankle arthritis. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the union rate and complication rate as well as identify potential risk factors for different methods of fixation in patients with end-stage ankle arthritis of different etiology. In total, 42 ankles of 41 patients with ankle osteoarthritis were included for this single-center retrospective study. The mean age was 50 years (range 22-75 years). Twenty patients were treated with screw-fixation, 14 with plate(s) and 8 with intramedullary nail. The results of this study showed an overall union rate of 97.6% (41 of the 42 operated ankles) and an overall complication rate of 21.4% (9 events). The mean follow-up time was 16 months (range 2.5-83.0 months). Complications consisted of 1 nonunion, 4 deep infections, 2 cases of wound dehiscence, 1 delayed union and 1 malalignment of the ankle joint. The plate-fixation group demonstrated significantly higher infections when compared with screw and intramedullary nail fixation (p = .017). There were no other significant variables for incidence of complications between patients in the uncomplicated and complicated group. This study achieved good clinical results for different methods of fixation in open ankle arthrodesis. In specific, the use of intramedullary nail provides excellent results for end-stage ankle arthritis with high union rate and a low complication rate.

В данной статье представлен анализ сочетания «все равно» с союзами «да», «как», «но», «а», «но» «даже», «пусть». Приводится краткий обзор значения сочетания «все равно» в разных словарях. В работе анализируется дифференциация сочетания «все равно» в отношении частей речи, которые характерны при использовании сочетания в предложении. На основе анализа примеров из Национального корпуса русского языка делается вывод, что в части случаев рассматриваемое сочетание с союзом выполняет функцию соединения подчиненного предложения. В произведениях русской поэзии XX в первую очередь актуализируются уступительно-противительные отношения в конструкциях, также выявлено такое свойство, как возможность функционировать в качестве независимого высказывания. Результаты исследования могут быть использованы при составлении словарной статьи для словаря служебных слов., The article presents an analysis of the combination все равно with the the Russian conjunctions, like да, как, etc. A brief overview of the meaning of the combination все равно in different dictionaries is given. The paper analyzes the differentiation of this combination in relation to parts of speech that are inherent when using the combination in a sentence. Based on the analysis of examples from the National Corpus of the Russian Language, it is concluded that in some cases the combination under consideration with the union performs the function of connecting a subordinate sentence. In the works of Russian poetry of the XX, first of all, it actualizes concessive-opposite relations in constructions, and a property is also revealed – the ability to function as an independent statement. The results of the study can be used in compiling a dictionary entry for a dictionary of function words.

En el comienzo de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, cuando estaba a punto de capitular la República francesa tras la ofensiva alemana de la primavera de 1940, los gobiernos aliados de Gran Bretaña y Francia debatieron un proyecto para la creación de un nuevo Estado: la Unión Franco-Británica. Era la primera vez en la historia que dos grandes Estados europeos abordaban una propuesta semejante. El proyecto se convirtió en un hito en la historia de la integración jurídica, política e institucional europea.

El surgimiento de la Constitución Política colombiana, producido dentro del contexto de la existencia de nuevos desafíos que afronta la sociedad en la actualidad, ha permitido una renovada aproximación a la figura jurídica de la porción conyugal, entendida como aquel derecho del consorte a una parte de los bienes del causante en aquellos eventos en que el sobreviviente no posea lo necesario para su congrua subsistencia, extendiendo su aplicación a partir de un nuevo concepto de familia, y analizándose la posibilidad de su eliminación como asignación forzosa debido a la existencia de instituciones jurídicas que brindan una mejor y más adecuada protección; con ese propósito, el presente artículo se encuentra estructurado de la siguiente manera: en primer lugar, se hará una breve introducción para entrar a realizar un análisis histórico de la porción conyugal, posteriormente, se estudiará el concepto de familia y su relación con la porción conyugal a partir de la Constitución Política, para proseguir con el examen del contenido normativo de la porción conyugal en nuestro ordenamiento jurídico formulando una propuesta de cambio, después, se observará el fenómeno de la constitucionalización de la porción conyugal y su evolución jurisprudencial en Colombia, para finalmente, proponer unas consideraciones finales.

Fuzzy mixed graph (FMG) can be used to model some graphical intercommunication network systems if there are many directed and undirected relations between some vertices. In inverse fuzzy graph, the membership value of edges are greater than or equal to the minimum of the membership value of the corresponding vertices. In inverse fuzzy mixed graph (IFMG), directed and undirected relations exist between some vertices and it can be used to analyze many graphical problems of real life such that the membership values of edges are greater than or equal to the minimum of the membership value of the corresponding pair of vertices. In this article, the concept of IFMG is introduced first with some of its properties. Then some isomorphic properties are studied and complement of IFMG is given. Different types of operations like union, intersection, product and join between two IFMGs are defined and investigated some of their related results. An algorithm of the proposed method is executed to identify some vertices. An application is depicted using the concept IFMG to examine the order of vertices in a social network group according to communication gaps.

Second half of the 19th century saw a number of national attempts to revise the Baroque values. Czech Neo-Baroque sculpture represents a style-expressive tendency, which reflected this nationally motivated interest and at the same time became a response to the change of esthetic taste of the end of the century. The goal of this article is to introduce the generation of sculptures of 1890s who built on the works of Josef Václav Myslbek, František Bílek and Bohuslav Schnich and presented their Neo-Baroque pieces for public monument tenders or at Art Union exhibitions. Variable and unexplored Neo-Baroque, which can be found in pieces by many authors (Vilím Amort, Quido Kocián, Josef Strachovský, Stanislav Sucharda, Gustav Zoula etc.) helps to find the missing idealistic and stylistic links between key Czech sculptores whose work made way towards modern articulation of matter in the beginning of the 20th century.

Dne 2. 1. 2020 předložila Vláda ČR Poslanecké sněmovně návrh zákona, kterým se mění zákoník práce. Návrh zákona byl rozeslán poslancům jako tisk 689/0 dne 2. 1. 2020.2 Navrhovaná změna zákoníku práce byla sestavena Ministerstvem práce a sociálních věcí ČR, kromě ostatních cílů i s cílem dosáhnout souladu národní právní úpravy s předpisy a judikaturou EU. Výslovně má navrhovaná změna zákoníku práce nově upravit podmínky pro převod činnosti zaměstnavatele a dále zpřesnit podmínky pro dání výpovědi zaměstnancem podle § 51a zákoníku práce při přechodu práv a povinností z pracovněprávních vztahů. Právě v otázce podmínek pro převod činnosti zaměstnavatele byla stávající právní úprava opakovaně kritizována, a to z důvodu nedostatečného využití unijní legislativy pro národní právní úpravu přechodu práv a povinností z pracovněprávních vztahů. On 2 January 2020, the Government of the Czech Republic submitted a bill to the Chamber of Deputies amending the Labor Code. The bill was sent to deputies as press 689/0 on 2 January 2020. The proposed amendment to the Labor Code was compiled by the Ministry of Labor and Social Aff airs of the Czech Republic, among other objectives, with the aim of achieving compliance with national legislation with EU regulations and case law. The proposed amendment to the Labor Code should explicitly regulate the conditions for the transfer of the employer's activities, and further specify the conditions for giving notice by an employee pursuant to Section 51a of the Labor Code when transferring rights and obligations from employment relationships. It is precisely in the issue of conditions for the transfer of the employer's activities that the current legal regulation has been repeatedly criticized due to insuffi cient use of EU legislation for the national legal regulation of the transfer of rights and obligations from labor relations.

Background Open ankle arthrodesis (OAA) remains the most widely used operation in end-stage ankle osteoarthritis. However, there is a large variation in terms of approach and fixation methods. The aim of this systematic review was to assess the effect of different approaches and fixation methods on the union rate, complication rate and functional outcome in OAA. Methods A search of the online databases PubMed, Embase, and Cochrane library was performed to identify patients who underwent OAA with screw- and/or plate-fixation. Results We identified 38 studies, including 1250 patients (1290 ankles). The union rate was 98% (95% CI 0.95–0.99) for the anterior, 96% (95% CI 0.92–0.98) for the lateral and 96% (95% CI 0.68–1.00) for the combined medial/lateral approach. Screw-fixation achieved an overall union rate of 96% (95% CI 0.93–0.98) and plate-fixation 99% (95% CI 0.96–0.99). The overall complication rate was 14%, 16% and 31% for the anterior, lateral and combined medial/lateral approaches respectively. It stood at 18% for screw-fixation and 9% for plate-fixation. The infection rate was 4%, 6% and 8% for the anterior, lateral and combined approaches respectively. Screw-fixation had an infection rate of 6% and plate-fixation 3%. The postoperative AOFAS scores were 76.8, 76.5 and 67.6 for the anterior, lateral and combined approaches respectively and 74.9 for screw- compared to 78.5 for plate-fixation. These differences did not reach statistical significance. Conclusion This study, the first of its kind, found little difference in terms of results between approach and fixation method used in OAA. LEVEL OF EVIDENCE Level IIa.

Mediante los resultados del análisis de 20 documentos del siglo XVI, este artículo muestra que la unión y separación de palabras en la escritura no sólo se debe a los tipos de letra utilizados en su época, sino a marcadas influencias lingüísticas, principalmente fonológicas. Proponemos aquí que en la escritura del español novohispano convergieron por igual motivaciones lingüísticas como extralingüísticas. Through the results of the analysis of 20 documents of 16th Century, this article shows that union and separation of words is not only due to the kind of writing used in that time, but due to remarkable linguistics influences, phonological ones mainly. We propose that in writing in Spanish from that age linguistic and extra linguistic influences converged.

The fluidity of time and space, diverse collection, and personalized recommendations of streaming (OTT players) would mean a lot to a viewer looking for instant entertainment. On the other hand, such transitions from traditional viewing platforms pose a diverse challenge to everyone involved in entertainment productions. The remote select button is replaced with a scrolling option, but the difference is in the platform's 'thinking' or analytical algorithm, which was not part of traditional TV or Cinema hall. This global shift might be beneficial to a few and yet, lowers the number of personnel involved in productions. This is a conceptual paper looking into the interaction between streaming and the entertainment industry labour.

El estudio describe y analiza los costos de uniones empleadas en la construcción con bambú rollizo, tanto modelos convencionales como uniones de innovación desarrolladas para reducir los tiempos de ejecución y facilitar los procesos de trabajo. Los resultados son insumos esenciales para la elaboración de metrados y presupuestos de estructuras de bambú y ofrecen valores comparativos para guiar la toma de decisión en el diseño.

BackgroundScaphoid fractures account for 90% of carpal fractures and occur predominantly in young men. Immediate surgical fixation of this fracture has increased.ObjectiveTo compare the clinical effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of surgical fixation with cast treatment and early fixation in adults with scaphoid waist fractures that fail to unite.DesignMulticentre, pragmatic, open-label, parallel two-arm randomised controlled trial with an economic evaluation and a nested qualitative study.SettingOrthopaedic departments of 31 hospitals in England and Wales recruited from July 2013, with final follow-up in September 2017.ParticipantsAdults (aged ≥ 16 years) presenting within 2 weeks of injury with a clear, bicortical fracture of the scaphoid waist on plain radiographs.InterventionsEarly surgical fixation using Conformité Européenne-marked headless compression screws. Below-elbow cast immobilisation for 6–10 weeks and urgent fixation of confirmed non-union.Main outcome measuresThe primary outcome and end point was the Patient-Rated Wrist Evaluation total score at 52 weeks, with a clinically relevant difference of 6 points. Secondary outcomes included Patient-Rated Wrist Evaluation pain and function subscales, Short Form questionnaire 12-items, bone union, range of movement, grip strength, complications and return to work.ResultsThe mean age of 439 participants was 33 years; 363 participants were male (83%) and 269 participants had an undisplaced fracture (61%). The primary analysis was on 408 participants with valid Patient-Rated Wrist Evaluation outcome data for at least one post-randomisation time point (surgery,n = 203 of 219; cast,n = 205 of 220). There was no clinically relevant difference in the Patient-Rated Wrist Evaluation total score at 52 weeks: the mean score in the cast group was 14.0 (95% confidence interval 11.3 to 16.6) and in the surgery group was 11.9 (95% confidence interval 9.2 to 14.5), with an adjusted mean difference of –2.1 in favour of surgery (95% confidence interval –5.8 to 1.6;p = 0.27). The non-union rate was low (surgery group,n = 1; cast group,n = 4). Eight participants in the surgery group had a total of 11 reoperations and one participant in the cast group required a reoperation for non-union. The base-case economic analysis at 52 weeks found that surgery cost £1295 per patient more (95% confidence interval £1084 to £1504) than cast treatment. The base-case analysis of a lifetime-extrapolated model confirmed that the cast treatment pathway was more cost-effective. The nested qualitative study identified patients’ desire to have a ‘sense of recovering’, which surgeons should address at the outset.LimitationThere were 17 participants who had initial cast treatment and surgery for confirmed non-union, which in 14 cases was within 6 months from randomisation and in three cases was after 6 months. Three of the four participants in the cast group who had a non-union at 52 weeks were not offered surgery.ConclusionsAdult patients with an undisplaced or minimally displaced scaphoid waist fracture should have cast immobilisation and suspected non-unions immediately confirmed and urgently fixed. Patients should be followed up at 5 years to investigate the effect of partial union, degenerative arthritis, malunion and screw problems on their quality of life.Trial registrationCurrent Controlled Trials ISRCTN67901257.FundingThis project was funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Health Technology Assessment programme and will be published in full inHealth Technology Assessment; Vol. 24, No. 52. See the NIHR Journals Library website for further project information.

The article is devoted to identifying priority areas of foreign policy of the Eurasian Economic Union (hereinafter – EAEU) member states in the framework of bilateral cooperation, reflected in national legal and other acts and documents, determining the main vector of the implemented foreign policy of each of the EAEU member states. As a result of the study, it has been concluded, that foreign policy issues are solved by each member of the EAEU independently. The lack of coordinated approaches to the implementation of the foreign policy activities of the EAEU member states, including in the framework of bilateral cooperation, cannot but affect the development of all economic integration. This mediates the need to model a coordinated approach to the implementation of the foreign policy of the EAEU member states as an integration unity, within the framework of which the interests of each EAEU member will be taken into account, together with the interests of the organization. This will contribute to enhancing the economic interaction of the national economies of the EAEU members and to strengthening the integration potential of the EAEU, which in the context of increasing geopolitical tension is especially relevant.

El present treball pretén demostrar com els pescadors formen part d’un grup separat de la resta de la societat quant a la seva manera d’operar i de prendre partit en moments rellevants dels anys trenta. Intentarem esbrinar si els pescadors s’integren en un col·lectiu sindical tal com obrers o pagesos o no i per què és així. En canvi, s’allunyen i es distancien de qualsevol tipus de revolució que es produeix durant els anys trenta, concretament en el context de la Guerra Civil i de les col·lectivitzacions desenvolupades principalment per la CNT, de manera que només es preocupen per la seva supervivència. Per una banda, des de la descripció i explicació més objectives ens aproximarem a les característiques pròpies de la professió i, per altra banda, des de la perspectiva política i social observarem com va influir la Guerra Civil espanyola en el comportament dels seus integrants. El presente trabajo pretende demostrar como los pescadores forman parte de un grupo separado del resto de la sociedad en su manera de operar y de tomar partido en momentos relevantes de los años treinta. Intentaremos saber si los pescadores de manera general se integran en un colectivo sindical como el de los obreros o agricultores o no y por qué es así. En cambio, se alejan y distancian de cualquier tipo de revolución que se produce durante los años treinta, concretamente en el contexto de la Guerra Civil y de las colectivizaciones desarrolladas principalmente por la CNT, de manera que solo se preocupan por su supervivencia. Por un lado, desde la descripción y explicación más objetivas nos aproximaremos a las características propias de la profesión y, por otro lado, desde la perspectiva política y social observaremos cómo influyó la Guerra Civil española en el comportamiento de sus integrantes. The aim of this paper work is to show how fishermen were part of a separated group from the rest of society in terms of how they operated and took part in relevant times in the 1930s. We will try to find out whether fishermen belonged to a trade union group, as workers or peasants did, or not and also why. Instead, they moved away and distanced themselves from any kind of revolution which took place during the thirties, specifically in the context of the Civil War and the collectivizations developed mainly by the CNT, so that they only cared about their survival. On the one hand, we will approach the characteristics of the profession from the most objective description and explanation and, on the other hand, we will observe from a political and social perspective how the Spanish Civil War influenced the behaviour of its members.

Notre article s’intéresse à la manière dont le dialogue social se transforme lorsque les échanges se déroulent en ligne. Jusqu’à très récemment, le dialogue social avait largement résisté aux appels de la numérisation. Cependant, avec la COVID-19, les rencontres en personne ont dû être remplacées par des interactions à distance. En raison de ce changement soudain, notre article propose d’examiner comment les rituels de dialogue social se transforment lorsque les interactions entre les employeurs et les syndicats deviennent virtuelles.Pour mieux cerner cette problématique, nous mobilisons le cadre théorique développé par Goffman (1973) dans lequel le monde social est métaphoriquement comparé à un théâtre. Ainsi, nous proposons d’étudier l’évolution dramaturgique des relations entre les syndicats et les employeurs lorsque la scène et les coulisses du dialogue social se dématérialisent. Pour analyser empiriquement cette question, nous avons réalisé 23 entretiens avec des acteurs impliqués dans le dialogue social en France, dont 13 qui représentent la partie syndicale et 10 qui représentent la partie patronale.Nos résultats mettent en évidence trois mécanismes qui, sur la scène, contribuent à l’étiolement de la dramaturgie du dialogue social : la perte du caractère théâtral des interventions syndicales, l’isolement des représentants des salariés et la désynchronisation de leurs interventions. Notre étude empirique souligne aussi comment, dans les coulisses du dialogue social, le passage au numérique se traduit globalement par un appauvrissement des échanges, à l’exception des relations basées sur des liens forts.Fort de ces constats, notre article contribue à la littérature en postulant que les changements observés concourent à une perte de pouvoir pour la partie syndicale. En outre, derrière une pacification de façade des interactions patronales-syndicales, nous soulignons que la perte du caractère théâtral du dialogue social pourrait éloigner les acteurs d’une dynamique intégrative et les enfermer dans un mode plus distributif.PrécisS’appuyant sur les écrits de Goffman, notre article s’intéresse à la manière dont le dialogue social évolue lorsque le théâtre des interactions entre syndicats et employeurs devient numérique, comme ce fut le cas à la suite de la pandémie de COVID-19. Se basant sur 23 entretiens, notre article met en évidence trois effets du numérique sur le jeu scénique des acteurs syndicaux : la perte du caractère théâtral des prises de parole, l’isolement des acteurs et la désynchronisation de leurs interventions. Notre étude conclut également à un appauvrissement global des échanges en coulisse. Cet article contribue à la littérature en montrant comment le mode à distance modifie les relations de pouvoir entre les syndicats et les employeurs ainsi que la nature même de leurs relations., Our article investigates how social dialogue is transformed when labour-management interactions occur online. Until very recently, social dialogue dominantly took place in physical spaces. However, with COVID-19, physical meetings suddenly had to be replaced by remote interactions. Our article then proposes to investigate how social dialogue rituals are being transformed when labour-management interactions become virtual. To tackle this question, we build upon Goffman’s writings (1973), in which social interactions are metaphorically compared to a theatre piece. Hence, we propose to study how the dramaturgy of labour-management interactions evolve, when both the stage and the backstage of social dialogue become virtual. To empirically analyse this question, we conducted 23 interviews with actors involved in social dialogue in France, 13 of whom represent the labour side and 10 the management side. Our results highlight three mechanisms contributing to the erosion of the social dialogue dramaturgy on stage: the de-theatricalisation of unions’ interventions, the isolation of employee representatives and the desynchronisation of their interventions. Secondly, our study underlines how backstage interactions are impoverished - with the exception of these based on strong ties. Based on these findings, our article contributes to the literature by assuming that social dialogue digitalization results in a power loss for the trade unions. Secondly, behind the apparent pacification of labour-management interactions, we point out that the de-theatricalisation of social dialogue could move the actors away from an integrative dynamic and lock them into a more distributive mode.AbstractDrawing on Goffman's writings, our article looks at how social dialogue evolves when the theater of interactions between unions and employers becomes digital, as was the case following the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on 23 interviews, our article highlights three effects of digital technology on the stage play of union actors: the loss of the theatrical character of speech, the isolation of actors and the desynchronization of their interventions. Our study also concludes that there is an overall impoverishment of backstage exchanges. This article contributes to the literature by showing how the remote mode modifies the power relations between unions and employers as well as the very nature of their relations.

The deconstruction of the traditional enterprise through decentralization, outsourcing and subcontracting, together with the irruption of digitization is giving rise to new forms of blurred organization of the enterprises. These changes bring about new forms of organization of collective representation from two different initiatives. The first, promoted "from-the-bottom", by the workers themselves, such as proto-unions, quasi-unions, mutual societies, work cooperatives. The second initiative consists of forms of "top-down organizations", from unions and employers, promoting new autonomous related organizations. Likewise, the use of new communication technologies contributes to improve the flow of communications between representatives and represented. The methodology of this study is quantitative and qualitative. A survey of more than 1500 people, 27 interviews and 5 focus groups have been carried out La deconstrucción de la empresa tradicional a través de la descentralización, externalización y subcontratación, junto con la irrupción de la digitalización está dando lugar a nuevas formas de organización difuminada de la empresa. Estos cambios acarrean nuevas formas de organización de la representación colectiva desde dos iniciativas distintas. La primera, impulsada “por la base, desde abajo”, por los propios trabajadores, como son los proto-sindicatos, cuasi sindicatos, mutuas y cooperativas de trabajo. La segunda iniciativa consiste en formas de “organización desde arriba”, desde los sindicatos y empresarios, impulsando nuevas organizaciones afines autónomas. Igualmente, el uso de las nuevas tecnologías de la comunicación contribuye a mejorar el flujo de comunicación entre representantes y representados. La metodología de este estudio es cuantitativa y cualitativa. Se ha realizado una encuesta a más de 1500 personas, 27 entrevistas y 5 grupos de discusión.

Background: this pilot study aimed at determining whether the application of a novel new method of generating pulsed electromagnetic field (PEMF), the Fracture Healing Patch (FHP), accelerates the healing of acute distal radius fractures (DRF) when compared to a sham treatment. Methods: 41 patients with DRFs treated with cast immobilization were included. Patients were allocated to a PEMF group (n = 20) or a control (sham) group (n = 21). All patients were assessed with regard to functional and radiological outcomes (X-rays and CT scans) at 2, 4, 6 and 12 weeks. Results: fractures treated with active PEMF demonstrated significantly higher extent of union at 4 weeks as assessed by CT (76% vs. 58%, p = 0.02). SF12 mean physical score was significantly higher in PEMF treated group (47 vs. 36, p = 0.005). Time to cast removal was significantly shorter in PEMF treated patients, 33 ± 5.9 days in PEMF vs. 39.8 ± 7.4 days in sham group (p = 0.002). Conclusion: early addition of PEMF treatment may accelerate bone healing which could lead to a shorter cast immobilization, thus allowing an earlier return to daily life activities and work. There were no complications related to the PEMF device (FHP).

We analyze the cross-national and cross-temporal variation in the presence or absence of domestic compliance gaps for three different human rights: the right to a fair trial, children’s rights, and the right of workers to form unions. Besides constitutional provisions, which have been the focus of previous research on the de jure-de facto compliance gap, statutes, executive actions, and judicial decisions all can contain promises by domestic politicians to protect human rights. Our indicator of whether legal protection exists and how strong it is reflects the many ways states make human rights legal commitments to their citizens. Our findings show that (a) the probability of promise-keeping and the effects of combinations of accountability and capacity are different for each right; (b) strong laws are a necessary but not sufficient condition for effective protection of rights; (c) treaty participation does not affect the probability of promise-keeping for any right; (d) promise-keeping for one right predicted promise-keeping for other rights. For all rights, the number of countries with gaps grew between 1994 and 2008 and then declined between 2008 and 2019. An important inference from our findings is that international treaties may only be effective when ratifiers are willing to change their domestic laws to be consistent with international norms. One counterintuitive policy implication of our findings is that democratizing low-capacity authoritarian states may lead to more violations of some human rights.

Background Mid-pole patellar fractures are typically fixed with metal implants in the conventional “11-8” tension band construct. However, this technique is fraught with numerous implant-related complications. The aim of this study is to evaluate the union rate following “all-suture” fixation of mid-pole patellar fractures. Methods We retrospectively evaluated a consecutive case series of patients with displaced mid-pole patella fractures treated with “all-suture” fixation in our institution. Fifteen cases were available for this study. The average age was 61.5 years. Clinical and radiological outcomes were evaluated. Union time, complications, and revision rate were recorded. The minimum follow-up was one year. Results There were eight males and seven females, with a mean age of 61.5 ± 13.3 years. Fourteen out of 15 cases (93.3%) achieved radiographic union at 12 weeks postoperatively. The average time to radiographic union was 8.0 ± 2.7 weeks. Five cases (33.3%) had an increase in the fracture gap (>2 mm) at around four to six weeks postoperatively. Four of these cases had an eventual union, whereas one patient had fibrous non-union. There was one case of superficial surgical site infection and one case of infected hematoma. None of the patients required revision surgery. Conclusion “All-suture” fixation of mid-pole transverse patellar fractures is a safe and viable alternative to the conventional “11-8” tension band constructs with metal implants, with good union time, rates, and added benefits of not requiring additional surgery for implant removal.

This article explores how the British Conservative Party has dealt with the dilemmas arising from its pursuit of two increasingly discordant goals: delivering Brexit and maintaining the domestic Union. Drawing on interviews and analyses of parliamentary debates, we identify a resurgence in the 2016–2019 period of an older belief in a unitarist state, and a new form of pro-Union activism in policy terms. Against those commentators who depict Britain’s Conservatives as having abandoned their unionist vocation, we explore the coalescence of a more assertive and activist strain of unionist sentiment. But we also find a willingness among Conservatives at the centre to sub-contract thinking about non-English parts of the UK to ‘local’ political representatives such as the Democratic Unionist Party and the Scottish Conservatives, and a growing anxiety about how to handle emergent tensions between the competing priorities associated with delivering Brexit and maintaining the domestic Union.

The activity of “Native School” association in Tysmenytsia Tovmatsky district based on the archive sources and scientific works during Austrian and inter-war period was highlighted in the issue. The main attention was paid to the circle’s activity in Tysmenytsia, the educational, cultural and public work was characterized, the statistical data about its quantity was provided. The educational, cultural and public work of “Native School” institution was depicted through the lectures and reports conducting, concerts, children entertainments’ performance, plays staging, kindergartens’ organization, and custody of the children. Moreover, the circle’s cooperation with other Ukrainian cultural and educational associations was demonstrated, in particular with the local institution of “Prosvita”, for the library of which the members of “Native School” organization in Tysmenytsia purchased the educational and fiction literature. Notwithstanding the association positioned itself as a non-party organization, there was an inter-party struggle for the influence on it. “Native School” institution in Tysmenytsia was of interest to the local organizations of the Ukrainian Radical Party, the Ukrainian National Democratic Association, and the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists at some historical periods. Contrary to the policy of pacifism and polonization provided by the Polish government against the Ukrainians, the circle of “Native School” sustained the pressure of the authorities, enhanced educational work in the town and provided fruitful cooperation with the Main administration in Lviv and the District union of the circles in Tovmach and Stanyslaviv, became one of the most effective Ukrainian educational organizations in the town in the 1930-s. “Native School” was forbidden and the circle in Tysmenytsia was closed as the hundreds of others with the Soviet authorities’ establishment in the territory of Western Ukraine in 1939.

This contribution honouring Prof. Martin Krygier scholarship provides a brief critical reading of the European Commission’s July 2019 Communication on the Rule of Law (COM(2019) 343 final). It argues that although the Commission’s effort is welcome, the Communication fails to correctly identify the core problem related to the Rule of Law in the EU, which is the constitutional capture in the illiberal regimes. The failure to identify the core problem with unequivocal precision and spell out its key elements as well as dissect its causes undermines the likely effectiveness of the tools proposed by the Commission to address the unnamed and unanalyzed on-going Rule of Law concerns. Consequently, the Communication is lacking in vital essentials, if not vacant at the core.

The clinical impact of bacterial infections on bone regeneration has been incompletely quantified and documented. As a result, controversy exists about the optimal treatment strategy to maximize healing of a contaminated defect. Animal models are extremely useful in this respect, as they can elucidate how a bacterial burden influences quantitative healing of various types of defects relative to non‐infected controls. Moreover, they may demonstrate how antibacterial treatment and/or bone grafting techniques facilitate the osteogenic response in the harsh environment of a bacterial infection. Finally, it a well‐known contradiction that osteomyelitis is characterized by uncontrolled bone remodeling and bone loss, but at the same time, it can be associated with excessive new bone apposition. Animal studies can provide a better understanding of how osteolytic and osteogenic responses are related to each other during infection. This review discusses the in vivo impact of bacterial infection on osteogenesis by addressing the following questions (i) How does osteomyelitis affect the radiographic bone appearance? (ii) What is the influence of bacterial infection on histological bone healing? (iii) How do bacterial infections affect quantitative bone healing? (iv) What is the effect of antibacterial treatment on the healing outcome during infection? (v) What is the efficacy of osteoinductive proteins in infected bones? (vi) What is the balance between the osteoclastic and osteoblastic response during bacterial infections? (vii) What is the mechanism of the observed pro‐osteogenic response as observed in osteomyelitis? © 2019 The Authors. Journal of Orthopaedic Research© published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc. on behalf of Orthopaedic Research Society. J Orthop Res 37:2067–2076, 2019

The 2018 strike undertaken by academics working in the UK was the largest called in University and College Union history, lasting for fourteen days over 4 weeks, with 88% of members voting for strike action across 64 universities. [1] This article explores how the campus at the University of Sussex during the time of this strike became a strange, conflicted and transformative space; both a heterotopia and a site for a critical utopian process, where norms can be bent and broken, where people can function outside of the normal rules and disciplinary technologies of contemporary academia. [2] The picket lines were supplemented by strike supporting events, teach-ins, teach-outs, occupations, marches, workshops and socials; linking it with debates on the public university, decolonizing the curriculum. The strike action reached beyond the pensions debate and demonstrated radical utopian potential. The article considers how moments of estrangement are created in the learning space of the picket, whose strangeness and otherness, in comparison to a class room , allowed participants to open up to new ideas. [3] Estrangement enforces a reduction of hierarchy and creation of community essential to establishing what Giroux might view as a critical pedagogy that tries to resist modes of cultural reproduction. [4] This actively changes how time is experienced on campus: slowing down, allowing for contemplation, opening up different experiences of the ‘Now’. Ultimately this article considers how the struggle is far from over either off or on campus. On Sussex campus, the strike songs are still heard on Library square, meetings are ongoing, the UCU and student groups are taking forward their manifesto for change, while beyond Sussex, there has been disruption to established democratic processes at both the National Union of Students National Conference and the UCU Congress this year. Strike action has contributed to a process of revealing new potentials both within, and beyond the campus. [1] “UCU Announces 14 Strike Dates at 61 Universities in Pensions Row.” [2] Foucault, “Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias, ‘Des Espace Autres.’” 2 [3] Bloch, Halley, and Suvin, “Entfremdung, Verfremdung.” [4] Giroux, On Critical Pedagogy . 5 - 6

Au cours des vingt dernières années, la responsabilité sociétale de l’entreprise (RSE) est devenue une préoccupation majeure du débat public et de la recherche en sciences sociales. La multiplication des démarches RSE a nécessairement un impact sur les organisations syndicales qui sont amenés à s’adapter et à réagir ou qui peuvent se saisir des opportunités offertes par la RSE. L’objectif de cet article est d’apporter un éclairage sur la manière dont les stratégies des centrales syndicales en matière de RSE se construisent.Deux types de travaux sont mobilisés pour analyser ces stratégies et la manière dont elles se sont construites : les travaux de Boxall (2008) en relations industrielles et ceux de Whittington (2006) du courant de la « stratégie comme pratique » (strategy as practice, en anglais). Une grille d’analyse est proposée pour étudier la construction de la stratégie en matière de RSE de cinq Confédérations syndicales représentatives en France au cours de la période 2006-2016.Les résultats de l’étude longitudinale révèlent trois catégories de stratégies : 1- des Confédérations syndicales qui ont formulé assez tôt une stratégie favorable à la RSE ; 2- des Confédérations qui se sont engagés dans une stratégie plus récemment ; et, 3- une Confédération qui reste critique à l’égard de la RSE. Les éléments déterminants de ces stratégies sont, d’une part, les relations externes que ces Confédérations ont nouées avec les ONG et les pouvoirs publics, et, d’autre part, les ressources affectées à la RSE et les actions engagées. Sur le plan théorique, l’article permet d’élargir le potentiel des courants théoriques retenus et d’ouvrir de futures perspectives de recherche. Sur le plan pratique, il permet de mieux comprendre ces stratégies et, le cas échéant, de mieux s’y adapter, voire de les influencer., Over the last twenty years, corporate social responsibility (CSR) has become a major subject of public debate and research in social sciences. The development of CSR strategies has an impact on trade unions, which have to adapt and react, or even use the opportunities offered by CSR. The aim of this article is to shed further light on the way trade unions develop their strategies in the field of CSR.Two works are used to analyze these strategies and their development: the work of Boxall (2008) in the field of industrial relations and that of Whittington (2006) on “strategies as practice”. The article presents an analysis grid to study how five representative trade union confederations in France developed their CSR strategies between 2006 and 2016.The results of this longitudinal study reveal three kinds of strategies: 1- Confederations that have formulated a strategy in favour of CSR very early on; 2- Confederations that have committed themselves more recently to CSR; and, 3- one Confederation that remains very critical of CSR. The major drivers of these strategies are, on the one hand, the external relations trade unions develop with NGOs and public authorities, and, on the other, the resources trade unions dedicate to CSR and the actions put in place. At the theoretical level, this article broadens the potential of the selected theories and opens up new perspectives for research. At the practical level, it allows for a better understanding of trade unions’ strategies and, if appropriate, better adaptation and even influence., Durante los últimos veinte años, la responsabilidad social de la empresa (RSE) se ha vuelto una preocupación mayor del debate público y de la investigación en ciencias sociales. La multiplicación de gestiones RSE tiene necesariamente un impacto en las organizaciones sindicales que deben adaptarse y reaccionar o que pueden aprovechar las oportunidades abiertas por la RSE. El objetivo de este artículo es de contribuir a esclarecer la manera cómo se construyen las estrategias sindicales en materia de RSE.Dos tipos de trabajos son movilizados para analizar estas estrategias y la manera cómo son construidas: los trabajos de Boxall (2008) en relaciones industriales y los de Whittington (2006) de la corriente de la estrategia como práctica (strategy as practice). Un esquema de análisis es propuesto para estudiar la construcción de la estrategia en materia de RSE de cinco Confederaciones sindicales representativas de Francia durante el periodo 2006-2016.Los resultados del estudio longitudinal revelan tres categorías de estrategias: 1- las Confederaciones sindicales que han formulado temprano una estrategia favorable a la RSE; 2 - las Confederaciones que se han implicado en una estrategia más recientemente; y, 3- una Confederación que se mantiene crítica frente a la RSE. Los elementos determinantes de estas estrategias son, de un lado, las relaciones externas que estas Confederaciones han establecido con las ONG y los poderes públicos, y, de otro lado, los recursos afectados a la RSE y las acciones emprendidas. En el plano teórico, el artículo permite ampliar el potencial de corrientes teóricas retenidas y abrir futuras perspectivas de investigación. En el plano práctico, se permite de comprender mejor estas estrategias y, si es el caso, de mejor adaptarse et incluso de influenciarlas.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce the theory of presentations of monoids acts. We aim to construct `nice' general presentations for various act constructions pertaining to subacts and Rees quotients. More precisely, given an $M$-act $A$ and a subact $B$ of $A$, on the one hand we construct presentations for $B$ and the Rees quotient $A/B$ using a presentation for $A$, and on the other hand we derive a presentation for $A$ from presentations for $B$ and $A/B$. We also construct a general presentation for the union of two subacts. From our general presentations, we deduce a number of finite presentability results. Finally, we consider the case where a subact $B$ has finite complement in an $M$-act $A$. We show that if $M$ is a finitely generated monoid and $B$ is finitely presented, then $A$ is finitely presented. We also show that if $M$ belongs to a wide class of monoids, including all finitely presented monoids, then the converse also holds.

A report by Jane McAlevey and Abby Lawlor, illustrates best practices for building the power to win in today’s challenging union climate and features a series of case studies in collective bargaining during the four years under Trump. They cover four key employment sectors: teachers, nurses, hotel workers, and journalists. In each case, workers used high transparency and high participation approaches in contract campaigns to build worker power. Each victory points a path to raising workers’ expectations of what is possible to win at the negotiations table today.

The Covid-19 pandemic has revealed the importance of social protection systems, including income security, when health problems arise. The aims of this study are to compare the follow-up regimes for sick-listed employees across nine European countries, and to conduct a qualitative assessment of the differences with respect to burden and responsibility sharing between the social protection system, employers and employees. The tendency highlighted is that countries with shorter employer periods of sick-pay typically have stricter follow-up responsibility for employers because, in practice, they become gatekeepers of the public sickness benefit scheme. In Germany and the UK, employers have few requirements for follow-up compared with the Nordic countries because they bear most of the costs of sickness absence themselves. The same applies in Iceland, where employers carry most of the costs and have no obligation to follow up sick-listed employees. The situation in the Netherlands is paradoxical: employers have strict obligations in the follow-up regime even though they cover all the costs of the sick-leave themselves. During the pandemic, the majority of countries have adjusted their sick-pay system and increased coverage to reduce the risk of spreading Covid-19 because employees are going to work sick or when they should self-quarantine, except for the Netherlands and Belgium, which considered that the current schemes were already sufficient to reduce that risk.

Lorsqu’elle a éclaté au début de l’année 2008, personne ne soupçonnait l’ampleur qu’allait prendre la révolte du bassin minier de Gafsa. Limitée au départ à des revendications socioprofessionnelles, elle a progressivement revêtu une dimension politique et protestataire qui fait d’elle un mouvement social emblématique de la crise du « système Ben Ali ». Sur le plan sécuritaire d’abord, où les modes d’encadrement autoritaires habituels se sont rapidement avérés incapables de contenir la contestation sociale, au point de remettre en cause la cohérence du dispositif répressif. Sur le plan économique, ensuite, la révolte du bassin minier est venue égratigner sérieusement le mythe de la « Tunisie dragon d’Afrique », le chômage, la précarité généralisée et la corruption constituant les principaux moteurs de la protestation. Sur le plan politique, enfin, dans la mesure où les forces d’opposition classiques et les syndicats se sont retrouvés dépassés par l’audace protestataire de citoyens ordinaires. En ce sens, le mouvement social du bassin minier est porteur de « leçons politiques », sur lesquelles il est nécessaire de revenir, afin d’appréhender la dégénérescence du Pacte de sécurité mis en place par le régime au cours de la décennie précédente. When it erupted in early 2008, nobody could foresee the extent to which the Gafsa miners’ revolt would develop. Limited initially to social and professional claims, the revolt gradually assumed a protest and political dimension, transforming the protests into a protest movement emblematic of the crisis in the “Ben Ali system”. First, the state’s security apparatus and authoritarian methods proved inadequate to the maintenance of public order, to such an extent that there were questions about the coherence of the law enforcement system. Secondly, the revolt in the mining area seriously compromised the myth of Tunisia as the “Dragon of Africa” with unemployment, job insecurity and corruption as the principal engines of protest. And finally politically, to the extent traditional opposition forces and unions found themselves overwhelmed by the courage of ordinary citizen protesters. In this sense, the social movement of the mining area is a source of “political instruction”, the review of which is useful to understand the degeneration of the security pact in place by the scheme during the previous decade. عندما اندلعت أحداث مدينة قفصة في بداية العام 2008 لم يتوقع أحد الحجم الذي ستأخذه هذه الأحداث. فقد كانت محدودة في بدايتها وتعلقت ببعض المناحي الاجتماعية وظروف العمل ولكنها سرعان ما اتخذت رداءً سياسياً واحتجاجياً، مما جعل من هذه الحركة الاجتماعية رمزاً لأزمة "نظام بن علي"، بدايةً على المنحى الأمني، حيث تبين أن طرق الإحاطة السلطوية المعتادة لم تكن فعالة في السيطرة على الاحتجاجات إلى درجة أنه من الممكن التساؤل عن تناسق الجهاز القمعي. وكذلك على المستوى الاقتصادي حيث أن هذه الأحداث قد أتت لتخدش بشكل واضح أسطورة "تونس النمر الأفريقي"، فالبطالة، وعدم الاستقرار المنتشر بشكل واسع والفساد كانت تشكل المحركات الأساسية لهذه الاحتجاجات. وأخيراً على المنحى السياسي حيث أن قوى المعارضة التقليدية والنقابات وجدت نفسها مُتَجاوَزة بجُرأة الاحتجاجات الصادرة عن مواطنين عاديين. وفي هذا المعنى فإن التحرك الاجتماعي في الحوض المنجمي حامل لـ"دروس سياسية" ومن المهم العودة على هذه الدروس من أجل استيعاب الانهيار الذي يصيب العقد الأمني الذي أقامه النظام خلال السنوات العشر المنصرمة.

[cat] Introducció: Mallorca desenvolupà a partir de l'últim terç del segle XIX una activitat industrial orientada cap a la producció de béns de consum i els mercats exteriors. Els sectors més destacats foren el tèxtil, el calçat, l'adob de pells, la fusta, entre d'altres. Aquesta indústria feu ús d'una mà d'obra que tenia minsos salaris, llargues jornades laborals i unes males condicions higièniques. Davant aquesta situació a partir del Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874) aparegueren entitats obreres que defensaven els interessos dels treballadors des d'opcions mutualistes i cooperativistes fins a altres de caràcter més reivindicatiu. A Mallorca aquestes entitats es desenvoluparen dins de l'entorn del republicanisme o de l'anarquisme de la Primera Internacional. Mentre en aquesta primera etapa el marxisme no tengué cap influència a Mallorca, a partir del 1890 amb l'impuls de la Segona Internacional i l'inici de la commemoració de la diada del Primer de Maig les idees socialistes d'influència marxista es desenvoluparen a Mallorca i el 1892 se constituïren les primeres agrupacions socialistes, les de Palma i Manacor. Contingut: El socialisme aparegué a Mallorca a partir de l'impuls que la Segona Internacional donà a la celebració de la diada del Primer de Maig amb la reivindicació de la jornada laboral de les vuit hores. El socialisme especialment a Palma es topà amb les actuacions d'elements anarquistes que posaven en qüestió l'estratègia sindical i política que el PSOE defensava. A la vegada, el socialisme també disputà amb el republicanisme els àmbits d'influència sobre la classe obrera. Mentre en el sindical els socialistes mallorquins aconseguiren que les societats obreres adoptassin un caràcter més reivindicatiu, en el polític les candidatures socialistes, tant en les municipals com en les generals, obtenien uns resultats decebedors, molt inferiors als dels republicans. Únicament aconseguiren algun regidor a Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, entre d'altres pobles en els casos que majoritàriament s'aliaren o comptaren amb el suport dels republicans. A partir de 1914 els socialistes mallorquins aconseguiren una major rellevància per les seves campanyes contra l'encariment de les subsistències i el paper que tingué Llorenç Bisbal com a regidor a l'Ajuntament de Palma entre 1918 i 1922. A partir de 1919 els socialistes mallorquins patiren la crisi tercerista que acabà amb l'escissió d'una bona part dels membres de les Joventuts Socialistes i alguns dels seus principals dirigents que fundaren l'Agrupació Comunista de Palma. A la vegada, el 1923 el socialisme mallorquí patí una altra crisi amb l'expulsió de la major part del sector verguista que havia donat suport a la candidatura liberal de Joan March. Durant la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera els socialistes aconseguiren el retorn d'una bona part dels dirigents que havien abandonat la seva militància. Conclusions: El socialisme mallorquí es basà especialment en la seva actuació en l'àmbit sindical on aconseguí controlar una bona part de les societats obreres. Se seguia l'estratègia marcada per la UGT i eren partidaris d'assolir acords amb la patronal abans de convocar una vaga d'incerta solució. La seva actuació en l'àmbit polític fou molt més limitada per les dificultats per compaginar la llarga jornada laboral dels seus militants i dirigents amb les tasques polítiques que s'havien d'acometre. Tot i així, destacaren dirigents com Francesc Roca i Llorenç Bisbal. Per altra banda, Alexandre Jaume fou el primer intel·lectual que milità dins les files socialistes i també s'ha de reconèixer la influència que tengué Gabriel Alomar. Durant la dictadura de Primo de Rivera el socialisme es consolidà com a força hegemònica dins els moviment obrer a Mallorca a partir de la inauguració del nou edifici de la Casa del Poble i la constitució de la Federació Balear de la UGT. [spa] Introducción: Mallorca desarrolló a partir del último tercio del siglo XIX una actividad industrial orientada hacia la producción de bienes de consumo y los mercados exteriores. Los sectores más destacados fueron el textil, el calzado, el curtido de pieles, la madera, entre otros. Esta industria hacía uso de una mano de obra que tenía bajos salarios, largas jornadas laborales y unas malas condiciones higiénicas. Ante esta situación a partir del Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) aparecieron entidades obreras que defendían los intereses de los trabajadores desde opciones mutualistas y cooperativistas hasta otros de carácter más reivindicativo. En Mallorca estas entidades se desarrollaron dentro del entorno del republicanismo o del anarquismo de la Primera Internacional. Mientras en esta primera etapa el marxismo no tuvo ninguna influencia en Mallorca, a partir de 1890 con el impulso de la Segunda Internacional y el inicio de la conmemoración de la fiesta del Primero de Mayo las ideas socialistas de influencia marxista se desarrollaron a Mallorca y el 1892 se constituyeron las primeras agrupaciones socialistas, las de Palma y Manacor. Contenido: El socialismo apareció en Mallorca a partir del impulso que la Segunda Internacional dio a la celebración de la fiesta del Primero de Mayo con la reivindicación de la jornada laboral de las ocho horas. El socialismo especialmente en Palma se topó con las actuaciones de elementos anarquistas que ponían en cuestión la estrategia sindical y política que el PSOE defendía. A la vez, el socialismo también disputó con el republicanismo los ámbitos de influencia sobre la clase obrera. Mientras en el sindical los socialistas mallorquines consiguieron que las sociedades obreras adoptasen un carácter más reivindicativo, en el político las candidaturas socialistas, tanto en las municipales como en las generales, obtenían unos resultados decepcionantes, muy inferiores a los de los republicanos. Únicamente consiguieron algún concejal en Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, entre otros pueblos, en los casos que mayoritariamente se aliaron o contaron con el apoyo de los republicanos. A partir de 1914 los socialistas mallorquines consiguieron una mayor relevancia por sus campañas contra el encarecimiento de las subsistencias y el papel que tuvo Llorenç Bisbal como concejal en el Ayuntamiento de Palma entre 1918 y 1922. A partir de 1919 los socialistas mallorquines sufrieron la crisis tercerista que acabó con la escisión de una buena parte de los miembros de las Juventudes Socialistas y algunos de sus principales dirigentes que fundaron la Agrupación Comunista de Palma. A la vez, en 1923 el socialismo mallorquín sufrió otra crisis con la expulsión de la mayor parte del sector verguista que había apoyado la candidatura liberal de Juan March. Durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera los socialistas consiguieron el retorno de una buena parte de los dirigentes que habían abandonado su militancia. Conclusiones: El socialismo mallorquín se basó especialmente en su actuación en el ámbito sindical donde consiguió controlar una buena parte de las sociedades obreras. Se seguía la estrategia marcada por la UGT y eran partidarios de alcanzar acuerdos con la patronal antes de convocar una huelga de incierta solución. Su actuación en el ámbito político fue mucho más limitada por las dificultades para compaginar la larga jornada laboral de sus militantes y dirigentes con las tareas políticas que se habían de acometer. Sin embargo, destacaron dirigentes como Francesc Roca y Llorenç Bisbal. Por otra parte, Alexandre Jaume fue el primer intelectual que militó dentro de las filas socialistas y también hay que reconocer la influencia que tuvo Gabriel Alomar. Durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera el socialismo se consolidó como fuerza hegemónica dentro de los movimiento obrero en Mallorca a partir de la inauguración del nuevo edificio de la Casa del Pueblo y la constitución de la Federación Balear de la UGT. [eng] Introduction: Mallorca developed from the last third of the 19th century an industrial activity oriented towards the production of foreign markets. The most prominent sectors were textiles, footwear, leather tanning, wood, among others. This industry made use of a workforce that had low wages, long working hours and poor hygienic conditions. Faced with this situation, from the Sexenni Democràtic (1868-1874), workers' organizations appeared that defended the interests of the workers from mutual and cooperative options to others of a more vindictive nature. In Mallorca these entities developed within the environment of republicanism or anarchism of the First International. While in this first stage Marxism did not have any influence in Mallorca, from 1890 with the impulse of the Second International and the beginning of the commemoration of the May Day festival, socialist ideas of Marxist influence developed in Mallorca and the In 1892 the first socialist groups were formed, those of Palma and Manacor. Content: Socialism appeared in Mallorca from the impulse that the Second International gave to the celebration of the May Day festival with the demand for the eight-hour working day. Socialism, especially in Palma, ran into the actions of anarchist elements that questioned the union and political strategy that the PSOE defended. At the same time, socialism also disputed with republicanism the spheres of influence over the working class. While in the trade union the Mallorcan socialists managed to make the workers' societies adopt a more demanding character, in the political the socialist candidacies, both in the municipal and in the general ones, obtained disappointing results, much lower than those of the republicans. They only got a councilor in Palma, Manacor, Llucmajor, Marratxí, among other towns, in the cases that mostly allied with or had the support of the Republicans. Starting in 1914, the Mallorcan socialists achieved greater relevance for their campaigns against the rising cost of subsistence and the role that Llorenç Bisbal played as councilor in the Palma City Council between 1918 and 1922. From 1919 the Mallorcan socialists suffered the comunist crisis that ended with the split of a good part of the members of the Socialist Youth and some of its main leaders who founded the Communist Group of Palma. At the same time, in 1923 Mallorcan socialism suffered another crisis with the expulsion of most of the Verguista sector that had supported the liberal candidacy of Juan March. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera the socialists obtained the return of a good part of the leaders who had abandoned their militancy. Conclusions: Mallorcan socialism was based especially on its performance in the union sphere where it managed to control a good part of the workers' societies. The strategy set by the UGT was followed and they were in favor of reaching agreements with the employers before calling a strike with an uncertain solution. Its performance in the political sphere was much more limited due to the difficulties in combining the long working hours of its militants and leaders with the political tasks that had to be undertaken. However, leaders such as Francesc Roca and Llorenç Bisbal stood out. On the other hand, Alexandre Jaume was the first intellectual who was active within the socialist ranks and we must also recognize the influence that Gabriel Alomar had. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, socialism was consolidated as a hegemonic force within the workers' movement in Mallorca from the inauguration of the new building of the House of the People and the constitution of the Balearic Federation of UGT.

с 2003 г. в России в обязательном порядке формируются и действуют региональные ассоциации и союзы муниципальных образований. Помимо этого, муниципалитеты имеют членство в десятках других союзов, создаваемых на различных территориальных уровнях. Многие муниципальные образования вступают в международные межмуниципальные связи и заключают с зарубежными городами договоры о побратимстве. Членство в ассоциациях платное. Это один из способов продвижения государственной политики на муниципальный уровень. Обязательность вступления в ассоциацию влечет за собой инертность муниципальных образований, невозможность выйти из ее состава и скрытую обязанность выполнения всех решений и рекомендаций руководящих органов ассоциации, которые могут себе позволить действовать в своих либо государственных интересах, игнорируя нужды отдельных муниципалитетов. Цель взаимовыгодного сотрудничества и защита общих интересов в обязательных союзах приобретают декларативный характер. Ассоциативные формы вместо решения экономических проблем и вопросов местного значения нацелены на помощь государству в решении внутриполитических и внешнеполитических вопросов. Необходимо перенацелить деятельность ассоциаций на хозяйственные вопросы, возникающие при реализации муниципальных задач, и сделать членство в их составе добровольным. Это позволит муниципалитетам выходить из состава неэффективных союзов и заставит руководство ассоциаций действовать в интересах муниципальных образований., since 2003, regional associations and unions of municipalities have been formed and operated in Russia without fail. In addition, municipalities have membership in dozens of other unions established at various territorial levels. Many municipalities enter into international inter-municipal relations and conclude twinning agreements with foreign cities. Membership in the associations is paid. This is one of the ways to promote public policy at the municipal level. The obligation to join the association entails the inertia of municipalities, the inability to withdraw from its membership and the hidden obligation to implement all decisions and recommendations of the association’s governing bodies, which can afford to act in their own or state interests, ignoring the needs of individual municipalities. The goal of mutually beneficial cooperation and the protection of common interests in binding unions becomes declarative. Associative forms, instead of solving economic problems and local issues, are aimed at helping the state to solve domestic and foreign policy issues. It is necessary to re-focus the activities of associations on economic issues that arise in the implementation of municipal tasks and make membership in their composition voluntary. This will allow municipalities to withdraw from inefficient unions and force the association management to act in the interests of the municipalities.

L'entrada en unió representa un esdeveniment vital i els seus efectes transcendeixen l'esfera familiar a l'interactuar amb la trajectòria escolar i laboral entre d'altres. A Mèxic, l'aparent estabilitat en l'edat i els nivells d'entrada en unió contrasta per estar immersa en una sèrie de canvis demogràfics, socials i econòmics, generant qüestionaments sobre els mecanismes i factors que coadjuven a el manteniment d'aquesta tendència en la primera unió. Aquesta tesi aprofundeix en els patrons d'entrada en unió de les mexicanes nascudes entre 1965 i 1994. El treball s'organitza en tres capítols que poden ser abordats de forma independent i busquen cooperar a l'debat sobre els factors explicatius (familiars i no familiars) d'entrada en unió de cohorts recents i la forma en què operen. L'estudi parteix de l'avaluació de coherència entre dues de les principals enquestes amb informació longitudinal retrospectiva sobre nupcialitat a Mèxic per valorar la consistència de les dades utilitzades en els següents apartats. Posteriorment, s'exploren els nivells de participació de la dona en el mercat laboral amb la finalitat d'analitzar la biografia laboral de les dones en solteria i la seva relació amb l'ocurrència de la primera unió. Finalment, a través de l'estudi de la coresidència intergeneracional a l'entrada en unió i cinc anys posteriors s'examina el paper de la família en l'experimentació d'aquesta transició. Els resultats apunten a una dinàmica particular que contribueix a el manteniment de la primerenca edat a la unió i propera a la universalitat tot i el procés d'expansió educativa. D'una banda, l'estancament en les taxes de participació de les dones en el mercat laboral, i la interrupció de manera important d'aquelles que hi participen, suggereixen un predomini dels rols familiars sobre els extradomèstiques i, d'altra banda, la importància dels llaços familiars en la societat mexicana que persisteix fins als nostres dies i que continuen sent un recurs important en situacions d'incertesa a l'formar part de l'estratègia d'arrencada en el procés de formació familiar a través de la coresidència. La entrada en unión representa un evento vital y sus efectos trascienden la esfera familiar al interactuar con la trayectoria escolar y laboral entre otras. En México, la aparente estabilidad en la edad y los niveles de entrada en unión contrasta por estar inmersa en una serie de cambios demográficos, sociales y económicos, generando cuestionamientos sobre los mecanismos y factores que coadyuvan al mantenimiento de esta tendencia en la primera unión. Esta tesis ahonda en los patrones de entrada en unión de las mexicanas nacidas entre 1965 y 1994. El trabajo se organiza en tres capítulos que pueden ser abordados de forma independiente y buscan cooperar al debate sobre los factores explicativos (familiares y no familiares) de entrada en unión de cohortes recientes y la forma en que operan. El estudio parte de la evaluación de coherencia entre dos de las principales encuestas con información longitudinal retrospectiva sobre nupcialidad en México para valorar la consistencia de los datos utilizados en los siguientes apartados. Posteriormente, se exploran los niveles de participación de la mujer en el mercado laboral con la finalidad de analizar la biografía laboral de las mujeres en soltería y su relación con la ocurrencia de la primera unión. Finalmente, a través del estudio de la corresidencia intergeneracional en la entrada en unión y cinco años posteriores se examina el papel de la familia en la experimentación de esta transición. Los resultados apuntan a una dinámica particular que contribuye al mantenimiento de la temprana edad a la unión y cercana a la universalidad a pesar del proceso de expansión educativa. Por un lado, el estancamiento en las tasas de participación de las mujeres en el mercado laboral, y la interrupción de manera importante de aquellas que participan, sugieren un predominio de los roles familiares sobre los extradomésticos y, por otra parte, la importancia de los lazos familiares en la sociedad mexicana que persiste hasta nuestros días y que continúan siendo un recurso importante en situaciones de incertidumbre al formar parte de la estrategia de arranque en el proceso de formación familiar a través de la corresidencia. Transition to the first union represents a vital event and its effects transcend the familiar sphere by interacting with scholar and work trajectory, among others. In Mexico, the ostensible stability of those first union patterns contrast by the surrounded demographic, economic and social changes that arise questions concerning the mechanisms and factors that contribute to this first union trend of stability. This thesis delves into the union formation patterns of Mexican women who were born between 1965 and 1994. The research has three independent chapters, and their objective is to contribute to the explanatory factors debate (familial and non-familial) related to union formation among young cohorts. The research starts with a coherent evaluation based on two main surveys with longitudinal retrospective information about marriage rate in México, to evaluate consistency of the data used in the following chapters. Then, I explore women’s labor participation rates to analyze work trajectory before union formation and its relationship to the transition of their first union. Finally, the assessment of the extended family role during the first union transition through intergenerational co-residency analysis at the time of union and five years onwards. The results suggest a unique dynamic that contributes to the steadiness of early age union and close to the universal union formation among women, despite the educational expansion process experienced. On the one hand the stagnation of women’s labor participation rates and the interruption of the ones that participate in the labor market, suggests the prevalence of familial sphere over the extra domestic roles. On the other hand, the importance of family ties within Mexican families continuous today as an important bond in situations of uncertainty by being a foundation strategy in the family formation process through intergenerational co-residency. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Programa de Doctorat en Demografia

This work raises several reflections maintained by certain groups of workers who, without and with affiliation, have collectively and salary self-organized in the face of the supposed loss of influence of the union, which could link them to another stage of confirmation of the transforming capacity of unionism, at a complex time for the so-called class unions, which are adapting to the changes experienced by the labor market. In addition, both types of organizations - class and new- feed into each other: positively, equating themselves as social experimenters, and negatively, since their respective ways of approaching union utopias seem to distance them. For its development, we have relied on the critical analysis of the available literature, as well as on the study of primary sources of the organizations under study. The main conclusion is the existence of sufficient elements to hope that these new organizations will carry out transformations by forcing a rethinking of the classic criteria of action of the majority unions. Este trabajo plantea varias reflexiones mantenidas por determinados colectivos de trabajadores que, sin y con afiliación, se han autoorganizado, colectiva y salarialmente, ante la supuesta pérdida de influencia del sindicato, lo que pudiera vincularlas a otra etapa más de confirmación de la capacidad transformadora del sindicalismo, en un complejo momento para los sindicatos denominados de clase que se encuentran adecuándose a los cambios experimentados por el mercado de trabajo. Además, ambos tipos de organizaciones -de clase y nuevas- se retroalimentan: de forma positiva, equiparándose como experimentadoras sociales, y de forma negativa, ya que sus respectivas formas de abordar las utopías sindicales parecen distanciarlas. Para su desarrollo nos hemos basado en el análisis crítico de la literatura disponible, así como en el estudio de fuentes primarias de las organizaciones objeto de estudio. La principal conclusión es la existencia de suficientes elementos para esperar que estas nuevas organizaciones operan transformaciones al obligar a replantearse los criterios clásicos de actuación de los sindicatos mayoritarios.

El presente artículo analiza Kinetic Drawing, obra desarrollada por Heather Hansen a partir de 2013, en la que se funden danza, yoga y pintura a través de performances. Es el resultado de la búsqueda de cómo descargar los movimientos directamente sobre el papel de una forma orgánica, empleando el cuerpo como único instrumento, el yoga y la danza como vías creativas y la meditación como proceso de interiorización y des-intelectualización para iniciar el desarrollo artístico. Como resultado de esta empresa, aunando danza, pintura y yoga, contemplamos el encuentro de Heather Hansen consigo misma a partir del movimiento de su cuerpo como elemento de expresión artística. The present article analyzes Kinetic Drawing, a piece developed by Heather Hansen since 2013, in which dance, yoga and painting are fused through performances. It is the result of the search of how to download the movements directly on the paper in an organic way, using the body as the only instrument, yoga and dance as a creative means and meditation as a process of interiorization and dis-intellectualization to initiate artistic development. As a result of this work, combining dance, painting and yoga, we contemplate Heather Hansen's encounter with herself taking the movement of her body as an element of artistic expression.

В статье рассматриваются союзы и союзные конструкции современного китайского языка с точки зрения специфики их использования в текстах новостных сообщений. Представлена как общая характеристика этих служебных частей речи (простые и составные союзы, союзные конструкции), так и их особенности в контексте предложений реальных новостных сообщений двух типов – газетного текста с интернет-сайтов и телевизионного сообщения. В результате проведенного анализа автор выявляет, какую функцию в предложении и какие отношения (условные, соединительные, противительные, уступительные, причинно-следственные) выражают разные союзы и союзные конструкции, а также какой экспрессивный оттенок может быть выражен союзами в контексте новостного сообщения и каков эффект воздействия на массовую аудиторию., The article examines the conjunctions and conjunction-based constructions of the modern Chinese language from the point of view of the specifics of their use in the texts of news messages. The article presents both the general characteristics of these service parts of speech (simple and compound conjunctions, conjunction-based constructions), and their features in the context of sentences of real news messages of two types – newspaper texts from Internet sites and a television message. As a result of the analysis, the author reveals what function in the sentence and what relations (conditional, connecting, adversative, concessive, causal) are expressed by different conjunction constructions, as well as what expressive connotation can be expressed by conjunctions in the context of a news message and what is the effect impact on a mass audience.

Este proyecto se centrará en la creación de una metodología para poder determinar el tipo de unión entre módulos que mejor se comporta frente a las solicitaciones que soportará la estructura, y las situaciones desfavorables donde se verá la estructura comprometida del camión eléctrico, además de optimizarla

Head-split fractures are proximal humerus fractures (PHF) that result from fracture lines traversing the articular surface. While head-split fractures are rare, surgical treatment of these complex injuries can be extremely challenging and is associated with high rates of complications. Treatment using primary reverse shoulder arthroplasty (RSA) has been associated with moderate complication rates and reproducible clinical results. The aim of this study was to evaluate clinical and radiographic outcomes, and complication rates of RSA for head-split PHF. Twenty-six patients were evaluated based on Constant Score (CS) and range of motion of both shoulders and Subjective Shoulder Value (SSV). Radiographic analysis evaluated tuberosity healing, prosthetic loosening and scapular notching. Patients achieved good clinical results with a CS of 73.7 points and SSV of 82% after a mean follow-up of 50 months. The relative CS comparing operated versus the unaffected shoulder was 92%. Greater tuberosity healing was achieved in 61%. Patients who suffered a high-energy trauma reached a significantly greater functional outcome. Patients who suffered multifragmentation to the humeral head performed the worst. There were no cases of loosening; scapular notching was visible in two cases. The complication rate was 8%. RSA is an adequate treatment option with for head-split PHF in elderly patients.

Supplemental Digital Content is Available in the Text., Background: HIV reduces bone mineral density, mineralization, and turnover and may impair fracture healing. Setting: This prospective cohort study in South Africa investigated whether HIV infection was associated with impaired fracture healing after trauma. Methods: All adults with acute tibia and femur fractures who underwent intermedullary (IM) nailing for fracture fixation between September 2017 and December 2018, at 2 tertiary hospitals, were followed up for a minimum of 12 months postoperatively. The primary outcome was delayed bone union at 6 months (defined by the radiological union scoring system for the tibia score

The determinants of American grand strategy are in flux. Geopolitically, the post–Cold War unipolar era in which the United States enjoyed unrivaled power is waning on account of China’s rise and Russia’s resurgence. Domestically, intractable political polarization and the election of Donald Trump are seen as signals that domestic consensuses on American grand strategy are deteriorating. This thesis explores the formulation of American grand strategy during periods of past geopolitical upheaval, so as to gain an understanding useful for asking better questions about its future. The cases examined include the American founding and Washington administrations; the beginning of the Cold War and the Truman administration; and the Clinton administration after the Cold War. This case study comparison utilized Clausewitzian critical analysis to examine if and how the United States has blended different grand-strategy archetypes and balanced integration and insulation at home and abroad. This thesis finds that the Founders and the Truman administration adhered to an “insulationist” paradigm whereby different grand strategy archetypes were blended in order to achieve a balance between integration and insulation. By contrast, the Clinton administration strained this logic in its pursuit of a grand strategy that emphasized integration and eschewed insulation. This thesis concludes with considerations for how the United States may craft its grand strategy for the future. Staff Sergeant, United States Marine Corps Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

Background First metatarso-phalangeal joint fusion is the current gold standard for severe hallux rigidus. Data regarding the union rate and the re-operation rate when IOFix (an Intra-osseous fixation device, Extremity medical, New Jersey, USA) is used for hallux rigidus fusion is limited but promising. The aim of this study was to review our outcomes with the IOFix implant. Methods We have conducted a retrospective chart review, following the approval of the hospital IRB committee. Exclusion criteria included bilateral operations on the same patient, multiple surgeries, charcot foot or other structural foot abnormalities (except hallux valgus), rheumatoid arthritis and a recent foot trauma. We collected demographic data, physical examination documentation, functional score evaluations (AOFAS), and Plain radiographic studies. Results Thirty patients were included in the study. The mean age was 60.36 ± 9.12 (range 36 to 77) years, 18 (60%) female patients and 12 (40%) male. Fourteen (53.33%) were left side pathologies. The average follow up period was 36.2 ± 12.31 (range 12 to 54) months. Union was obtained in 28 (93.33%) patients, of whom none had requested a hardware removal due to a prominent hardware during a minimum of 2 year follow up period. The mean postoperative AOFAS score was 80.5 ± 10.87 (range 35 to 90). A more stringent inclusion criteria and fusion definitions would have led to an exclusion of two more patients and a dropout of two patients from the “fused” group, which would have led to a fusion rate of 85.71%. Conclusions This is the largest series of hallux rigidus patients that were operated with an IOFix device. The rates of fusion and hardware removal in MTPJ1 arthrodesis performed with an IOFix implant were found to be similar at most when compared to previously described rates that were obtained with other cheaper and more simple fixation devices. Level of evidence 4

Mi proyecto de grado tiene como principal objetivo plantear soluciones arquitectónicas y urbanísticas frente a la problemática que se vive en el país con respecto a la violencia, pues durante años, Colombia ha sido uno de los países que se ha visto afectado por esta situación, sus víctimas no solo han perdido bienes materiales sino que también han sido lastimados de forma física y psicológica. Dicho lo anterior, diferentes entidades y disciplinas se encuentran en constante búsqueda de soluciones que aporten a un estado de unión para el país, siendo la arquitectura una de ellas, a través de ejercicios que se desarrollan en busca de la generación de una conciencia y mecanismos que permitan solventar estas necesidades. El municipio de turbo como puerto internacional sobre el mar caribe colombiano, ha sido muy afectado por la violencia que ha atravesado el conflicto nacional debido a los grupos armados. Lo que se busca con mi proyecto, es que la arquitectura, el urbanismo mas un paquete programatico integral. puedan unir a las tres diferentes culturas que predominan en este municipio, que son la paisa, la chocoana y la costeña, que viven en una rivalidad constante y generan un conflicto social que afecta la calidad de vida en general. El centro cultural a través de sus diferentes usos educativos, culturales y comerciales, además de su espacio público, busca que los habitantes tanto nativos como migratorios, disfruten y se unan a través de las diferentes actividades que tienen como objetivo el reconocimiento de la virtudes y deferencias de cada cultura. My degree project has as main objective to propose architectural and urban solutions in the face of the problem that exists in the country regarding violence, because for years, Colombia has been one of the countries that has been affected by this situation, its victims have not only lost material assets but also have been physically and psychologically injured. That said, different entities and disciplines are constantly searching for solutions that contribute to a state of union for the country, with architecture being one of them, through exercises that are developed in search of the generation of a conscience and mechanisms that allow to solve these needs. The municipality of turbo as an international port on the Colombian Caribbean Sea has been greatly affected by the violence that the national conflict has suffered due to armed groups. What is sought with my project, is that architecture, urbanism plus an integral programmatic package. They can unite the three different cultures that predominate in this municipality, which are the country, the Chocoana and the coast, that live in a constant rivalry and generate a social conflict that affects the quality of life in general. The cultural center through its different educational, cultural and commercial uses, in addition to its public space, seeks that both native and migrant inhabitants enjoy and unite through the different activities that aim to recognize the virtues and Deferences of each culture. Pregrado

La STC 89/2020, de 20 de julio resuelve el recurso de amparo interpuesto por el Movimiento Asambleario de Trabajadores de Sanidad contra las resoluciones judiciales emitidas por las salas de lo contencioso-administrativo del Tribunal Supremo, del Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Madrid y del Juzgado de lo Contencioso-Administrativo de Madrid inadmitiendo su recurso frente al Acuerdo sectorial del Servicio Madrileño de Salud. Las anteriores resoluciones vulneran el derecho a la tutela judicial efectiva pues obvian la dimensión del sindicato como institución representativa de defensa de determinados intereses., The Constitutional Court’s judgement number 89/2020, of July 20 resolves the writ of protection filed by the Assembly Movement of Health Workers against the judicial decisions issued by the contentious-administrative chambers of the Supreme Court, the Superior Court of Justice of Madrid and the Contentious-Administrative Court od Madrid rejecting his appeal against the sector agreement of the Madrid Health Service. The previous resolutions violate the right to effective judicial protection since they obviate the dimension of the union as a representative institution for the defense of certain interests.

This article analyses the commodification of professional labour and union responses to these processes within the employment heartland. It explores the category of fixed-contract or ‘temporary’ employment using Australian public school teaching as the empirical lens. Established to address intensifying conditions of labour market insecurity, the union-led creation of the temporary category was intended to partly decommodify labour by providing intermediate security between permanent and ‘casual’ employment. However, using historical case and contemporary survey data, we discern that escalation of temporary teacher numbers and intensifying work-effort demands concurrently increased insecurity within the teacher workforce, constituting recommodification. The article contributes to scant literature on unions and commodification, highlighting that within the current marketised context, labour commodification may occur through contradictory influences at multiple levels, and that union responses to combat this derogation of work must similarly be multi-level and sustained.

Our aim is to analyse proximal tibial epiphysis and distal femoral epiphysis patterns according to the Dedouit staging method using 1.5 T magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) with fast spin echo (FSE) for proton density images. In addition, we discuss the results in relation to the literature for forensic age estimation. In this study, images belonging to 195 female and 277 male patients ranging in age from 10 to 30 years who had a knee MRI for any reason in our Radiology Clinic between January 2014 and December 2016 were retrospectively evaluated. According to the Dedouit et al. five-stage method, they were evaluated by two radiologists. The ? value was calculated for intra-observer and inter-observer compliance. The evaluation of knee epiphysis patterns from MRI is an alternative, efficient, radiation-free and non-invasive method that is helpful in forensic age estimation. In particular, stage 5 in distal femoral epiphysis can determine the 21st year of life in both sexes, and proximal tibial epiphysis could present evidence of age 18 in males. It should be used for evaluation in addition to other methods for determining skeletal system maturity. © 2018, © 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.