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El trabajo presenta un aporte a la discusión académica analizando, por un lado, elementos de filosofía moral que entregan antecedentes sobre la comprensión crítica de las causas de la guerra y su relación con el ejercicio del poder; por otro lado, entrega el panorama jurídico internacional actual que, considerando los elementos previamente mencionados, así se plantea la necesidad de una reformulación orgánica para sostener el principio del no uso de la guerra. Ambos tópicos, tanto filosóficos como jurídicos, dan cuenta que el fenómeno de la guerra no sólo no es posible erradicarlo, sino que además se hace necesario un replanteamiento de las normas actuales que organizan el poder internacional en torno al monopolio de la fuerza institucional. This paper analyzes, on the one hand, elements of moral philosophy that provide background to understand the causes of war and its relationship with the exercise of power. On the other hand, it provides an overview of the current international legal system, suggesting the need to reformulate the institutional system to ensure the principle of non-use of war. Both philosophical and legal elements show that the phenomenon of war cannot be eradicated. And there is also a need to rethink the rules that organize international power around the monopoly of institutional force.

This article aims to describe the state of development of communication as a contribution to the 2030 agenda of the United Nations Organization in sustainability and its possible impact on organizations. The central research question was raised, what will be the state of progress of the sustainable development goals set by the UN to be met by 2030.The methodology used was qualitative, transversal and descriptive/hermeneutic, which was constructed from first-source information and based on a set of five semi-structured interviews with Latin American experts in communication and sustainability. It is concluded that there is a greater impact on large companies, as they are pressured by the context that presents new demands. In terms of compromise, there would be more discourse and less action. Communication becomes fundamental for organizations as a vehicle for information and possibility of relationship with audiences. A clear and sustained commitment of organizations adds reputation to them. It is central to develop a culture of sustainability to establish its development and compliance over time. Finally, well-being, health, ethics, co-creation, freedoms and human rights, would be emerging issues that are already present as social demands. El presente artículo tiene el objetivo de describir el estado de desarrollo de la comunicación en tanto aporte a la agenda 2030 de Organización de Naciones Unidas en sostenibilidad y su posible impacto en las organizaciones. Se planteó la pregunta central de investigación, ¿cuál será el estado de avance de los objetivos de desarrollo sostenible planteados por la ONU para ser cumplidos al 2030. La metodología que se utilizó fue cualitativa, transversal y descriptiva/hermenéutica, la que se construyó a partir de información de primera fuente y basado en un conjunto de cinco entrevistas semiestructuradas a expertas latinoamericanas en comunicación y sostenibilidad. Se llega a la conclusión que hay un mayor impacto en grandes empresas, ya que son presionadas por el contexto que presenta nuevas demandas. En cuanto a compromiso, habría más discurso y menos acción. La comunicación se transforma en fundamental para las organizaciones como vehículo de información y posibilidad de relacionamiento con audiencias. Un compromiso claro y sostenido de las organizaciones suma reputación a ellas. Es central desarrollar una cultura de sostenibilidad para asentar su desarrollo y cumplimiento en el tiempo. Finalmente, bienestar, salud, ética, co-creación, libertades y derechos humanos, serían temáticas emergentes que ya están presentes como demandas sociales O artigo descreve o estado de desenvolvimento da comunicação como um contributo para a Agenda 2030 da Organização das Nações Unidas em sustentabilidade e o seu impacto nas organizações. A metodologia foi qualitativa, transversal e descritiva/hermenêutica, aplicada a entrevistas semiestruturadas a especialistas latino-americanos em comunicação e sustentabilidade. Conclui-se que há um impacto maior nas grandes empresas, onde mais discurso do que ação se destaca. A comunicação é fundamental e a sustentabilidade tem de ser desenvolvida. Há outras questões emergentes, como as exigências sociais.

Resumen Este artículo estudia el derecho humano a la salud de las mujeres migrantes desde la perspectiva de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU), especialmente en el contexto de la Pandemia. La metodología utilizada es la del análisis documental de fuentes primarias oficiales de dos organismos internacionales de este sistema en relación con la materia: el Comité sobre Derechos Económicos, Sociales y Culturales de la ONU (CDESC) y la Relatoría Especial de la ONU sobre derechos humanos de los migrantes. Conocer y evaluar el impacto de las intervenciones, las preocupaciones y las recomendaciones sobre estos derechos a los países miembros de la ONU se presenta como una importante herramienta para la planificación y gestión de las acciones de protección y promoción de la salud en un momento de la pandemia. El derecho a la salud de las mujeres migrantes se halla garantizado de manera robusta por las decisiones y documentos oficiales de ambos organismos internacionales. Abstract This article studies the human right to health of migrant women from the perspective of the United Nations (UN), with special attention to the context of the Pandemic. The methodology used is that of documentary analysis of official primary sources of two international organizations of this system in relation to this matter: the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) and the UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants. Knowing and assessing the impact of interventions, concerns and recommendations on these rights to UN member countries is an important tool for planning and managing health protection and promotion actions at a time of pandemic. The right to health of migrant women is strongly guaranteed by the decisions and documents from both international organizations.

Individuals with impairments face challenges in their seeking to accomplish communicational goals. Despite continuous efforts to communicate, often they appear disregarded. A critical discussion of mutual understanding provides a basis for an investigation of institutional encounters. Video ethnography and field work were carried out in a residential care facility involving an individual with acquired brain injury and professionals. In revisiting the concept of ‘communicational understanding’, an analysis of the individual's efforts to communicate and the professionals' apparent disregard showed discrepancies. This research focused on a perceived lack of ‘communicational care’ in turning the spotlight towards the individual and mutual understanding.

The paper analyzed the challenges of poverty in Montenegro. It provided an overview of the structure and scope of UN action in Montenegro and general sustainable development policies and their national implementation. The objective was to research the contributions of the UN system to the sustainable development of Montenegro while focusing on the role of the UNDP in eradicating poverty. The methodology consisted of the literature overview and the case scenario analysis of integrated social protection and employment policies. In addition, secondary data analysis has been employed to complement the research findings. The paper has identified the national socio-economic situation and the contributions of the UNDP in eradicating poverty through the design and implementation of integrative policies. The research proved the importance of the UNDP in fighting poverty in Montenegro and the effective role of the UN in achieving sustainable development.

O nascimento da questão de Timor é um caso paradigmático das dificuldades do legado colonial e da complexidade do duplo processo de normalização interna e internacional que Portugal teve de gerir na sua infância democrática. Neste quadro, este artigo desenvolve uma análise sobre os contextos, ideias e estratégias da política externa portuguesa face a Timor entre 1976 e 1985. Com base no cruzamento de fontes primárias e secundárias, o artigo identifica as ideias, estratégias e contextos fundamentais da questão timorense no quadro da formulação da política externa portuguesa, sublinhando os seus principais pontos de viragem. Mais do que a apresentação dos factos, o artigo desenvolve uma leitura compreensiva que pretende explicar as razões para que a questão timorense não fosse considerada uma das prioridades da política externa portuguesa neste período. Este artigo faz parte do dossier temático A Autodeterminação de Timor-Leste, organizado por Rui Graça Feijó. The birth of the Timor question is a paradigmatic case of the difficulties of the colonial legacy and the complexity of the double process of internal and international normalisation that Portugal had to manage in its democratic infancy. In this context, this article develops an analysis of the contexts, ideas and strategies of Portuguese foreign policy towards Timor between 1976 and 1985. Based on a cross-referencing of primary and secondary sources, the article identifies the fundamental ideas, strategies and contexts of the Timorese question within the formulation of Portuguese foreign policy, highlighting its main turning points. More than the presentation of facts, the article develops a comprehensive reading that intends to explain the reasons why the Timorese issue was not considered one of the priorities of Portuguese foreign policy in this period. This article is part of the special theme section on The Self-Determination of East Timor, guest-edited by Rui Graça Feijó. La naissance de la question du Timor est un cas paradigmatique des difficultés de l’héritage colonial et de la complexité du double processus de normalisation interne et internationale que le Portugal a dû gérer dans son enfance démocratique. Dans ce contexte, cet article développe une analyse des contextes, des idées et des stratégies de la politique étrangère portugaise envers Timor entre 1976 et 1985. Sur la base d’une analyse croisée de sources primaires et secondaires, l’article identifie les idées fondamentales, les stratégies et les contextes de la question de Timor dans la formulation de la politique étrangère portugaise, en soulignant ses principaux tournants. Plus que la présentation des faits, l’article développe une lecture globale qui entend expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles la question timoraise n’a pas été considérée comme l’une des priorités de la politique étrangère portugaise à cette époque. Cet article fait partie du dossier sur L’Autodétermination du Timor oriental, dirigé par Rui Graça Feijó.

Nepal became engulfed in a civil war when the Maoist insurgency began in 1996. The war lasted almost a decade until 2006, killed 13,000 people, and destroyed a significant amount of the country’s infrastructure. Though the government of Nepal and the Maoists initiated talks in 2001 and 2003 to establish peace, both attempts failed due to contentious issues. Therefore, after signing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the Maoists’ entry into mainstream politics in 2006 surprised the country and international observers. Since then, the Maoist Party has continued participating in elections and shares power with other mainstream political parties. Its participation raises essential questions about which peacebuilding factors encouraged the insurgents to enter mainstream politics, a step that ended the insurgency. To answer such questions, this thesis analyzes the insurgency period from 1996 to 2006 and the post-conflict scenario. Within the context of a theoretical framework derived from a review of the literature on peacebuilding processes, the analysis reveals that the combination of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement; the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration program implementation; and the promulgation of the new federal constitution in 2015 led to Nepal’s successful peacebuilding process. Similarly, the study highlights the electoral setting and public sentiment that produced power sharing among the political parties and enhanced the peacebuilding process. Superintendent, Armed Police Force Nepal Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Abstract In this article I present the first two of a new series of open and high-quality international legal data sets: comprehensive, fully reproducible, human- and machine-readable open access collections covering one hundred years of case law of the primary judicial organs of the United Nations and the League of Nations: the Corpus of Decisions: International Court of Justice (CD-ICJ) and the Corpus of Decisions: Permanent Court of International Justice (CD-PCIJ). Each corpus is designed to capture in its entirety the published case law of its eponymous Court, including majority opinions (judgments, advisory opinions and orders), but also the minority opinions annexed to each decision (declarations, separate opinions and dissenting opinions). The corpora are enriched with useful metadata to enhance text-as-data research and enable stand-alone metadata analyses. While each corpus can stand on its own, the twin corpora are designed to be perfectly interoperable for the purposes of analyses that wish to treat the ICJ and PCIJ as a continuous entity. The most recent versions of the corpora will always be available open access at https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3826444 (CD-ICJ) and https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3840479 (CD-PCIJ). Academic Publications (Fobbe) Website — www.seanfobbe.com Open Data — zenodo.org/communities/sean-fobbe-data Code Repository — zenodo.org/communities/sean-fobbe-code Regular Publications — zenodo.org/communities/sean-fobbe-publications &nbsp

The interaction between UN and CdCl2 in the LiCl–KCl molten eutectic was studied at 1023 K. The chlorination was monitored by sampling and recording the redox potential of the medium. At 1023 K the chlorination of UN with cadmium chloride in the molten LiCl–KCl eutectic proceeds completely and results in the formation of uranium chlorides. The melts of the LiCl–KCl–UCl3 or LiCl–KCl–UCl4 compositions can be obtained by the end of experiment depending on the presence of metallic cadmium in the reaction zone. The higher the concentration of the chlorinating agent, the faster the reaction rate. At [CdCl2]/[UN] = 1.65 (10% excess) the reaction proceeds to completion in about 7.5 h. At [CdCl2]/[UN] = 7 the complete chlorination takes 2.5–3 h.

Исследование генезиса фашизма, изучение механизмов его влияния на массы, выяснение взаимосвязей с нацизмом и тоталитаризмом – по-прежнему остаются важнейшими научными задачами. Без их решения невозможно определить эффективные пути антифашистской деятельности и добиться окончательной победы над фашизмом. Поэтому национализм, фашизм, тоталитаризм, коммунизм, проблема их идентификации и соотношения предметно рассмотрены в данной статье. По мнению авторов, адепты мифического кровного родства фашизма и коммунизма не желают считаться с фундаментальными сущностными различиями между этими явлениями, но зато абсолютизируют форму. Среди частных, но значимых аспектов проблемы, в статье представлены: феномен украинского нацизма; факторы ненависти и насилия в идеологии фашизма и нацизма; как фашизм овладевает массами (в том числе роль образования, позиция Церкви); фашизация современного Запада. В этой связи авторы поднимают актуальные вопросы: действительно ли в самих США, Великобритании, Германии, Франции проходят настоящие выборы, а права и свободы граждан надёжно защищены? Как понимать масштабное наступление на социально-экономические, личные и политические права граждан западных стран, которое приобретает уже системный характер? Что есть практика безнравственных и анти-правовых коллективных наказаний Западом целых стран и народов как не открытое проявление фашизма? Как оценивать в этой связи русофобию, дискриминацию российских граждан, запрет на произведения русской культуры? Авторы пришли к выводам о том, что в последние годы на Западе оформилась тенденция к проведению смысловой демаркации между фашизмом и нацизмом; при этом фашизм – это родовое понятие, а итальянский, немецкий, португальский, украинский и другие виды фашизма – его частные случаи, разновидности. В своих оценках будущего авторы предостерегают, что большое влияние открыто профашистские силы на Западе могут получить в результате резкого падения качества жизни основных групп населения своих стран. Формулируя предложения для практической антифашистской деятельности, авторы считают, что подлинная борьба с фашизмом может быть только бескомпромиссной, и ставят вопрос о том, как долго ещё мы будем в ущерб себе игнорировать факты и признавать ложные перестроечно-горбачёвские трактовки истории? По их мнению, история может и должна стать мощным фактором духовной и материальной силы российского общества. Важно понимать, что необходимый задел для этого создаётся государством. И дело здесь не только в том, что лишь оно обладает соответствующими ресурсами и является основным бенефициаром. Обеспечение духовного здоровья общества есть одна из главных задач государства, его обязательная функция, предназначение., The study of the genesis of Fascism, the study of the mechanisms of its influence on the masses, the elucidation of the relationship with Nazism and Totalitarianism are still the most important scientific tasks. Without their solution, it is impossible to determine effective ways of anti-Fascist activity and achieve a final victory over Fascism. Therefore, nationalism, fascism, totalitarianism, communism, the problem of their identification and correlation are substantively considered in this article. According to the authors, adherents of the mythical consanguinity of Fascism and Communism do not want to take into account the fundamental essential differences between these phenomena, but instead absolutize the form. Among private, but significant aspects of the problem, the article presents: the phenomenon of Ukrainian Nazism; factors of hatred and violence in the ideology of Fascism and Nazism; how Fascism takes hold of the masses (including the role of education, the position of the Church); Fascization of the modern West. In this regard, the authors raise topical questions: are real elections really held in the USA, Great Britain, Germany, France, and are the rights and freedoms of citizens reliably protected? How to understand the large-scale attack on the socio-economic, personal and political rights of citizens of Western countries, which is already becoming systemic? What is the practice of immoral and anti-legal collective punishment by the West of entire countries and peoples, if not an open manifestation of Fascism? How to assess Russophobia in this regard, discrimination against Russian citizens, the ban on works of Russian culture? The authors came to the conclusion that in recent years in the West there has been a trend towards a semantic demarcation between Fascism and Nazism; while Fascism is a generic concept, and Italian, German, Portuguese, Ukrainian and other types of Fascism are its special cases, varieties. In their assessments of the future, the authors warn that openly pro-Fascist forces in the West may gain great influence as a result of a sharp drop in the quality of life of the main groups of the population in their countries. Formulating proposals for practical anti-Fascist activity, the authors believe that a genuine struggle against Fascism can only be uncompromising, and raise the question of how long we will ignore the facts to our own detriment and recognize the false perestroika-Gorbachev interpretations of History? In their opinion, History can and should become a powerful factor in the spiritual and material strength of Russian society. It is important to understand that the necessary groundwork for this is created by the state. And the point here is not only that only it has the appropriate resources and is the main beneficiary. Ensuring the spiritual health of society is one of the main tasks of the state, its obligatory function, purpose.

Starptautiskās attiecības - Eiropas studijas Socioloģija, politoloģija un antropoloģija International Relations - European Studies Sociology, Politics and Anthropology Bakalaura darbs ar nosaukumu “Korejiešu popmūzikas (''K-pop") grupu darbība ANO Dienvidkorejas publiskās diplomātijas mērķu realizēšanā” sniedz ieskatu pēdējos gados arvien biežāk manāmajā fenomenā, precīzāk, korejiešu kultūras nozares pārstāvju iesaisti starptautiskajos diplomātiskajos procesos. Attiecībā uz Apvienoto Nāciju Organizāciju (ANO), kopš 2017.g. “K-pop” grupas ir sadarbojušās ar UNICEF, uzstājušās ar savām runām vairākas reizes Ģenerālajā Asamblejā saistībā ar, piemēram, ANO Ilgtspējīgas attīstībās mērķiem, kā arī rādījuši savus mūzikas videoklipus augstākā ranga valstu amatpersonām. Darbā tiek izvirzīta šāda hipotēze: “K-pop” grupu diplomātiskā darbība ANO kontekstā palīdz īstenot mērķi pozicionēt Dienvidkoreju kā starptautisku kultūras virzītājspēku (powerhouse). Tā tiek risināta, analizējot trīs gadījumus – grupu “aespa”, “BLACKPINK” un “BTS” darbību ANO. Hipotēze darba laikā apstiprinājās. Darba pirmā nodaļa ir par publiskās diplomātijas konceptu, kas ir ievērpts konstruktīvisma ietvarā teorētiskās skaidrības nolūkos. Lai sniegtu kontekstu “K-pop” grupu darbībai ANO, darba otrā daļa aplūko Dienvidkorejas pieaugošās kultūras nozares popularitātes un diplomātiskās evolūcijas mijiedarbību. Darba pētnieciskajā daļā par “K-pop” grupu kā diplomātisko aktoru lomu Dienvidkorejas publiskās diplomātijas mērķu realizācijā, izmantojot izstrādāto metodiku, tiek veikta trīs gadījumu diplomātisko darbību analīze, nosakot ierāmēšanas un dienaskārtības noteikšanas metožu pielietojumu un tendences darbībā starptautiskajā organizācijā. Autors secina, ka “K-pop” grupām ir potenciāls realizēt Dienvidkorejas publiskās diplomātijas mērķus. 8 no 10 atlasītajiem mērķiem realizēja vismaz viena grupa. Analizētajos trijos gadījumos neviens nerealizēja divus mērķus – “veicināt starptautisku atbalstu ilgtspējīgam mieram Korejas pussalā” un “veicināt precīzu izpratni par Koreju”. Grupas deva priekšroku ierāmēšanas metodei jeb problēmas atspoguļojuma modifikācijai un labvēlīgāku aspektu izcelšanai. Visas trīs pētītās grupa vienmēr tika pozicionētas kā jauniešu un/vai nākamās paaudzes pārstāvji. The bachelor's thesis entitled "Realization of South Korean public diplomacy goals by means of Korean pop (K-pop) groups' actions at UN" provides an insight into the phenomenon that has been increasingly observed in recent years, more precisely, the involvement of representatives of the Korean cultural industry in international diplomatic processes. Regarding the United Nations (UN), since 2017, K-pop groups have been collaborating with UNICEF on various campaigns, delivering speeches at the General Assembly in relation to, e.g., UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and showing music videos to high-ranking country officials. The following hypothesis is put forward in the work: the diplomatic activity of K-pop groups in the context of the UN helps to realize the goal of positioning South Korea as a cultural powerhouse. It is addressed by analyzing three respective cases - the diplomatic activities of the groups 'aespa', 'BLACKPINK' and 'BTS' at the UN. The hypothesis is confirmed during the analysis. The first chapter of the paper is about the concept of public diplomacy, encapsulated in a constructivist framework for the purpose of providing conceptual clarity. To provide context for the diplomatic activity of K-pop groups, the second part of the paper examines the interplay between the growing popularity of South Korea's cultural industry and the diplomatic evolution of the country. In the research part of the work on the role of K-pop groups as diplomatic actors in the realization of the goals of South Korean public diplomacy, using the developed methodology, an analysis of three cases of diplomatic activities is carried out, determining the application of framing and agenda-setting methods and the trends in activities done in the international organization. The author concludes that K-pop groups have potential to realize South Korean public diplomacy goals. 8 out of 10 categorized goals were realized by at least one group. In the three cases analyzed, no one realized two specific goals: "promoting international support for sustainable peace on the Korean Peninsula" and "promoting an accurate understanding of Korea." The groups preferred the framing method - modifying the presentation of the problem and highlighting more favorable aspects. All three assessed groups were always positioned as representatives of the youth and/or the next generation.

В статье рассматривается политика администрации президента США Барака Обамы в отношении Ирана в контексте иранской ядерной программы. Несмотря на то, что Обама не стремился активно включать регион в центр своих первостепенных внешнеполитических устремлений, для выстраивания отношений с ключевыми игроками Ближнего Востока нужны были новые доктринальные формулировки, стратегические подходы и внешнеполитические действия Соединенных Штатов. Иран и развитие его ядерного потенциала вызвали серьезное беспокойство администрации Обамы, которая попыталась скорректировать политику в отношении Исламской Республики, учитывая ошибки предыдущих лидеров США. Методологической основой представленной работы послужили принципы историзма, стремление к максимальной научной объективности и системности в анализе политики США на Ближнем Востоке. Структурным кодом в отношениях между США и странами Ближнего Востока являлось историческое наследие прошлого, выраженное в системе договорных отношений с рядом ближневосточных государств, конфликтность во взаимоотношениях на фоне общей заинтересованности США в зоне Персидского залива, который традиционно воспринимался как сфера экзистенциальных интересов. В связи с этим исследование строится на аналитическом принципе и с целью выделить наиболее важные аспекты политики США в отношении иранской ядерной программы. Руководствуясь принципом объективности, авторы стремились реконструировать схему принятия внешнеполитических решений администрации Обамы, исходя не из субъективного восприятия, а из тех закономерностей, которые становятся очевидными при анализе фактов. Авторы пришли к выводу о том, что для администрации Обамы относительно успешное заключение ядерного соглашения с Ираном стало крупным достижением внешней политики, которое воспринималось президентом в качестве вклада в задачу нераспространения ядерного оружия. Однако нельзя игнорировать и тот факт, что соглашение с Ираном также вызвало глубокую тревогу среди партнеров США по безопасности на Ближнем Востоке, особенно у Израиля и стран Совета сотрудничества Арабских государств Персидского залива. По мнению авторов, упорное стремление Обамы заключить ядерную сделку с Ираном можно считать важнейшей целью политики США на Ближнем Востоке. Несмотря на успехи по вопросам ядерной сделки в 2015 году, наиболее проблематичным в подходе Обамы к Ирану было его уклонение от продолжения переговоров в рамках всеобъемлющей стратегии., This article examines the policy of the administration of US President Barack Obama towards Iran in the context of the Iranian nuclear program. The Middle East direction of foreign policy is traditionally included in the sphere of acute political and economic interest of the United States. Despite the fact that Barack Obama did not actively seek to include the region in the center of his primary foreign policy aspirations, new doctrinal formulations, strategic approaches and foreign policy actions of the United States were needed to build relations with key players in the Middle East. Iran and the development of its nuclear potential caused serious concern to the Obama administration, which tried to adjust its policy towards the Islamic Republic, taking into account the mistakes of previous US leaders.The methodological basis of the presented work was the principles of historicism, the desire for maximum scientific objectivity and consistency in the analysis of US policy in the Middle East. The structural code in the relations between the United States and the countries of the Middle East was the historical legacy of the past, expressed in the system of contractual relations with a number of Middle Eastern states, the conflict in relations against the background of the general interest of the United States in the Persian Gulf, which was traditionally perceived as a sphere of existential interests. In this regard, the study is based on an analytical principle and in order to highlight the most important aspects of US policy regarding the Iranian nuclear program. Guided by the principle of objectivity, the authors tried to build a scheme for making foreign policy decisions of the Obama administration, based not on subjective perceptions, but on those patterns that become obvious when analyzing the facts. In a Cairo speech in June 2009, Barack Obama set himself a difficult task. On the agenda was the call of Arab leaders to fight extremism through democracy, religious freedom, respect for women's rights and economic development, to solve problems related to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the proliferation of nuclear weapons. The President made it clear that the United States will be a willing partner in striving for a better future for the region and its peoples. The legacy of President George W. Bush, which left a growing socio-economic crisis in the region, required new approaches. The President has outlined a course for building new relations. For the Obama administration, the relatively successful conclusion of the nuclear agreement with Iran was a major achievement of foreign policy, which the Obama administration perceived as a contribution to the task of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. However, we cannot ignore the fact that the agreement with Iran has also caused deep alarm among the parties.

Am 1. Januar 2023 hat Deutschland den G7-Vorsitz an Japan übergeben. Für ihr Präsidentschaftsjahr hatte sich die Bundesregierung eine progressive Agenda vor­genommen, die jedoch früh vom Angriffskrieg Russlands gegen die Ukraine über­lagert wurde. Dennoch sind einige materielle Erträge zu verzeichnen, darunter der Klimaclub. Die Wirksamkeit dieser Maßnahmen lässt sich zwar noch nicht prüfen; sehr wohl kann aber die Kriseneffektivität der G7 beurteilt werden, ebenso wie die Frage, wie legitim sie regiert. Die Kritik an mangelnder Legitimität des globalen Regierens durch informelle Foren (Club Governance) ist nicht neu. Sie macht sich daran fest, dass die von wenigen Regierungen initiierten Vorhaben sich auf eine Viel­zahl von staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren auswirken, die auf den Politikprozess kaum Einfluss nehmen können. Selektive Partizipation, mangelnde Trans­parenz und fehlende Rechenschaft sind Kritikpunkte, die häufig gegen Club Gover­nance vorgebracht werden. In diesen drei Dimensionen wie auch mit Blick auf die Kriseneffektivität schneidet die G7 recht gut ab. (Autorenreferat)

Статья посвящена анализу и сравнению двух существующих концепций развития корпоративной, социальной и экологической ответственности в рамках деятельности организаций. В статье приведена краткая историческая справка о внедрении компаниями корпоративной социальной ответственности и о зарождении ее современного аналога — концепции ESG. Автором указаны базовые положения каждой из двух концепций, их общие черты и отличия. Итогом статьи является приведение недостатков КСО и аспектов ESG, способных компенсировать их при внедрении современных принципов в деятельность компании., The article is devoted to the analysis and comparison of two existing concepts of corporate, social and environmental responsibility within the main activity of organizations. The article provides a brief historical background on the introduction of corporate social responsibility by companies and the emergence of its modern counterpart — the ESG concept. The author indicates the basic principles of each of the two concepts, their similarities, and differences. The result of the study is to bring the disadvantages of CSR and ESG aspects that can compensate for them when implementing modern principles in the company's activities

In this article, Uzbekistan's participation in global UN programs, the implementation of work to reduce poverty and poverty, the introduction of international experience, ensuring gender equality, the role of the neighborhood institute in solving socio-economic problems, the effectiveness of work carried out in cooperation with various organizations are analyzed on the basis of statistical data.

Lost Enlightenment and Polymaths of Islam, each analyzing a different but linked period of Central Asian civilization, is each a masterwork of scholarship. Each author, now at a different stage in his academic career, has put to good use a bevy of languages to unveil the achievements of societies and ways of life smothered by the Sturm und Drang of life including great power aggressions. S. Frederick Starr has led Soviet as well as Central Asian research institutes based in Washington, D.C. He was the first director of the Kennan Institute at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and later the founding chairman of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, now affiliated with the American Foreign Policy Institute. James Pickett is Assistant Professor of Eurasian History at the University of Pittsburgh. Each author has done research in Russia and Central Asia.

The subject. The author examines the criteria of creation of service permanent establishment (PE) in Russia and possibility of creation of this type of PE in providing R&D services in Russia by foreign specialists.The aim of the paper is to confirm or refute the hypothesis that the provision of R&D ser-vices by foreign specialists in Russia creates a service permanent establishment. The author also analyzes the current science legislation of Russia and suggests ways of its improvement to reduce tax risks.The methodology. The author used general scientific dialectical method of scientific knowledge, the formal-logical method, in particular analysis and synthesis in examining criteria of creation of service permanent establishment. The author also uses a systematic method and a simulation method to establish the relationship between the science legislation and tax legislation.The main results. The activity of foreign scientific specialists in Russia potentially originates the risk of creation of a permanent establishment on the territory of the Russia for the foreign organization, which sent that specialist to provide the relevant services. However, when comparing the international and domestic law enforcement approach, the author revealed a feature of the latter, which consists in applying the criteria of the physical type of permanent establishment to a service permanent establishment, which in turn gives rise to legal uncertainty and the risk of double taxation in some situations. There is no relevant judicial practice on the topic. Budgetary scientific organizations have a certain priority over commercial scientific organizations when involving foreign specialists in R&D activities in Russia.Conclusions. The criteria for the creation of service permanent establishment (including the provision of R&D services) in domestic practice have an ambiguous, evaluative interpretation. However, the risks of discretion in assessing the criteria for creation of service permanent establishment can be eliminated by clarifying these criteria in the Tax Code of the Russian Federation. Amendments to the science legislation can also eliminate above and fore-going risks.

Menteri Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan (Mendikbud) Nadiem Anwar Makarim, menetapkan empat program pokok kebijakan pendidikan “Merdeka Belajar”. Program tersebut meliputi Ujian Sekolah Berstandar Nasional (USBN), Ujian Nasional (UN), Rencana Pelaksanaan Pembelajaran (RPP), dan Peraturan Penerimaan Peserta Didik Baru (PPDB) Zonasi. “Empat program pokok kebijakan pendidikan tersebut akan menjadi arah pembelajaran kedepan yang fokus pada arahan Bapak Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dalam meningkatkan kualitas sumber daya manusia,” demikian disampaikan Mendikbud pada peluncuran Empat Pokok Kebijakan Pendidikan “Merdeka Belajar”, di Jakarta, Rabu (11/12). Arah kebijakan baru penyelenggaraan USBN, kata Mendikbud, pada tahun 2020 akan diterapkan dengan ujian yang diselenggarakan hanya oleh sekolah. Ujian tersebut dilakukan untuk menilai kompetensi siswa yang dapat dilakukan dalam bentuk tes tertulis atau bentuk penilaian lainnya yang lebih komprehensif, seperti portofolio dan penugasan (tugas kelompok, karya tulis, dan sebagainya). “Dengan itu, guru dan sekolah lebih merdeka dalam penilaian hasil belajar siswa. Anggaran USBN sendiri dapat dialihkan untuk mengembangkan kapasitas guru dan sekolah, guna meningkatkan kualitas pembelajaran,” terang Mendikbud. Selanjutnya, mengenai ujian UN, tahun 2020 merupakan pelaksanaan UN untuk terakhir kalinya. “Penyelenggaraan UN tahun 2021, akan diubah menjadi Asesmen Kompetensi Minimum dan Survei Karakter, yang terdiri dari kemampuan bernalar menggunakan bahasa (literasi), kemampuan bernalar menggunakan matematika (numerasi), dan penguatan pendidikan karakter,” jelas Mendikbud. Pelaksanaan ujian tersebut akan dilakukan oleh siswa yang berada di tengah jenjang sekolah (misalnya kelas 4, 8, 11), sehingga dapat mendorong guru dan sekolah untuk memperbaiki mutu pembelajaran. Hasil ujian ini tidak digunakan untuk basis seleksi siswa ke jenjang selanjutnya. “Arah kebijakan ini juga mengacu pada praktik baik pada level internasional seperti PISA dan TIMSS,” tutur Mendikbud. Sedangkan untuk penyusunan Rencana Pelaksanaan Pembelajaran (RPP), Kemendikbud akan menyederhanakannya dengan memangkas beberapa komponen. Dalam kebijakan baru tersebut, guru secara bebas dapat memilih, membuat, menggunakan, dan mengembangkan format RPP. Tiga komponen inti RPP terdiri dari tujuan pembelajaran, kegiatan pembelajaran, dan asesmen. “Penulisan RPP dilakukan dengan efisien dan efektif sehingga guru memiliki lebih banyak waktu untuk mempersiapkan dan mengevaluasi proses pembelajaran itu sendiri. Satu halaman saja cukup,” jelas Mendikbud. Dalam penerimaan peserta didik baru (PPDB), Kemendikbud tetap menggunakan sistem zonasi dengan kebijakan yang lebih fleksibel untuk mengakomodasi ketimpangan akses dan kualitas di berbagai daerah. Komposisi PPDB jalur zonasi dapat menerima siswa minimal 50 persen, jalur afirmasi minimal 15 persen, dan jalur perpindahan maksimal 5 persen. Sedangkan untuk jalur prestasi atau sisa 0-30 persen lainnya disesuaikan dengan kondisi daerah. “Daerah berwenang menentukan proporsi final dan menetapkan wilayah zonasi,” ujar Mendikbud.

The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisation since 1948. A new global environment established by the end of Cold War, elevated the Police Division to a more pronounced role in international peace as an essential pillar of UN peacekeeping missions. Nonetheless, despite the increased role of police in international missions, research on police contributions to peacekeeping remains limited. This article addresses this gap in literature by highlighting the case of Turkey’s contribution to UN international police peacekeeping missions. The article confirms empirically that the Turkish police contribution has increased since the 2000s by relying on quantitative data offered by the TUBAKOV dataset designed to collect data on international peacekeeping missions of Turkey. The paper contends that, besides global trends, the increased participation of Turkey in UN-led missions reflects its internal political dynamics. First, under the JDP rule, Turkey’s Cold War era subtle foreign policy was transformed to a proactive policy in global politics. Second, since the 2000s, the transformation of civil–military relations has ended the system of military tutelage, and this has had a considerable impact on foreign policy. Civilian authority, by abolishing military dominance, has become the primary actor in foreign policy decision-making.

We document the first record of Laval’s Disk-winged Bat, Thyroptera lavali Pine, 1993, from the Amazon region of Colombia. This record increases to four the number of Thyroptera species in the country and extends the known range of T. lavali 428 km east and 338 km north from the nearest previous localities. The distribution of this species now comprises 11 localities from six ecoregions and five countries: Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela. We highlight the paucity of knowledge on bat species in the Colombian Amazon.

In the 21st century, the threat of international terrorism has replaced the threat of “classic” military confrontations inherent in previous centuries. Despite the fact that terrorist attacks are usually aimed at achieving political goals, however, human lives often become a means of achieving such goals, which creates many challenges not only for world politics and global security but also for internal legal regulation. The issue of the legal definition of the taking and killing of hostages as the methods and types of committing terrorist acts is often fraught with significant difficulties. Using the method of comparative legal analysis, this study analyzes the legal norms of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, which provide for punishment for the murder of hostages, as well as some problems of interpreting these legal norms in the context of foreign experience. Having studied these circumstances, the authors emphasize the importance of differentiating the dispositive norms of the Criminal Code of Ukraine related to the murder of hostages. The study shows that the Criminal Code of Ukraine contains identical legal norms providing for legal liability for the same criminal offense: the premeditated murder of a hostage and the taking of a hostage, which led to grave consequences. The study raises the question and encourages discussion as to whether the lack of direct intent in the killing of hostages is possible. Since scientific and theoretical developments in this direction and the practical testing of criminal law norms for the murder of a hostage and the taking of a hostage leave many open questions, criminal lawyers are given the opportunity for scientific and theoretical research.

The article analyses Japanese approach towards peacekeeping and issues associated with Japans participation in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs). It focuses on factors which influence shaping and transformation of Japans approach towards this sphere of UN activity. For the first time, Japan sent its Self-defense forces to participate in the PKO in the early 1990s and since then peacemaking has become one of the symbols of Japan's contribution to international security. Despite the significance of cooperation with the UN that the Japanese government has underlined, the indicators that characterize Japan's participation in peacekeeping remain at a low level. In the article, the author explores the causes of this phenomenon and identifies patterns that characterize the models of Japanese participation in PKO. Using the historical method and content analysis of official documents and speeches by Japans representatives the author explores the hypothesis that currently, from the point of view of the Japanese government, the issue of participation in the PKOs is important as a way to adapt the public to the expansion of the sphere of activity of the Self-defense forces, but in practice, the ruling circles seek to avoid the risks associated with the participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs, preferring to shift the focus on peace-building, financial, educational and technological contribution that Japan can make to UN operations. The concept of active pacifism promoted by Abe did not lead to a more extensive participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs. An analysis of current trends in peacekeeping suggests that the participation of Self-defense forces in PKOs will remain at a low level and will be offset by other opportunities for Japan to contribute to international peacekeeping.

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations with Congo on July 7, 1960, the ties between USSR and Africa have faced a big challenge. During the difficult years for Congo, after liberation from colonial dependence, the Soviet Union has always advocated the country’s territorial integrity and the internal problems diplomatic solution. However, the bloodshed in Congo could not be avoided. Despite the Soviet support of the legitimate Congo government headed by P. Lumumba, the Western countries, which did not want to lose their positions in resource-rich Congo have found a way to achieve a victory. A military coup led by Joseph-Desire Mobutu took place in the country and national leader Patrice Lumumba was killed in consequence of a murder plot. Moreover, Western countries have managed to use the UN headed by Dag Hammarskjöld for their own purposes, and it only aggravated the situation in the country. The purpose of the study is to reveal the key points of Soviet-African relations in the most difficult period for Congo - the beginning of 1960s. Basing on the documents of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the fundamental works of Russian and foreign Africanist historians, as well as the author’s own work experience in a number of African countries, the author focuses on the analyses of the Soviet Union efforts during the decolonization years, which aim was to stabilize the situation and establish the legitimate rule in the country. The author applies a systematic approach to study political institutions of power, the author also rely on the historical method to study the change of political formations, and an event analysis approach to summarize the information collected about the specific political situation. The author comes to the conclusion that today Africans cooperate only with those who supports their national interests, maintains the security or sovereignty, and comes to the rescue in case of humanitarian disasters and climatic cataclysms. In contrast to 1960s, Africa from a backward continent turned into a full-fledged player on the world arena, occupying important positions in the system of international relations. The voice of African leaders is heard from the UN General Assembly. In this regard, it is important to formulate new approaches and concepts of interaction with African states giving them if not priority, then at least not the last place in the foreign policy of Russia.

Dunia pendidikan Indonesia sedang menjadi perbincangan hangat semua kalangan dengan dikeluarkannya program baru Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Nadiem Makarim tentang merdeka belajar. Empat program merdeka belajar meliputi Ujian Nasional, Ujian Sekolah Berbasis Nasional, Rencana Pelaksanaan Pembelajaran, Sistem Zonasi. Pada tahun 2020 UN akan dihapuskan dan digantikan dengan menerapkan kebijakan Asesmen Kompetensi Minimum dan Survei Karakter. Asesmen kompetensi mininum dan surveri karakter terdiri dari kemampuan bernalar menggunakan bahasa (literasi), kemampuan bernalar menggunakan matematika (numerasi), dan penguatan pendidikan karakter. Penyelenggaraan USBN (Ujian Sekolah Berbasis Nasional) tahun 2020 akan dilakukan dengan ujian yang diselenggarakan oleh sekolah. Ujian tersebut dilakukan untuk menilai kompetensi siswa dan dapat dilakukan dalam bentuk tes tertulis atau bentuk penilaian komprehensif seperti portofolio dan penugasan. Portofolio ini nantinya dapat dilakukan melalui tugas kelompok, karya tulis. Dalam pembuatan dan perencanaan RPP guru tidak dibebani lagi dengan banyak komponan seperti pada RPP kurikulum 2013 namun lebih disederhanakan meliputi 3 aspek saja yaitu tujuan pembelajaran, kegiatan pembelajaran dan asesmen. Tunjuannya agar mengurangi beban adminisrasi guru, keempat sistim zonasi perubahaan sistim zonasi yang di canangkan oleh Kementrian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan yang baru untuk mengakomodasi ketimpangan akses dan kualitas di berbagai daerah. Maka komposisi PPDB jalur zonasi dapat menerima siswa minimal 50 persen, jalur afirmasi minimal 15 persen, dan jalur perpindahan maksimal 5 persen. Untuk jalur prestasi atau sisa 0-30 persen lainnya disesuaikan dengan kondisi daerah. Dengan demikian dengan diberlakukan sistim zonasi yang baru maka anak anak yang berprestasi bisa memilih sekolah yang mereka inginkan. 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The main task of the state and international security organizations is to maintain and strengthen peace, to ban war, to promote and respect the rules and principles of international law, to establish cooperation between states in ensuring world order. The most important role in maintaining and strengthening peace lies in multilateral cooperation based on conventions, agreements, treaties concluded between states through diplomatic negotiations in order to improve international relations. Globally, the main role in conflict resolution and prevention is played by international organizations - the UN, NATO, the OSCE, whose main purpose is to maintain peace and security. The authors also emphasize that success or crisis in conflict prevention depends on the ability of competent national authorities and international structures to coordinate their actions and make optimal decisions. The military and civilian-military structures involved in conflict management should work closely with regional bodies and international organizations to positively influence local events. Therefore, it is not necessary to place particular emphasis on expanding cooperation, but rather on strengthening it. &nbsp

The United Nations issued the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 and nine following resolutions promoting the Women, Peace, and Security agenda to protect more women in conflict areas and increase female participation in global peacekeeping operations. This research discusses essential issues about increasing female participation in UN missions. This thesis focuses on three critical areas: why the UN still has slight female participation in the missions, what the UN wants by adding more women to the forces, and how well the female participation campaign works so far. Monthly gender data from the official UN database and relevant literature are used in the research. The theoretical section connects the relationship between economic theories and the status quo of the UN peacekeeping labor market. The empirical research uses time-series data to measure the current trend of female numbers and calculate the estimated strength in the future. Two factors affect the missing number of female peacekeepers: the discrimination prejudices at a societal level and risk preference at an individual level. Findings show female participation in UN peacekeeping operations has a slightly positive trend during the last two decades; however, the number still has some room for improvement in the future. Kapten, Indonesian Navy Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

The Cyprus Island, located in the Eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea, is known for decades of conflict known as the “Cyprus conflict”. The resolution to the conflict is, first of all, influenced by the citizens of local communities. However, we should not forget about the external actors. First and foremost international organisations (UN, EU) and the significant world or regional countries (USA, Russia, Great Britain, Turkey, and Greece) are also significant and very active and efficient in this process. These countries have an important influence on activities in the Eastern Mediterranean and assert their interests in the mentioned region.

The decisions to impose sanctions on Russia and to lift them on Iran, in opposition to the wishes of the United States, contributed to the elevation of the profile of the European Union among the main global actors in international politics. However, the EU imposes sanctions since the spring of 1994, shortly after the entry into force of the Treaty of Maastricht. Even though the EU consequently has 26 years of experience herewith, EU sanctions have been mostly studied only on a case-by-case basis. The aim of this article is to provide an up-to-date and comprehensive overview of the experience of the EU with sanctions. Specifically, it presents the results of a newly constructed database of EU autonomous sanctions constituted by 48 cases of these restrictive measures, which have been subdivided in 85 episodes. The analysis revolves around four questions that we asked in each case: when sanctions were in force, what type(s) were used, where the targets were located and why restrictive measures were imposed. The analysis of the empirical database leads to observations about the EU as an international actor and, more generally, on the trends vis-a-vis the utilisation of sanctions as a foreign policy instrument.

The interaction between UN and CdCl2 in the LiCl-KCl molten eutectic was studied at 773 K.The reaction was controlled by sampling the melt, as well as by analysis of the resulting precipitate. The process was shown to proceed according to several parallel reactions. The summary reaction was determined to have two stages: a fast one and a slow one. The 19–53% UN → UCl3 conversion was obtained for the molar ratio of CdCl2/UN = 1.22–14.9. The rest of UN converts into the precipitate of complex composition (UNCl + U2N3 + U4N7 + UN2). The increase in the CdCl2/UN molar ratio from 1.22 to 14.9 resulted in the decrease in duration of the first “fast” stage of the process from 18 h to 1 h. Keywords: Spent nuclear fuel, Nitride nuclear fuel, Chlorination, Pyrochemistry, UN, UNCl, Molten salts

RESUMEN: en este estudio, analizaremos la situación de los Derechos Humanos en Afganistán a lo largo de su historia más reciente. Estos derechos, especialmente en el caso de las mujeres, se han visto limitados por los diferentes gobiernos y normas jurídicas que se han ido sucediendo en el país. Nuestro análisis, realizado principalmente a través de documentos emitidos por la ONU, nos permitirá ver qué derechos se han vulnerado y cómo ha sido la situación de las mujeres en Afganistán en cada uno de esos periodos. ABSTRACT: in this study, we will analyse the human rights situation in Afghanistan throughout its recent history. These rights, especially in the case of women, have been limited by the different governments and legal regulations that have succeeded each other in the country. Our analysis, carried out mainly through documents issued by the UN, will allow us to see what rights have been violated and what the situation of women has been like in each of these periods in Afghanistan. Grado en Derecho

Il 28 luglio 2022, l'Assemblea generale ONU ha adottato la risoluzione 76/300, dove riconosce il diritto umano ad un ambiente pulito, salubre, sostenibile. Nonostante la propria natura di atto di soft law e alcuni limiti nella propria formulazione, la risoluzione costituisce un momento importante per il riconoscimento, a livello multilaterale, di obblighi di protezione dell'ambiente nel quadro delle norme sui diritti umani.

В статье анализируется Конференция Организации Объединенных Наций по окружающей среде и развитию, также известная как Саммит Земли, которая проходило в Рио-де-Жанейро с 3 по 14 июня 1992 года и последовавшие за нею с периодом в 10 лет международные климатические форумы в Йоханнесбурге (2002) и Рио-де-Жанейро (2012). Автор специально отмечает, что в ходе данных конференций было заключено несколько важных природоохранных соглашений, в дополнение к открытию для подписания двух многосторонних договоров: Рамочной конвенции Организации Объединенных Наций об изменении климата и Конвенции о биологическом разнообразии. Основной темой встреч была дискуссия об устойчивом развитии и способах обращения вспять процесса деградации окружающей среды., The article analyzes the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, also known as the Earth Summit, which was held in Rio de Janeiro from June 3 to June 14, 1992 and the international climate forums in Johannesburg (2002) and Rio de Janeiro (2012) that followed it with a period of 10 years. The author specifically notes that several important environmental agreements were concluded during these conferences, in addition to the opening for signature of two multilateral treaties: the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Convention on Biological Diversity. The main topic of the meetings was a discussion on sustainable development and ways to reverse the process of environmental degradation.

В статье рассматривается влияние иракского вопроса на развитие российско-американских отношений в 1990-х – 2000-х гг. Автор акцентирует внимание на подходах Москвы к его решению. С середины 1990-х гг. российское руководство делало ставку на дипломатические средства урегулирования ситуации вокруг Ирака на основе резолюций Совета Безопасности ООН. Вашингтон избрал силовое давление. Вторжение США в Ирак привело к осложнению российско-американских отношений. Россия оказалась вынуждена подстраиваться под ситуацию, поскольку Москва была заинтересована в выстраивании конструктивных отношений с Вашингтоном., The article examines the influence of the Iraqi issue on the development of Russian-American relations in the 1990s – 2000s. The author focuses on Moscow’s approaches to its solution. Since the mid 1990s the Russian leadership relied on diplomatic means to resolve the situation around Iraq on the basis of UN Security Council resolutions. Washington chose forceful pressure. The US invasion in Iraq has led to a complication of Russian-American relations. Russia found itself forced to adapt to the situation, because Moscow was interested in building constructive relations with Washington.

Рассматриваются основы международного сотрудничества в сфере противодействия кибертерроризму. Анализируются вопросы взаимодействия сил всех государств в борьбе с данным видом преступления. Отмечается, что международное сотрудничество ведется в рамках односторонних и двусторонних международных отношений. Основной пробел при взаимодействии национальных органов по противодействию киберугрозам заключается в том, что, с одной стороны, это единственный способ противостоять современным угрозам кибертерроризма для защиты государственно-важной инфраструктуры, а с другой стороны, данное взаимодействие приводит к отказу государств от части своего суверенитета. Эффективная борьба с кибертерроризмом возможна только при объединении сил государств в рамках деятельности международных и региональных организаций для совершенствования нормативной основы и механизмов защиты информационной инфраструктур., The basics of international cooperation in the field of countering cyberterrorism are considered. The issues of interaction of forces of all states to combat this type of crime are analyzed. It is noted that international cooperation is conducted within the framework of unilateral and bilateral international relations. The main gap in the interaction of national authorities to counter cyber threats is that, on the one hand, this is the only way to counter modern threats of cyberterrorism to protect state-important infrastructure, and on the other hand, this interaction leads to the renunciation of states of part of their sovereignty. An effective fight against cyberterrorism is possible only with the unification of the forces of states within the framework of the activities of international and regional organizations to improve the regulatory framework and mechanisms for the protection of information infrastructure.

保加利亚共产党员格奥尔基耶娃在中国共产党领导下如何统治世界的

The work is devoted to cooperation between the UN and Uzbekistan. The article illustrates the fundamental aspects of cooperation between the UN and the Republic of Uzbekistan in several areas - from political to environmental. The article describes the development of cooperation and the implementation of the achieved goals, as well as the contribution of Uzbekistan to peace in Central Asia and to the fight against terrorism. The actual problem of the Aral Sea and cooperation of the international community is also mentioned. The paper also analyzes the recent contribution of Uzbekistan to mutual cooperation with the United Nations and its bodies.

Regions are becoming increasingly central to both the implementation and claims to legitimacy of UN peacekeeping operations. In 2008, in the UN Secretary General published a report on the relationship between the UN and Regional Organisations (S/2008/186**), highlighting that UN-regional partnerships should develop to entail wider capacity building activities, define and refine the responsibilities of regions and the UN in both Chapter VIII and non-chapter VIII activities, and perform functions in support of disarmament and mediation. However, ten years after the UN Secretary General’s report and four years after the HIPPO report there is still an urgent need to understand how, and in response to what drivers, are UN peacekeeping operations changing? In this paper I argue that because of the UN’s approach to partnerships it excludes learning from the contributions of other global potential partners including ASEAN. As a result, although there are pathways that make it possible for such a transfer of knowledge and experience, but these are often blocked—or perhaps just obscured—by the practices within the UN; for example, the institutional stickiness around partnerships. Postprint

This article studies the interconnection of global and regional security systems using the example of the interaction of the United Nations (UN) with the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). According to the author, their activity is underestimated. These organizations appeared in the wake of the emergence of a pool of regional associations of countries that have become involved in security and peacekeeping activities. Both associations have a similar composition of members, were established after the collapse of the USSR, are observers in the UN, are engaged in security as one of their key activities, and have similar functions. The CSTO and the SCO prevented new conflicts from breaking out in the post-Soviet space by acting as stabilizing forces within the borders of their regions and the participating states. This study’s relevance is underscored first, by the special role that regional organizations play in building and operating a global security system; second, by the lack of existing research focused on the interaction of the UN with the CSTO and the SCO; and third, by the need to improve the collective mechanisms for responding to new security threats which become intertwined with existing challenges. The theory of military-political alliances provides the analytical basis of this research. The article uses quantitative and qualitative methods, including analysis of United Nations documents. The interconnection between the UN, SCO and CSTO is analyzed by counting the number of times the keywords “CSTO” and “SCO” appear in UN documents and defining the context of their use over a period of 15 (from 2002 to 2017) and 16 years (from 2001 to 2017) respectively. An extensive database of UN documents was available from the United Nations Bibliographic Information System (UNBISNET). Based on this analysis, an assessment is made of the contribution and interest of the Russian Federation as a leading player in international relations in the process of strengthening the interconnection of global and regional security systems.

Actuality of the research topiс. Strategic priorities of world labor market development in the first quarter of the 21st century are shaped under the impact of a range of multidirectional actions factors – from globalization and respect for the open economy principle by majority of the world countries to neoprotectionism which is becoming more widespread in foreign economic policy of developed countries of the world. Each country which observes the market-based principles is closely linked to the world labor market via labor force resource and labor migration processes. These ties are constantly strengthening as countries obey international law, consider international labor market regulatory mechanisms in their national governance practice, and introduce the best world examples of institutional support for employment, unemployment reduction, labor migration regulation and counteracting all forms of discrimination at labor market. Respect for strategic priorities of world labor market development is of actual importance for all world countries, including Ukraine which for the last five years has significantly expanded labor migration flows and become the active participant of world labor market. Analysis of recent research and publications. Considerable contribution to the study of current situation and defining the newest world labor market development trends in the 21st century was made by profound Ukrainian scholars like A.Philippenko, O.Hrishnova, O.Malinovs’ka, E.Libanova, A.Dembitska and others. Among the foreign scientists who researched the core and main patterns of world labor market development within globalization we should mention G. Borjas, Y. Jansen, R. Celikates, J. de Bloois, A. Zolberg, E.Meyers, P. Wickramasekara, A. Zogata-Kusz etc. Extraction of unexplored parts of a common problem. Scope of the study into the core and constituencies of world labor market are pretty fully highlighted in the world economic literature. Yet, to define strategic priorities of world labor market development it is especially important to study the impact of institutional and organizational and economic tools of international organizations activity on world labor market regulation and development. This issue is an important component of international economic relations. Statement of the research purpose and tasks. The purpose of the study is to examine commonality and define strategic priorities of world labor market development in the 21st century. To achieve it the following tasks are set and resolved in the article: - to research the factors affecting world labor market reforming and defining the priorities of its development; - to research institutional and legal, organizational and economic mechanisms of international organizations impact on regulation and unification, defining strategic priorities of world labor market development; - to reveal the newest trends of world labor market development which are shaped under structural and innovative changes, countries’ transition to ‘Industry 4.0’, as well as under impact of labor migration processes. Method or methodology of the research. While defining strategic priorities of world labor market development a set of theoretical and empirical scientific research methods are used. Revealing institutional factors affecting world labor market development, historical and logical methods, methods of synthesis and analysis, abstract and specific methods, and cause-effect method are used. To research the impact of institutional and legal, organizational and economic mechanisms on world labor market historical and logical methods, methods of induction and deduction, methods of classification and generalization are employed. Whereas methods of synergy and expert estimates, casual method are used to justify the innovational processes and labor migration impact on shaping strategic priorities of world labor market development. Presentation of the main material (research results). World labor market is a complex economic system modified under dynamics of supply and demand for labor resources at the world market; under the impact of labor force price charges specificity, terms and pay level formation, as well as social security peculiar nature; qualitative and quantitative mobility and placement of labor force in different world countries; differences in national approaches to labor force reproduction, their professional training and qualification improvement. Within globalization national labor markets lose their closeness and remoteness, becoming constituent part of world labor market. Strategic priorities of world labor market development are shaped under the impact of a range of multidirectional actions factors: globalization and national economy openness, neoprotectionism, structural and innovational changes in world economy, countries’ transition to ‘Industry 4.0’. It occurs due to labor migration activization and enhancing the role of international organizations as coordinators of international economic relations development. Strategic priorities of world labor market development are strongly affected by the international organizations which set standard rules of the game for all countries of the world both at local and world labor markets. Among the priorities the following ones are particularly important: protecting the rights of the employed, unification of system of remuneration and taxation, establishing social guarantees and social security, procedures of admission and dismissal, preventing all forms of discrimination and legal employment. Transition to a 4-day working week is of reality for developed countries of the world. Working terms under freelance system are standardized, as well as for those who work from home in services and within the norms of creative economy. The 21st century faces the growth of labor force mobility, unification of labor migrants’ rights security, labor standards and salary conditions, guaranteeing labor migrants’ social protection. Institutional and legal, as well as organizational and economic security of national labor markets of the world countries is gradually harmonized and unified with world standards implemented by international organizations. International organizations shape the newest trends of world labor market reforms. Organizational forms of world labor market in the 21st century include elaboration and adoption of institutional and legal norms of world labor market development provision; indicative planning (forecasting); defining strategic priorities and long-term purposes of world labor market development; administrative regulatory methods (including fines, penalties, licenses and sanctions). The role of international institutional and financial assistance is growing via consultations, forums, technical aid and recommendations, as well as target-projected financing, grants, free humanitarian and other financial assistance. World labor market is a subject to regular international monitoring, system of international control on the development aimed at prevention all forms of discrimination, human rights and freedoms violation (including labor force and employees), child exploitation and human trade at the world labor market. Strategic priorities of world labor market reforms involve measures directed at employment legalization, preventing human trade and illegal labor force exploitation, avoiding child labor exploitation, preventing all forms of discrimination and ‘shadow economy’ features in recruitment and income generation, protection of employees and labor migrants’ rights and freedoms at world labor market. Reforming Ukrainian labor market as a part of world labor market demands for such strategic priorities as implementation of international standards on the employees’ rights security in Ukraine, pay rise in accordance with EU countries standards, prevention of discrimination and ‘shadow economy’ features at labor market, legalization of employers’ and employees’ income, protection of their rights and freedoms, social securing of their guarantees, as well as the ones for employed migrants working at Ukrainian labor market and Ukrainian labor migrants abroad. The field of the results application. International economic relations and world market. Conclusions according to the article. Trends of world labor market development are correlated with general trends and directions of economic cycle stages (recession, depression, growth and peak), whereas depending on demographical situation in the country and the world, character and dimension of countries’ economy structural transformation and integrational world countries grouping. Basic trends of world labor market development in the 2010s include system of remuneration reforming, moving to general growth in pay rise while freezing substantial discrepancies in wages and salaries between developed and developing countries of the world. The essential trend of world labor market is activization of labor migration processes both at the markets of developed and developing countries. Labor migration in the 21st century is mostly of legal official character, though their segments alter towards growth in demand for labor force at the EU and Asian markets. The demand for highly skilled professionals whose activity is close to innovations is rising dynamically at the world labor market.

In the article we examine relevant problems regarding human rights on roads with arising digitalized processes. The problems cover three aspects. First, are the rights of drivers, passengers, and impaired individuals who use digitalized management systems while on the roads. Second, is the protection of the rights of those who are dismissed from driving the public transport with digitalized management systems. Third, is the potential danger to the society from economic outcomes of further digitalization. In the end, the article gives a comprehensive argument about the importance of securing human rights on the roads as it was brought up to our attention by the United Nations.Following the afore mentioned aspects of the problem, the article derives hypothetical solutions regarding human rights of road users with arising digitalized process. First of all, it remains essential to reinforce drivers’ rules on the roads. Next, safety of pedestrians, people who are travelling on foot, needs to be ensured since they are worse off in case of an emergency on the roads. Finally, it is a special focus on ensuring the rights of persons with disabilities. The latter applies not only to the drivers and pedestrians, but also to passengers with disabilities who use the means of urban ground transportation.

The United Nations in 2016 adopted the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (the successor to its Millennium Development Goals), which should eliminate poverty and achieve sustainable development by 2030. A newly published release by the United Nation World Public Sector Report 2018 using a holistic approach very nicely sheds light on the additional measures that are needed to the collaborative efforts of various stakeholders in the inclusion of those that are left out. This excellent report was prepared by many authors using mixed methods that combined literature reviews and expert contributions. The team composed of United Nations personnel was led by David Le Blan under the responsibility of Marion Barthélemy.

In the context of digital image processing and analysis, the Binary Partition Tree (BPT) is a classical data-structure for the hierarchical modelling of images at different scales. BPTs belong both to the families of graph-based models and morphological hierarchies. They constitute an efficient way to define sets of nested partitions of image support, that further provide knowledge-guided reduced research spaces for optimization-based segmentation procedures. Basically, a BPT is built in a mono-feature way, i.e., for one given image, and one given metric, by merging pairs of connected image regions that are similar in the induced feature space. We propose in this work a generalization of the BPT construction framework, allowing to embed multiple features. The cornerstone of our approach relies on a collaborative strategy enabling to establish a consensus between different metrics, thus allowing to obtain a unified hierarchical segmentation space. In particular, this provides alternatives to the complex issue of arbitrary metric construction from several – possibly non-comparable – features. To reach that goal, we first revisit the BPT construction algorithm to describe it in a fully graph-based formalism. Then, we present the structural and algorithmic evolutions and impacts when embedding multiple features in BPT construction. We also discuss different ways to tackle the induced memory and time complexity issues raised by this generalized framework. Final experiments illustrate how this multi-feature framework can be used to build BPTs from multiple metrics computed through the (potentially multiple) image content(s), in particular in the context of remote sensing.

The article is intended to review the penalty for violation of the buyer's obligations in international sales contracts. It shows how the Hague International Convention and the United Nations Convention deal with penalties for the buyer's breach of its obligations. It is summarized whether they were the same as the penalties for violating the seller's obligations, or not., Статья предназначена для обзора штрафа за нарушение обязательств покупателя в международных договорах купли-продажи. Показано как Гаагская международная конвенция и Конвенция Организации Объединенных Наций касаются штрафов за нарушение покупателем своих обязательств. Резюмируется, были ли они такими же, как штрафы за нарушение обязательств продавца, или нет.

Современное миротворчество во всех его видах и формах от превентивной дипломатии до разумного использования силы, несмотря на все сопутствующие издержки и недостатки, является эффективным способом предотвращения, контроля и урегулирования вооруженных конфликтов. Важно, чтобы в миротворческих операциях выполнялись основополагающие международно-правовые нормы и не нарушались права человека и суверенных государств как бы сложно это ни было осуществить. Миротворчество, как один из главных приоритетов внешнеполитического курса Казахстана, способствует развитию позитивных изменений как в регионе, так и во внутренней политике республики, формируя благоприятный климат для привлечения финансовых, технологических и инновационных ресурсов, дальнейшей демократизации общества., Modern peacekeeping in all its forms and forms, from preventive diplomacy to the reasonable use of force, despite all the attendant costs and disadvantages, is an effective way to prevent, control and resolve armed conflicts. It is important that in peacekeeping operations the fundamental international legal norms are fulfilled and the rights of human and sovereign states are not violated, no matter how difficult it may be to implement. Peacekeeping, as one of the main priorities of Kazakhstan's foreign policy, contributes to the development of positive changes both in the region and in the internal policy of the republic, creating a favorable climate for attracting financial, technological and innovative resources, and further democratizing society.

В статье рассматриваются нормативно-правовые основы, регулирующие сферу оборота и потребления психоактивных, наркотических веществ и алкоголя среди молодежи. Рассмотрены международные основополагающие правовые основы: единая Конвенция о наркотических средствах, Конвенция о психотропных веществах, Конвенция о борьбе против незаконного оборота наркотических средств и психотропных веществ. Определены основные правовые акты, регламентирующие деятельность по профилактике употребления психоактивных веществ в России. Представлены меры профилактики употребления психоактивных веществ среди молодежи, реализуемые в Республике Башкортостан. Определено, что, несмотря на, предпринимаемые государством и обществом меры, искоренить проблему употребления психоактивных веществ представляется невозможным., The article discusses the legal framework governing the sphere of circulation and consumption of psychoactive, narcotic substances and alcohol among young people. The international fundamental legal frameworks were considered: the unified Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the Convention on Psychotropic Substances, and the Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances. The main legal acts regulating activities for the prevention of the use of psychoactive substances in Russia have been determined. Presents measures for the prevention of the use of psychoactive substances among young people, implemented in the Republic of Bashkortostan. It was determined that, despite the measures taken by the state and society, it seems impossible to eradicate the problem of using psychoactive substances.

В статье выявляются особенности развития гражданской войны в Ливии после свержения М.Каддафи и позиция и политика США в отношении урегулировании ливийского конфликта. При оценке вероятного сценария развития процесса примирения автором дан анализ основных событий и причин вмешательства США в ливийский конфликт. В заключении делается вывод, о том, что действия США говорят о возможности положительного изменения политической обстановки в Ливии, но остаются вопросы относительно характера партнерства США с разными ливийскими группами, объема помощи, степени сотрудничества или конфронтации с другими внешними силами, стремящимися влиять на развитие событий в Ливии., The article reveals the reasons and the developments of the civil war in Libya after the overthrow of M. Gaddafi and the position and policy of the United States towards the future of Libya. In assessing the possible scenario for the development of the reconciliation process, the author analyzes the main events and causes of US intervention in the Libyan conflict. In conclusion, the author argues that the US actions indicate to the positive change in the political situation in Libya, but some questions still remain regarding the nature of the US partnership with various Libyan groups, the amount of assistance, the degree of cooperation or confrontation with other external forces seeking to influence the development of events in Libya.

YK:n turvallisuusneuvoston vaihtuvan jäsenen paikka on tavoiteltu. Paikka tuo valtiolle määritelmällisesti lisääntyviä mahdollisuuksia verkostoitumiseen sekä lisääntyneen kansainvälispoliittisen näkyvyyden vuoksi vahvemman statuksen. Artikkelissa tarkastellaan syitä siihen, miksi valtiot tavoittelevat turvallisuusneuvoston vaihtuvan jäsenen paikkaa ja miten ne kampanjoivat paikan saadakseen. Tähän liittyen artikkelissa keskitytään erityisesti Suomen ja Luxemburgin turvallisuusneuvostokampanjoihin kaudelle 2013-2014, joista Suomen kampanja tunnetusti epäonnistui. Suomen kampanjan epäonnistumisen osalta artikkelissa esitetään, että sen syynä ei ollut liian liberaalien arvojen painottaminen tai pohjoismaalaisuus. Sen sijaan Suomen kampanjan epäonnistumisen taustalla vaikuttivat myöhäiset kampanjatoimet, ristiriitainen maakuva, epäselvät kampanjaviestit, -teemat ja -motiivit, ”business as usual” -asenne, kampanjan vähäinen poliittinen merkitys sekä kilpailijoiden erinomainen suoriutuminen.

À partir de 1964, l’ONU devient partie prenante des efforts internationaux pour résoudre le conflit chypriote. Identifié comme relevant à la fois de la décolonisation (britannique, et de l’Empire ottoman), de la Guerre froide, mais aussi de la catégorie des « nouveaux conflits » post-bipolaires, ce cas attire l’attention de tous les spécialistes de la résolution des conflits. L’ONU, mais aussi des États-tiers ou même des acteurs privés jouant les médiateurs, essaient, d’une part d’y appliquer des processus déjà expérimentés ailleurs, voire à d’autres époques ; d’autre part d’innover. Chypre constitue ainsi un laboratoire d’expérimentation de différentes approches et solutions en matière de résolution de conflit, et ce d’autant plus facilement qu’il s’agit d’un des rares conflits vraiment « gelés » (depuis 1974). Ainsi, les « faiseurs de paix » ne sont pas sous la pression de l’urgence voire du risque de nouveau « bain de sang ». Une opportunité pour eux. Mais pour Chypre ? From 1964 onwards, the UN became involved in international efforts to resolve the Cyprus conflict. Identified as a conflict of (British but also Ottoman) decolonization, Cold War, but also as a post-bipolar «new conflict», this case attracts the attention of all conflict resolution specialists. The UN, but also third States or even private actors acting as mediators, try, on the one hand to apply processes already tried elsewhere, or even at other times, and on the other hand to innovate. Cyprus is thus a laboratory for experimenting with different approaches and solutions to conflict resolution, all the more easily as it is one of the few truly «frozen» conflicts (since 1974). Thus, the «peace-mongers» are not under the pressure of urgency or even the risk of another «bloodbath». An opportunity for them. But for Cyprus? Από το 1964, η ΟΗΕ έγινε μέρος των διεθνών προσπαθειών για την επίλυση της κυπριακής σύγκρουσης. Αναγνωρίζεται ότι εμπίπτει τόσο στην από‑αποικισμό (Βρετανική όσο και Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία), στον Ψυχρό Πόλεμο, αλλά και στην κατηγορία των μετά‑διπολικών «νέων συγκρούσεων», η υπόθεση αυτή προσελκύει την προσοχή όλων των μελετητών της επίλυσης συγκρούσεων. Τα Ηνωμένα Έθνη, αλλά και τρίτα κράτη ή ακόμη και ιδιωτικοί φορείς που ενεργούν ως διαμεσολαβητές, προσπαθούν αφενός να εφαρμόσουν διαδικασίες που έχουν ήδη δοκιμαστεί αλλού ή σε άλλες χρονικές στιγμές και, αφετέρου, να καινοτομούν. Ως εκ τούτου, η Κύπρος είναι ένα εργαστήριο πειραματισμού με διαφορετικές προσεγγίσεις και λύσεις για την επίλυση συγκρούσεων, ελκυστικό μάλιστα αφού είναι μία από τις λίγες πραγματικά «παγωμένες» συγκρούσεις (από το 1974). Έτσι, οι «ειρηνευτές» δεν είναι υπό την πίεση του επείγοντος ή του κινδύνου ενός νέου «αίματος». Μια ευκαιρία γι ‘αυτούς. Αλλά για την Κύπρο

Объектом данного исследования выступает организация процесса становления и развития экономики знаний и эволюция развития организаций, контролирующих и запускающих указанные процессы. Автор предприняла попытку сформулировать общую картину возникновения предпосылок для формирования глобального экономического пространства и возникновения понятия экономики знаний, рассмотрела систему организаций, контролирующих развитие экономики знаний в регионах, осветив региональную кооперацию в целях развития экономик стран и интеграции их в глобальную экономическую систему. Также в данном исследовании рассмотрены основные индексы, учитываемые при мониторинге состояния развития экономики знания, рассмотрено текущее положение РФ по каждому показателю. В заключении автор сформулировала основные тенденции развития экономики знаний, а также задачи по ее развитию, стоящие перед обществом на сегодняшний день.

This study explores the current state and dynamics of the global Indigenous data sovereignty movement-the movement pressing for Indigenous peoples to have full control over the collection and governance of data relating to their lived realities. The article outlines the movement's place within the broader push for Indigenous self-determination; examines its links to big data, open data, intellectual property rights, and access and benefit-sharing; details a pioneering assertion of data sovereignty by Canada's First Nations; outlines relevant UN and international civil society processes; and examines the nascent movement in Africa. The study identifies a fundamental tension between the objectives of Indigenous data sovereignty and those of the open data movement, which does not directly cater for Indigenous peoples' full control over their data. The study also identifies the need for African Indigenous peoples to become more fully integrated into the global Indigenous data sovereignty movement.