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This article presents outcomes from a Workshop entitled “Bioarchaeology: Taking Stock and Moving Forward, ” which was held at Arizona State University (ASU) on March 6–8, 2020. Funded by the National Science Foundation (NSF), the School of Human Evolution and Social Change (ASU), and the Center for Bioarchaeological Research (CBR, ASU), the Workshop's overall goal was to explore reasons why research proposals submitted by bioarchaeologists, both graduate students and established scholars, fared disproportionately poorly within recent NSF Anthropology Program competitions and to offer advice for increasing success. Therefore, this Workshop comprised 43 international scholars and four advanced graduate students with a history of successful grant acquisition, primarily from the United States. Ultimately, we focused on two related aims: (1) best practices for improving research designs and training and (2) evaluating topics of contemporary significance that reverberate through history and beyond as promising trajectories for bioarchaeological research. Among the former were contextual grounding, research question/hypothesis generation, statistical procedures appropriate for small samples and mixed qualitative/quantitative data, the salience of Bayesian methods, and training program content. Topical foci included ethics, social inequality, identity (including intersectionality), climate change, migration, violence, epidemic disease, adaptability/plasticity, the osteological paradox, and the developmental origins of health and disease. Given the profound changes required globally to address decolonization in the 21st century, this concern also entered many formal and informal discussions.

Climate change is an indisputable threat to human health, especially for societies already confronted with rising social inequality, political and economic uncertainty, and a cascade of concurrent environmental challenges. Archaeological data about past climate and environment provide an important source of evidence about the potential challenges humans face and the long-term outcomes of alternative short-term adaptive strategies. Evidence from well-dated archaeological human skeletons and mummified remains speaks directly to patterns of human health over time through changing circumstances. Here, we describe variation in human epidemiological patterns in the context of past rapid climate change (RCC) events and other periods of past environmental change. Case studies confirm that human communities responded to environmental changes in diverse ways depending on historical, sociocultural, and biological contingencies. Certain factors, such as social inequality and disproportionate access to resources in large, complex societies may influence the probability of major sociopolitical disruptions and reorganizations—commonly known as “collapse.” This survey of Holocene human–environmental relations demonstrates how flexibility, variation, and maintenance of Indigenous knowledge can be mitigating factors in the face of environmental challenges. Although contemporary climate change is more rapid and of greater magnitude than the RCC events and other environmental changes we discuss here, these lessons from the past provide clarity about potential priorities for equitable, sustainable development and the constraints of modernity we must address.

The unmarked category of man and claims of innate violence have been tightly linked in the public imagination and in much scholarly work, both in views of the past and the present and in how those ...

OBJECTIVES This study uses osteological and radiocarbon datasets combined with formal quantitative analyses to test hypotheses concerning the character of conflict in the Nasca highlands during the Late Intermediate Period (LIP, 950-1450 C.E.). We develop and test osteological expectations regarding what patterns should be observed if violence was characterized by intragroup violence, ritual conflict, intermittent raiding, or internecine warfare. MATERIALS AND METHODS Crania (n = 267) were examined for antemortem and perimortem, overkill, and critical trauma. All age groups and both sexes are represented in the sample. One hundred twenty-four crania were AMS dated, allowing a detailed analysis of diachronic patterns in violence among various demographic groups. RESULTS Thirty-eight percent (102/267) of crania exhibit some form of cranial trauma, a significant increase from the preceding Middle Horizon era. There are distinct trauma frequencies within the three subphases of the LIP, but Phase III (1300-1450 C.E.) exhibits the highest frequencies of all trauma types. Males exhibit significantly more antemortem trauma than females, but both exhibit similar perimortem trauma rates. DISCUSSION There was chronic, internecine warfare throughout the Late Intermediate Period with important variations in violence throughout the three temporal phases. Evidence for heterogeneity in violent mortality shows a pattern consistent with social substitutability, whereby any and all members of the Nasca highland population were appropriate targets for lethal and sublethal violence. We argue that by testing hypotheses regarding the targets and types of conflict we are better able to explain the causes and consequences of human conflict.

We assess diet and economies of middle Holocene (∼7,500 to 4,000 calibrated [cal] B.P.) humans at coexisting mound sites (Huaca Prieta and Paredones) in north coastal Peru and document regular consumption of maize by ∼6,500 to 6,000 cal B.P. and its earliest use as a staple food in this area of the Andes between 5,000 and 4,500 cal B.P. Stable isotope data from enamel carbonates and dentin collagen (childhood diet) and dental microwear texture analysis (adult diet) demonstrate dietary and economic specialization. Previous studies revealed maize and mixed-food refuse at both sites, but this study documents actual food consumption, showing that these communities situated a few hundred meters apart had significantly distinct diets in childhood and adulthood. Huaca Prieta focused on marine resources, although there are some contributions from terrestrial meat. Paredones individuals primarily consumed maize during childhood (up to 70% of the juvenile diet), as shown by δ(13)C values, apatite-collagen spacing, and discriminant analysis of δ(13)C(coll), δ(13)C(carb), and δ(15)N values. Maize was likely used as a weaning food (e.g., gruel and/or chicha—a maize beverage), hinting at the significant role of breastfeeding mothers, weanling infants, and children in the development of maize as a staple crop. Additionally, dental microwear data show Paredones adult diets are high in abrasives, potentially from maize processing. The distinct foodways at these neighboring sites result from and also reflect their social and political distinctions. These differences in food production, distribution, and consumption generated opportunities for exchange, an interaction that bound them together in mutual benefit.

Spanish colonial rule in Peru was marked by dramatic changes to indigenous mortuary customs, bodily practices, and morbidity profiles. However, that era of transformation was not solely shaped by Spanish policies; Native Andeans creatively negotiated with those newcomers, sculpting novel practices that sometimes integrated, and other times challenged, the Spanish agenda. Theoretical perspectives on the constrained agency of indigenous communities under colonial rule and the negotiated outcomes of those colonial encounters are explored through a case study of mummy burials from the cave site of Vinchos in highland Peru and comparisons to other colonial Andean populations. We conduct osteological and stable isotope analyses, molecular assessment of sex chromosomes, and ancient mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analysis of the Vinchos mummies and 3,314 other HVR1 sequences from South America (haplotype network analysis). Results show that there are four adults, one child, and one fetus/infant. mtDNA analysis shows three distinct mtDNA lineages. Principal coordinate analysis shows that the Vinchos individuals are near to modern and ancient populations from the Andes; haplotype network analysis shows that one individual shares a haplotype with several geographically dispersed groups in South America, while three individuals exhibit two unique haplotypes. The data show the ongoing practice of cranial modification, the continuation of native mortuary practices, and some continuities in diet and foodways. Despite Spanish colonial attempts to eradicate indigenous practices, these multiple data sets reveal the agential capacities of Native Andeans—though constrained by colonial structures—to continue specific cultural traditions and forge novel practices while subjects of the Spanish Crown. La colonizacion espanola en Peru llevo cambios dramaticos en las costumbres mortuorias indigenas, las practicas corporales y los perfiles de morbilidad. Sin embargo, este periodo de transformacion no fue creado unicamente por las politicas espanolas. Los nativos andinos negociaron creativamente con los espanoles, desarrollando practicas novedosas que a veces integraban, y otras veces desafiaban, la agenda espanola. Las perspectivas teoricas sobre la agencia restringida de las comunidades indigenas y los resultados negociados del gobierno colonial se exploran a traves de un estudio de caso de entierros de momias del sitio de la cueva de Vinchos en las tierras altas de Peru en comparacion con otros poblados andinos. Realizamos analisis de isotopos estables y osteologicos, evaluacion molecular de cromosomas sexuales, analisis de mtADN antiguo de las momias de Vinchos y otras 3,314 secuencias de HVRI de America del Sur (analisis de red de haplotipos). Los resultados muestran que hay cuatro adultos, un nino y un feto/infante. El analisis de mtADN muestra tres linajes de mtADN distintos. El analisis de coordenadas principales muestra que los individuos Vinchos estan cerca de las poblaciones modernas y antiguas de los Andes. El analisis de la red de haplotipos muestra que un individuo comparte un haplotipo con varios grupos geograficamente dispersos en America del Sur, mientras que tres individuos exhiben dos haplotipos unicos. Los datos muestran la practica continua de modificacion craneal, la continuacion de las practicas mortuorias nativas (al menos para algunos) y algunas continuidades en la dieta y los alimentos. A pesar de los intentos coloniales por erradicar las practicas indigenas, estos conjuntos de datos multiples revelan las capacidades agenciales de los andinos nativos, aunque estan limitados por las estructuras coloniales, para continuar con tradiciones culturales especificas y forjar practicas novedosas mientras son sujetos de la Corona espanola.

Hepatitis B virus (HBV) has been infecting humans for millennia and remains a global health problem, but its past diversity and dispersal routes are largely unknown. We generated HBV genomic data from 137 Eurasians and Native Americans dated between ~10,500 and ~400 years ago. We date the most recent common ancestor of all HBV lineages to between ~20,000 and 12,000 years ago, with the virus present in European and South American hunter-gatherers during the early Holocene. After the European Neolithic transition, Mesolithic HBV strains were replaced by a lineage likely disseminated by early farmers that prevailed throughout western Eurasia for ~4000 years, declining around the end of the 2nd millennium BCE. The only remnant of this prehistoric HBV diversity is the rare genotype G, which appears to have reemerged during the HIV pandemic., The research was funded by the Max Planck Society, the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (771234–PALEoRIDER, to W.H.; 805268–CoDisEASe to K. Bos; 834616–ARCHCAUCASUS to S.H.), the Slovak Academy of Sciences and the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme and Marie Curie Actions under the Programme SASPRO (1340/03/03 to P.C.R.), the ERA.NET RUS Plus–S&T programm of the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (277–BIOARCCAUCASUS to S.Re. and S.H.), the Werner Siemens Stiftung (“Paleobiochemistry”, to CW), the Award Praemium Academiae of the Czech Academy of Sciences (to M.E.), the Institute of Archaeology of the Czech Academy of Sciences (RVO 67985912, to M.Dobe.), the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (19-09-00354a, to M.K.K. and V.V.K.; 19-78-10053 to SSh), the German Research Foundation (DFG-HA-5407/4-1–INTERACT to W.H. and RE2688/2 to S.Re.), the French National Research Agency (ANR-17-FRAL-0010–INTERACT, to M.F.D., M.Ri., S.Ro., S.Sai., D.Bi., and P.Le.), the Wenner-Gren Dissertation Fieldwork Grant (9558 to S.Sab.), and the Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan (AP08856654 to L.B.D., L.M., and E.Kh. and AP08857177 to A.Z.B.).

The analysis of 87Sr/86Sr has become a robust tool for identifying non-local individuals at archaeological sites. The 87Sr/86Sr in human bioapatite reflects the geological signature of food and water consumed during tissue development. Modeling relationships between 87Sr/86Sr in human environments, food webs, and archaeological human tissues is critical for moving from identifying non-locals to determining their likely provenience. In the Andes, obstacles to sample geolocation include overlapping 87Sr/86Sr of distant geographies and a poor understanding of mixed strontium sources in food and drink. Here, water is investigated as a proxy for bioavailable strontium in archaeological human skeletal and dental tissues. This study develops a water 87Sr/86Sr isoscape from 262 samples (220 new and 42 published samples), testing the model with published archaeological human skeletal 87Sr/86Sr trimmed of probable non-locals. Water 87Sr/86Sr and prediction error between the predicted and measured 87Sr/86Sr for the archaeological test set are compared by elevation, underlying geology, and watershed size. Across the Peruvian Andes, water 87Sr/86Sr ranges from 0.7049 to 0.7227 (M = 0.7081, SD = 0.0027). Water 87Sr/86Sr is higher in the highlands, in areas overlying older bedrock, and in larger watersheds, characteristics which are geographically correlated. Spatial outliers identified are from canals, wells, and one stream, suggesting those sources could show non-representative 87Sr/86Sr. The best-fit water 87Sr/86Sr isoscape achieves prediction errors for archaeological samples ranging from 0.0017 – 0.0031 (M = 0.0012, n = 493). The water isoscape explains only 7.0% of the variation in archaeological skeletal 87Sr/86Sr (R2 = 0.07), but 90.0% of archaeological skeleton 87Sr/86Sr fall within the site isoscape prediction ± site prediction standard error. Due to lower sampling density and higher geological variability in the highlands, the water 87Sr/86Sr isoscape is more useful for ruling out geographic origins for lowland dwellers than for highlanders. Baseline studies are especially needed in the highlands and poorly-sampled regions. Because the results demonstrate that a geostatistical water model is insufficient for fully predicting human 87Sr/86Sr variation, future work will incorporate additional substrates like plants, fauna, soils, and dust, aiming to eventually generate a regression and process-based mixing model for probabilistic geolocation of Andean samples.

Objectives This study aims to determine whether adults from the site of Uraca in the Lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru altered their diets in late-life—if so, were those short-term changes related to accessing distinct foods during periods of short-term mobility, seasonal subsistence strategies without accompanying mobility, or some other type of short-term change. We address these questions by comparing stable isotope variability (δ13C/δ15N) of Uraca hair keratin and bone collagen to published archaeological hair data from Peru. We propose and apply a landscape bioarchaeology approach—here, the spatially-informed meta-analysis of published δ13C/δ15N data from archaeological hair keratin of known provenience—to determine thresholds for different types of short-term dietary change. Materials and methods We conducted stable isotope analysis (δ13C/δ15N) of archaeological hair keratin (n = 40 samples) and bone collagen (n = 5 samples) from Uraca, including adult male trophy heads and adult male and female villagers. We then compiled published archaeological hair keratin data from the Andes and coded the 11 sites according to biogeographical zones. We compared late-life averages for the entire dataset (n = 131 segments) and ranges for individuals with more than six months of data (n = 101 segments) between sites and between subgroups based on elevational zones, sex, and trophy subgroupings. We compiled archaeological and modern baseline food web data for the region (n = 401 samples) and compared hair data adjusted to diet. Results Meta-analysis shows greater late-life median δ13Ckeratin (VPDB) and δ15Nkeratin (AIR) for yunga vs. coastal burials, greater δ13Ckeratin (VPDB) ranges for coastal burials, greater δ15Nkeratin (AIR) ranges for females, greater median δ15Nkeratin (AIR) for trophy individuals, and greater δ13Ckeratin (VPDB) ranges for trophy individuals. Given these distinct late-life diets and ranges for coastal and yunga burials relative to southern Peruvian food web data, two females and three trophy individuals from Uraca likely changed diets during a short-term move, while the remainder show no evidence for dietary change. Discussion These analyses demonstrate distinct dietary practices between coastal and yunga groups, between males and females, and between trophy head victims and non-trophy villagers. Understanding the nature of late-life dietary change through a comparative synthesis of archaeological hair provides key insights into individual life trajectories, communal practices, mobility, and foodways relative to altitudinally-variable landscapes of the Peruvian Andes.

Cranial vault modification and the social significance of permanent body modification have long been an important topic of interest in Andean archaeology. While previous studies have enriched our understanding of these practices among prehistoric Andean populations, the introduction of 3D surface scanners and geometric morphometric methods in archaeology enable us to examine head-shaping practices in novel ways. In this pilot study, we used a NextEngine 3D Laser Surface Scanner to generate high resolution models of artificially modified crania from four archaeological sites dating to the Archaic (2300–1600 BCE), Formative (500 CE), late Middle Horizon/early Late Intermediate period (LIP) (750–1100 CE) in Chile and late LIP crania (circa 1350 CE) from central, highland Peru. Landmarks were recorded on the 3D digital models of crania and these data were analyzed to assess variation in vault shape within and between the samples. Results of the PCA analysis showed graphical separation of the annular, tabular erect, and some tabular oblique types even when gross morphological assessments proved challenging. We documented marked variation within the general modification type traditionally identified as tabular oblique, which suggests more detailed classifications within this type are needed. We also investigated how standardized (i.e., similar) particular cranial modification types were at each site, and results show that the coastal sites of Morro 1 and Playa Miller 7, and the highlands Huari-Vegachayoc Moqo site show higher levels of standardization than the other four samples. This study highlights the utility of 3D imaging and geometric morphometric methods for straightforward, objective assessments of cranial modification and levels of standardization within sites and within particular modification types. This has implications for understanding the broader social and cultural significance of this practice, such as whether there were shared cultural norms about how a head should be modified, which could have led to highly uniform modification practices and head shapes in the Andes.

Objectives This study examines violence-related cranial trauma frequencies and wound characteristics in the pre-Hispanic cemetery of Uraca in the lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru, dating to the pre- and early-Wari periods (200-750 CE). Cranial wounds are compared between status and sex-based subgroups to understand how violence shaped, and was shaped by, these aspects of identity, and to reconstruct the social contexts of violence carried out by and against Uracans. Materials and methods Presence, location, and characteristics (lethality, penetration, and post-traumatic sequelae) of antemortem and perimortem cranial fractures are documented for 145 crania and compared between subgroups. Cranial wounds are mapped in ArcGIS and the locational distribution of injuries is compared between male and female crania. Results Middle adult males were disproportionately interred at Uraca, particularly in the elite Sector I. The Uraca mortuary population presents the highest rate of cranial trauma reported for pre-Hispanic Peru: 67% of adults present trauma, and among those, 61.1% present more than one cranial injury. Males exhibit significantly more cranial trauma than females and present a higher mean number of injuries per person. Elite males show the highest mean number of injuries per person, more antemortem injuries, and are the only ones with perimortem cranial trauma, bladed injuries, penetrating injuries, and post-traumatic sequelae. Both sexes were most frequently injured on the anterior of the cranium, while the proportion of posterior injuries was higher for females. Discussion The rate, intensity, and locational patterns of cranial trauma suggests the community was engaged in raids and/or war with enemy groups, some of which may have increased physical violence between community members. Engaging in violence was likely a prerequisite for burial in the elite sector and was bound up with the generation and maintenance of social status differences linked to male social life.

Andean paleopathological research has significantly enhanced knowledge about the geographical distribution and evolution of tuberculosis (TB) in pre-Columbian South America. In this paper, we review the history and progress of research on ancient tuberculosis (TB) in the Andean region, focusing on the strengths and limitations of current approaches for the molecular detection of ancient pathogens, with special attention to TB. As a case study, we describe a molecular screening approach for the detection of ancient Mycobacterium tuberculosis in individuals from Late Intermediate Period (1000–1400 CE) contexts at the site of Huari, Peru. We evaluate 34 commingled human vertebrae and combine morphological assessments of pathology with high throughput sequencing and a non-selective approach to ancient pathogen DNA screening. Our method enabled the simultaneous detection of ancient M. tuberculosis DNA and an evaluation of the environmental microbial composition of each sample. Our results show that despite the dominance of environmental DNA, molecular signatures of M. tuberculosis were identified in eight vertebrae, six of which had no observable skeletal pathology classically associated tuberculosis infection. This screening approach will assist in the identification of candidate samples for downstream genomic analyses. The method permits higher resolution disease identification in cases where pathology may be absent, or where the archaeological context may necessitate a broad differential diagnosis based on morphology alone.

The Middle Horizon (ca. A.D. 600-1100) was a period of great change in the Andes, with much of Perú connected through long-distance exchange and widely shared Wari styles and practices. Recent research has begun to detail the transformations that occurred within the period, leading to questions about the development of the Wari state and its shifting relationships with outlying areas over time. This article expands this research by exploring the temporal differences within a funerary assemblage at La Real, a site in the Majes Valley of southern Perú. The artifacts and human remains from La Real are used to explore Middle Horizon dynamism in relation to both the surging interregional interaction of the period and emergent social stratification in the valley. Mortuary profiles and sublethal violence remain fairly constant throughout the period, but lethal violence significantly increases in the late Middle Horizon. There are also significant changes over time in the presence of exotic goods and other items, reflecting an increase in craft specialization, the adoption of Wari-related styles and practices, and the development of a more regionally oriented economy. The role of the Wari state in these changes, although unclear, may relate to attempts by Wari leaders to manipulate the long-distance movement of a restricted group of artifacts and resources.

OBJECTIVES Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis is used to reconstruct diet among a pre-Hispanic population from the Peruvian Andes to evaluate whether local foodways changed with Wari imperial influence in the region. This study also compares local diet to other Wari-era sites. MATERIALS AND METHODS Samples derive from the site of Beringa in Peru and correspond primarily to pre-Wari (200-600 CE) and Wari (600-1,000 CE). We examine stable carbon isotopes from enamel (n = 29) and bone apatite (n = 22), and stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes from bone collagen (n = 29), and we present stable carbon and nitrogen isotope data on archaeological and modern fauna (n = 37) and plants (n = 19) from the region. RESULTS There were no significant differences in either δ13 C or δ15 N from the pre-Wari to Wari era, indicating that those measurable aspects of diet did not change with Wari influence. There were no sex-based differences among juveniles (as inferred from δ13 C from enamel carbonates) nor among adults (based on δ13 C and δ15 N from adult bone collagen). Comparisons to other Wari era sites show that Beringa individuals exhibited significantly lower δ13 C values, suggesting that they consumed significantly less maize, a socially valued food. Further, the Froehle et al. (2012) stable isotope model suggests that the majority of the Beringa individuals consumed more C3 than C4 plants, and dietary protein was derived primarily from terrestrial animals and some marine resources. CONCLUSIONS The similar diets from pre-Wari to Wari times hint at strong local dietary traditions and durable food trade networks during the period of Wari imperial influence. The presence of limited marine foods in the diet suggests a trade network with coastal groups or sojourns to the coast to gather marine resources.

This study argues that people and things, through their interactions with each other, embody different agential capacities and that scholars should evaluate how they are variably effective at structuring the actions of others and at shaping society. This is attempted here through a study of dismembered body parts that, as I argue, remained socially and politically active even in their dismembered state. As such, we can begin to analyse them as embodying a categorically different kind of agency — post-mortem or secondary agency — while remaining cautious of overzealous attempts to claim that everyone and everything has agency of equivalence. Definitions of agency are examined and its definition within this article is explicitly formulated, drawing especially on ideas from Gell (1998), Robb (2004), Sewell (2005) and Latour (2005). Through a case study from the Peruvian Andes in which approximately 240 individuals were dismembered, I suggest that the primary agency once embodied in those living persons was transformed into secondary agency (Gell 1998) as the person-cum-corpse was remade into smaller body parts. These body parts and their placement in a ritually significant locale, had profound effects on the living, particularly as it related to the ways that those dead-body objects extended social relations and social hierarchies, making them more durable.

Over the pre-Columbian sequence, Andean warfare ranged greatly in intensity. This review combines published information on cranial trauma and settlement patterns, which often align and clarify each other, to make an initial assessment of how severely Andean populations were affected by war over time and space. The data speak to a number of major topics in the archaeology of warfare, such as the origin of war, contrasts in state militarism, and changes in the practice of war related to social organization. Although there is considerable regional variation, two large-scale “waves” of escalated conflict that are clearly supported by the cranial trauma and settlement pattern data occurred in the Final Formative (late Early Horizon, 400 BC–AD 100) and the Late Intermediate period (AD 1000–1400).

The site of Conchopata in the central Peruvian Andes was the secondary center in the heartland of the Wari Empire (AD 600–1000), and in this study we examine whether this urban locale was populated by locals, voluntary migrants from distant regions, and/or captives who were forcibly brought to Conchopata. We examine radiogenic strontium isotope ratios from 72 dental enamel and bone samples representing 31 formal burials and 18 human trophy heads to distinguish between locals and non-locals, and we examine skeletal and archaeological data to establish whether non-local persons were voluntary migrants or captives. We also describe a new, straightforward technique in the evaluation of radiogenic strontium isotope ratios to assist in detecting non-locals when large datasets are available. Results show that natal Conchopata inhabitants should exhibit radiogenic strontium isotope ratios that range from 87Sr/86Sr = 0.70548 to 87Sr/86Sr = 0.70610. Thus, among the 31 burials, 29 exhibit local values, suggesting that Conchopata was not a cosmopolitan center to which numerous foreigners migrated; rather, it was populated by local peoples, likely the descendants of the preceding Huarpa culture. The two individuals with non-local radiogenic strontium isotope ratios are an infant and a 17–22 years old female. The archaeological context suggests that the female may have been taken captive for subsequent sacrifice, as she was interred in front of the ritual D-shaped structure in which decapitated human heads (trophy heads) and sacrificed camelids were deposited. Among the 18 trophy heads sampled, 14 have non-local values, confirming previous studies of smaller samples that suggested that Wari warriors travelled to other locales and took captives—both adults and children—for subsequent transformation into trophy heads. Additional analyses of bone-tooth pairs from a subsample (12 burials and six trophy heads) shows that the burial group was much more sedentary (homogenous radiogenic strontium isotope ratios in bones and teeth) and the trophy head individuals were much more mobile (heterogenous radiogenic strontium isotope ratios in bones and teeth). Overall, the multiple lines of evidence support the notion that the Wari Empire occasionally used militaristic means, combined with elaborate ritualism, to subjugate other populations, a tactic that may have helped Wari establish and maintain control in particular regions in the Andes.

This study examines isolated child skeletal remains from ritual structures at the Wari site of Conchopata (A.D. 600–1000) to evaluate how they were modified into trophy heads and whether the children were sacrificed. The skeletal remains represent at least seven children. Strontium isotope ratios are examined to determine whether children were taken from foreign locales. Results show that the children’s skulls exhibit a hole on the apex of the cranium and on the ascending ramus of the mandible, identical to the adult Wari trophy heads. At least one child may have been sacrificed.87Sr/86Sr demonstrate that two of the four sampled child trophy heads were nonlocal, suggesting that children were occasionally abducted from distant communities, perhaps for sacrifice and certainly to transform some into trophy heads. The similar child and adult trophy heads suggest that the ritual treatment of children was not uniquely designed, at least as it related to their processing, display, and destruction. Furthermore, it is suggested that the child trophy heads were not simply passive symbols of pre-existing authority by the head-takers and trophy head-makers. The trophy heads simultaneously imbued those agents with authority—they did not merely reflect it—demonstrating the “effective agency” of the trophy head objects themselves. Finally, we suggest that prisoner-taking and trophy head-making by military and ritual elites served to legitimate the authority of those individuals while simultaneously serving larger state goals that enhanced Wari state authority and legitimated its policies and practices.

The Wari empire (600–1000 CE) of the pre‐Hispanic Andes engaged in ritual practices that included the modification and display of human trophy heads, but it is unknown from whom these heads were taken. Of 31 trophy heads from Conchopata, the majority are of adult males, and 42% exhibit cranial trauma, indicating that people whose heads were transformed into trophies commonly experienced violence. Strontium isotope analysis of five adult trophy heads indicates that at least three of these individuals consumed foods grown in a geological zone outside the Wari heartland. These data, combined with information on age, sex, and violent life histories and iconography showing bound prisoners and warriors wearing trophy heads, suggest that at least some trophy heads represent individuals from nonlocal areas who may have been perceived as enemies.

Human trophy heads from the Wari site of Conchopata (AD 600–1000) are examined to evaluate if recently deceased persons or old corpses were used to make trophy heads and determine if the modifications are standardized. Similarly styled trophy heads may suggest state oversight that ensured uniform modifications, while different styles may suggest that various factions or kin groups prepared them to their own specifications. Other studies often interpret trophy heads as either enemies or ancestors; so, this study addresses that debate by documenting aspects of their identity as revealed through demographic, paleopathological, and trauma data. Results show that “fresh” bodies, not old corpses, were used to make trophies, as evidenced by cutmarks indicating intentional removal of soft tissues. Trophy heads are remarkably standardized; 89% display a hole on the superior of the cranium, apparently a design feature that displays the trophy head upright and facing forward when suspended by a cord. Of the 31 trophy heads, 24 are adolescents/adults and 7 are children, and of the 17 sexed adults, 15 are male and 2 are female. This suggests that adult men and children were favored as trophies. Among 19 observable adult trophy heads, 42% exhibit cranial trauma, suggesting that violence was common among this group. Complementary data on Wari iconography shows warriors wearing trophy heads and Wari deities holding captives and trophy heads. Thus, it is likely that captives (or just their heads) were taken in battles and raids—either secular or ritual—and eventually transformed into trophy heads. Am J Phys Anthropol, 2008. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc.

This study documents the frequency and patterning of cranial fractures to evaluate the role of violence after Huari imperial collapse. These Late Intermediate Period burials were interred at the Monqachayoq sector at Huari, the former capital of the Huari empire. Twenty-two of 31 adults exhibit healed cranial fractures (71%). Perimortem cranial fractures were observed on 42% of adults (n=31) and 30% of children (n=10). Men, women, and children all suffered from lethal attacks, suggesting that they may have been victims of raids and killing sprees. Although the skeletal sample is not wholly representative of all LIP communities in the former imperial heartland, the data indicate that the post-Huari period was a violent time for numerous individuals, regardless of their age or sex.

The bioarchaeological analysis of commingled and fragmented skeletons would seem to inhibit the development of significant research questions that are informed by theoretical insights from the social sciences, but the opposite is more likely to be the case. This is because the mixed and broken bones require that researchers avoid simply offering descriptions of the skeletal assemblage; they must endeavor to articulate a research agenda informed, in large part, by expectations derived from a variety of social theories that aid in explaining how human societies and individuals are constituted. Further, the constitution of individuals and societies is of interest to bioarchaeologists because we aim to evaluate how those processes structure health outcomes in their broadest sense and simultaneously how those morbidity and dietary profiles structure societies and shape the human condition. Those insights are shaped by incorporating perspectives from social theory that require us to deeply evaluate issues such as the construction of individual and community identity, gender and its relationship (if at all) to skeletal sex determinations, and how, for example, the body might serve as an extended artifact, fostering, maintaining, and at times diminishing social ties. Those themes and others are more fully explicated when bioarchaeologists analyze both intact and commingled human remains.

This chapter explores how an ongoing drought (ca. 900–1350 C.E.), which overlaps with the decline of the Wari Empire (ca. 1100 C.E.), altered the frequency and intensity of violence and food consumption practices among children living in the former Wari imperial core in Ayacucho, Peru. The relationship between violent conflict and diet among juveniles is examined as part of a larger investigation into how the after-effects of sociopolitical decline and an ongoing drought may mutually reinforce and exacerbate detrimental effects on childhood health. Childhood cranial trauma data are used to reconstruct levels and kinds of violence, and stable isotope data from carbonates in the dental enamel apatite and dentin collagen are used to reconstruct childhood diet. Results show a significant increase in lethal violence against children relative to the preceding Wari era. The nitrogen isotope data from dentin collagen suggest that childhood diets were similar in terms of protein consumption in the two eras, but carbon isotope data from both enamel apatite and dentin show that post-Wari children and infants (and their breastfeeding mothers) consumed significantly less carbon-enriched foods such as maize (Zea mays)—a socially valued crop in the Andes—than Wari-era children. A case of cranial trepanation on a child is also presented.

Previous analyses of strontium isotopes from human bone and teeth have identified diverse patterns of residential mobility in the South Central Andes during the Middle Horizon (AD 500e1100). During this time, the large polity of Tiwanaku exerted great influence over what are now southern Peru, northern Chile, northwestern Argentina and Bolivia. Recently, five naturallymummified individuals were discovered in the cave of Juch’uypampa in the Pulacayo region of southern Bolivia. Although these individuals were buried with a number of fine Tiwanaku-style grave goods as well as non-Tiwanaku items, the burial site is isolated and does not conform to the pattern of large Tiwanaku-affiliated cemeteries and residential sites outside of the Lake Titicaca Basin. Strontium isotope analysis was performed on enamel from two adult men and bone from a third adult male in order to test the hypotheses that one or more of the males was from either the Tiwanaku heartland in the Lake Titicaca Basin, the Chilean oasis of San Pedro de Atacama, which contains a series of cemeteries with Tiwanaku-style grave goods, or the local area in which they were buried. Results show that two individuals likely spent their childhood in the local area where they were interred, while the third man probably spent at least the last twenty years of his life in that region before being buried there. This raises interesting questions regarding the nature of Tiwanaku influence in southern Bolivia and the relationship between the Juch’uypampa mummies and the Tiwanaku polity. 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

This research project looked at the dental health of Late Intermediate Period skeletons from the Wari capital to assess their consumption patterns. A high rate of dental disease coupled with carious lesions indicative of coca chewing supports the hypothesis that post-Wari populations maintained many of the agricultural practices and trade networks of the former state, including consumption of large quantities of maize and frequent coca chewing.

The Wari empire flourished in the central, highland Peruvian Andes from AD 600-1000, and although the events that led to its demise are unknown, archaeological evidence indicates that Wari control waned at the end of the first millennium. Here, we test the hypothesis that, despite the major shift in social and political organization at the fall of the Wari empire, the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) composition of populations from the Ayacucho Basin, the former imperial heartland of the empire, remained essentially unchanged. Results show that mtDNA haplogroup frequencies among the Wari and post-Wari groups differ, but the difference is not statistically significant (chi2 = 5.886, df = 3, P = 0.1172). This is the first study in the Andes to use haplotypic data to evaluate the observed genetic distance between two temporally distinct prehispanic populations (F(ST) = 0.029) against modeled expectations of four possible evolutionary scenarios. None of these simulations allowed the rejection of continuity. In total, at both the haplogroup and haplotype levels these data do not allow us to reject the hypothesis that post-Wari individuals sampled in this study are the maternal descendants of those sampled from the Wari era site of Conchopata. However, genetic homogeneity in the mitochondrial gene pool, as seen in the late prehispanic southern Andes, may also characterize our study region. But, prior to this research, this was unknown. If our new data show mtDNA homogeneity, then this could limit the detection of female migration if, in fact, it occurred. Nonetheless, the novel mtDNA data presented here currently do not support the hypothesis that there was an influx of genetically distinct females into the former Wari heartland after the Wari collapse.