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Aquest article examina el funcionament de la justícia davant dels actes de pirateria a la Corona d’Aragó baixmedieval. Se centra en l’estudi d’un cas emblemàtic com el del patró mallorquí Ponç Descatllar. A través dels seus temptatius d’escapar de la justícia després de ser acusat d’actuar amb la seva galera contra els súbdits del rei, el seu cas es converteix en representatiu tant dels delictes que podien ser imputats a les persones acusades de cometre atacs il·legítims a les mars, com del recorregut jurisdiccional que podien arribar a tenir aquestes causes. L’article analitza quines corts medievals (reials, eclesiàstiques, marítimes i mercantils) podien arribar a jutjar les persones categoritzades de manera informal com a pirates, així com intervenir en diversos aspectes derivats dels seus actes, com la reparació dels mals o el retorn de béns a les víctimes. Demostra com, davant la inexistència d’un delicte específic de pirateria en època medieval, la delinqüència marítima s’encaixava en altres tipus de crims, com la traïció o la lesa majestat. Igualment, per mitjà dels contactes de l’acusat i dels esforços dels consellers barcelonesos per inculpar-lo, es posen de manifest els variats i contraposats interessos de determinats poders jurisdiccionals, actuant tant a favor com en contra de Ponç, sota la influència dels quals actuava la justícia. El cas esdevé, a la vegada, un reflex de les de cada vegada més evidents diferències entre els dirigents municipals barcelonesos y el monarca, y una manifestació de la intervenció del govern urbà en el procés de criminalització de la pirateria. This article delves into the functioning of justice in the face of piratical acts in the Crown of Aragon in the Late Middle Ages. It focuses on a landmark case such as that of the Majorcan skipper Ponç Descatllar. Through his attempts to escape justice after being accused of acting with his galley against the King’s subjects, his case becomes representative of both the crimes that could be charged to people accused of committing illegitimate attacks on the seas and the jurisdictional course that a case like his could take. The article examines which medieval courts (royal, ecclesiastical, maritime and mercantile) could judge a person informally categorized as a pirate, as well as intervene in different aspects derived from his actions, such as the reparation of damages or the return of property to the victims. It demonstrates how, in the absence of a specific crime of piracy in medieval times, maritime outrages were included in other types of crimes, such as treason or lèse-majesté. Moreover, through the accused’s contacts and the efforts of Barcelona’s municipal authorities to incriminate him, it shows the varied and conflicting interests of certain jurisdictional powers, acting for and against Ponç, under whose influence the justice system acted. This case becomes, at the same time, a reflection of the increasingly evident differences between Barcelona’s municipal leaders and the monarch, and a demonstration of urban government intervention in the process of piracy criminalization. Aquest treball s’inscriu en el marc del projecte d’investigació finançat pel Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades del govern espanyol: “Movimiento y movilidad en el Mediterráneo medieval. Personas, términos y conceptos” (PGC2018-094502-B-I00) y del projecte d’investigació finançat pel Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) del govern alemany: “Seeraub im Mittelalter: Eine datenbankgestützte Analyse mediterraner Gewalt”; del grup de recerca consolidat per la Generalitat de Catalunya CAIMMed “La Corona d’Aragó, l’islam i el món mediterrani” (2021 SGR 00502) i del grup d’investigació de la UIB “Estudis Medievals” (GRESMED).

This dissertation examines the evolution of the crimen maiestatis (or the crimen maiestatis minutae) from its inception in the Roman Republic to the Principate and explores the intimate relationship between maiestas and the emergence (and consolidation) of autocratic rule during the Julio-Claudian era. At no point, either under the Republic or the Principate, was there ever a precise definition of the crimen maiestatis or a static understanding of what constituted maiestas minuta; rather, the meaning of the crime was evolving and intimately linked to shifting conceptions of the res publica and perceptions of where—or in whom—its power was manifested. Under the Principate the focus of the crimen maiestatis shifted from harmful acts that imperiled the res publica as a whole to offenses against the princeps specifically, such as physical attacks on his life and, more significant, injury to his dignitas and honor. This dissertation argues that the reorientation of maiestas towards the princeps and his protection did not occur through any formal means—such as the enactment of a new lex maiestatis or a senatus consultum—nor was it orchestrated by the emperor. Rather, the transformation of the crime was driven by the actual treatment of maiestas in practice and by the experiments and innovations of individual Romans, who raised accusations of maiestas for increasingly novel offenses against the princeps, offenses that would not have been viewed or prosecuted as maiestas under the Republic. This dissertation examines each case of maiestas over the course of the Republic and Principate to understand how Romans were interpreting and conceiving of the crime at each stage of its development. Special focus is given to the reign of Tiberius, which marked a critical point in both the evolution of the crimen maiestatis and the formulation of the imperial position. The dissertation broadly concludes that the way that maiestas, in connection with the emperor, was perceived and treated was crucial to the development of the imperial system and the position of princeps.

1820 : Disorder and Stability in the United Kingdom, la monographie magistrale de Malcolm Chase donne une description puissante et richement mise en contexte des interactions complexes entre la grande politique et celle du petit peuple dans une année de crises. Cet article suggère que la conspiration fut un élément structurant dans la vie politique de la décennie précédente, tant pour les gouvernants que pour les gouvernés. Il analyse les emplois rhétoriques et tactiques qu’en firent radicaux et ministres. Enfin, il conclut que 1820 fut peut-être l’année où le risque de conspiration atteignit son apogée en Grande-Bretagne : en ce sens, la période cruciale entre le massacre de Peterloo et la crise de la reine Caroline, représenta un tournant dans l’histoire politique britannique. Malcolm Chase’s magisterial 1820: Disorder and Stability in the United Kingdom provided a powerful and richly contextualised account of the complex interactions of high and popular politics in a year of crisis. This article explores the ways in which conspiracy had been a key component of the politics of both governors and governed over the preceding decade and examines its rhetorical and tactical uses by radicals and by ministers. It ends by suggesting that 1820 may have been the high-water mark of conspiracy in British politics–another way in which the crucial period between the Peterloo massacre and the Queen Caroline crisis was an important turning point.

This article considers Hobbes’ contribution to the development of constitutionalist thought by contextualizing his treatment of the concepts of treason and fundamental law in De cive (1642, 2nd ed. 1647) and Leviathan (1651). While in Leviathan he adopts the controversial conception of treason as a violation of fundamental law that had been employed to convict Charles I of high treason in 1649, he draws on the original meaning of the term “fundamental law”, as outlined in the most influential early analysis of Innocent Gentillet, to deny that fundamental laws can constrain the rights and powers of the sovereign. He bolsters this position by treating fundamental law as natural, not civil, law. While citizens commit treason when they violate the original covenant that establishes the sovereign, citizens cannot appeal to a human court for violations of fundamental law by the sovereign (who must render account for violations of natural law only to God). Hobbes’ ingenious reconceptualization of fundamental law, hence, shows that, when understood correctly, the theory of treason embraced by parliamentarians could never support the violent resistance against, and overthrow of, a monarch like Charles I.

Trump v. New York appears to present the Supreme Court with a simple question of statutory construction: do federal statutes allow the President to exclude unlawfully resident aliens from the apportionment of seats in the House of Representatives? The President claims that they do. A three-judge District Court ruled that they do not. However, many arguments for the President go further and assert that the Constitution supports or even compels the exclusion. Some are historical, like the argument that no federal law restricted immigration before 1875, or that apportionment historically included aliens only because they were on a path to citizenship. Others assert that unlawfully present aliens should not be counted because they are outside the allegiance, jurisdiction, and polity of the United States. Some even utilize discredited theories that reject birthright citizenship for U.S.-born children of aliens. This Article rebuts those arguments and shows constitutional history supporting inclusion in the decennial apportionment. It demonstrates that the arguments ignore early federal, state, and colonial restrictions on immigration and naturalization and are inconsistent with fundamental constitutional principles governing apportionment, liability for treason, and birthright citizenship. Because these arguments reach far beyond the apportionment issue and threaten to surreptitiously alter longstanding constitutional law, the Court should disregard them and decide the case on statutory rather than constitutional grounds. If instead the Court addresses these arguments, it should reject them and reaffirm longstanding principles governing apportionment, liability for treason, and birthright citizenship.

To compare and contrast medieval Japan and medieval Western Europe allows one to discover three things. First, analogous to Catholic holy war, in Japan becomes visible a potential for war (albeit seldom actualised) for the sake, quite surprisingly, of Buddhism. Second, the different role played by emotions during war: in Europe, when vicious (and motivated by emotions such as greed, ambition or lust), they endanger the victors; thus the concern for right emotions foster, to a point, proper behavior during war; in Japan, however, the focus is on the emotions of the defeated, which may hamper a good reincarnation and produce vengeful spirits harmful to the victors and to the community at large. Finally, while Japanese warriors could and often did switch sides, the archipelago did not know for centuries anything approaching the European concept of treason, ideally punished with the highest cruelty, hated and feared to the point of generating collective paranoia and conspiracy theories. Western treason was (and is still) a secularised offspring of the Christian belief in the internal enemy of the Church, the false brethren. Arguably, the texture of the religions present in the two ensembles gave their specific form to these three aspects of warfare.

Tesis-CEINDO, Universidad San Pablo CEU, Programa en Derecho y Economía, leida el 22 de abril del 2022 Esta tesis realiza una visión amplia del delito de traición militar partiendo de la marcada escasez de estudios sobre un ilícito de tal magnitud. El estudio se halla, asimismo, conectado con un punto de vista histórico y enlazado con la filosofía política, observándose autores como Maquiavelo, Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau, o Carl Schmitt, dadas las raíces e idiosincrasia de dicho delito. Igualmente, realiza una comparación con delitos como la rebelión o sedición que tienen un marcado carácter castrense y que aparecen íntimamente unidos al de traición. Como resulta obligado, se realiza un estudio del tipo penal en cuestión analizando sus particularidades, el bien jurídico protegido, el sujeto activo y pasivo y los distintos tipos de actuación, al igual que las penas con las que se castiga el mismo. Como corolario de lo expuesto encontramos que el delito de traición tiene una marcada unión con lo militar no pudiendo obviarse dicha conexión. This thesis takes a broad view of the crime of military treason based on the marked scarcity of studies on an offense of such magnitude. The study is also connected to a historical point of view and linked to political philosophy, observing authors such as Machiavelli, Locke, Hobbes, Rousseau, or Carl Schmitt, given the roots and idiosyncrasy of said crime. Likewise, it makes a comparison with crimes such as rebellion or sedition that have a marked military character and that appear intimately linked to treason. As is required, a study of the criminal type in question is carried out, analyzing its particularities, the protected legal right, the active and passive subject and the different types of action, as well as the penalties with which it is punished. As a corollary of the above, we find that the crime of treason has a marked union with the military, and this connection cannot be ignored.

Trabajo de fin de Grado. Grado en Criminología. Curso académico 2020-2021 [ES] La ¨Ndrangheta, la mafia calabresa es la primera mafia del mundo en globalizarse. Dentro de ella impera la ley del silencio y el miedo como pilares básicos. Se relaciona con todos los países del mundo, creando empresas pantalla, invirtiendo en el mercado inmobiliario, traficando con droga, sobre todo con cocaína, e introduciéndose de manera silenciosa en todas las instituciones públicas, sobretodo en la zona de Calabria, de donde es originaria, y también en el resto de instituciones italianas. Se organizan por clanes familiares, a los que defienden a toda costa y por todos los medios. Lo hombres actúan dentro de una cultura machista y patriarcal, pero mantienen una relación de amor- odio con sus mujeres, pues las necesitan para parir y criar a los hijos, futuros miembros de la mafia y también para realizar actividades que sólo pueden realizar ellas, tales como mensajeras y trasportadoras de información hacia el marido que esté en la cárcel. Pero esa acción, cuando ellas deciden colaborar con la justicia, se vuelve en su contra y por tanto, en contra de la organización. Se vuelven traidoras, y por eso, ellos piensas que sólo merecen la muerte. [EN] The ¨Ndrangheta, the Calabrian mafia is the first mafia in the world to globalize. Within them rules the law of silence and the fear as basic pilars. They connect with all the countries worlwide, creating Company screens, investing in the real estate market, traficking with drugs, overall cocaine and introducing themselves silently in all the public institutions, especially in the Calabrian zone, where they are originally from and the rest of the italian institutions. They get organized in family clans, that defend at all costs and by all means. Men act within the chauvinist and patriarchal culture, but they keep a love-hate relation with their women, as they need to them to give birth and raise their children, future members of the mafia and also to do activites that can only be done by them, such acting like Messenger or pass informtaion to the husban who is in jail. Due to this action, when they decide to collaborate with the justice,, they turn themselves against them and therefore against all the organization. They become traitors and for this reason, the men think they deserve only death.

Trabajo de fin de Grado. Grado en Criminología. Curso académico 2020-2021 [ES] La ¨Ndrangheta, la mafia calabresa es la primera mafia del mundo en globalizarse. Dentro de ella impera la ley del silencio y el miedo como pilares básicos. Se relaciona con todos los países del mundo, creando empresas pantalla, invirtiendo en el mercado inmobiliario, traficando con droga, sobre todo con cocaína, e introduciéndose de manera silenciosa en todas las instituciones públicas, sobretodo en la zona de Calabria, de donde es originaria, y también en el resto de instituciones italianas. Se organizan por clanes familiares, a los que defienden a toda costa y por todos los medios. Lo hombres actúan dentro de una cultura machista y patriarcal, pero mantienen una relación de amor- odio con sus mujeres, pues las necesitan para parir y criar a los hijos, futuros miembros de la mafia y también para realizar actividades que sólo pueden realizar ellas, tales como mensajeras y trasportadoras de información hacia el marido que esté en la cárcel. Pero esa acción, cuando ellas deciden colaborar con la justicia, se vuelve en su contra y por tanto, en contra de la organización. Se vuelven traidoras, y por eso, ellos piensas que sólo merecen la muerte. [EN] The ¨Ndrangheta, the Calabrian mafia is the first mafia in the world to globalize. Within them rules the law of silence and the fear as basic pilars. They connect with all the countries worlwide, creating Company screens, investing in the real estate market, traficking with drugs, overall cocaine and introducing themselves silently in all the public institutions, especially in the Calabrian zone, where they are originally from and the rest of the italian institutions. They get organized in family clans, that defend at all costs and by all means. Men act within the chauvinist and patriarchal culture, but they keep a love-hate relation with their women, as they need to them to give birth and raise their children, future members of the mafia and also to do activites that can only be done by them, such acting like Messenger or pass informtaion to the husban who is in jail. Due to this action, when they decide to collaborate with the justice,, they turn themselves against them and therefore against all the organization. They become traitors and for this reason, the men think they deserve only death.

The penalty for committing an act of treason against the Crown in 1775, as read by British judges sentencing Irish rebels, was as follows: You are to be drawn on hurdles to the place of execution, where you are to be hanged by the neck, but not until you are dead; for, while you are still living your bodies are to be taken down, your bowels torn out and burned before your faces, your heads then cut off, and your bodies divided each into four quarters, and your heads and quarters to be then at the King’s disposal; and may the Almighty God have mercy on your souls.1 Those who signed the Declaration of Independence were well aware of the fact that, by virtue of their signatures, they would be endorsing a treasonous act and, if caught, their punishment would be as described above. Because of the horrendous nature of this punishment, it is not surprising that over the years the 56 delegates who signed this document were often said to be among the most heroic of the early patriots. The evidence to be reported, however, shows that the events that took place prior to the issuing of the Declaration may have encouraged the signers to voluntarily engage in this act without any fear of punishment. Some further evidence reported below also provides a possible answer to a question raised by Meier (1997) who asked why the delegates even bothered to sign the Declaration.

En aquest treball es planteja una anàlisi de la figura del traïdor com a arquetip literari en la literatura clàssica i en la seva tradició. Es pren el Coriolà de les Vides Paral·les de Plutarc i la posterior reelaboració de l'obra en la tragèdia de Shakespeare, per exemplificar aquest arquetip. La comparativa entre les dues obres demostra que aquest personatge ha estat un dels més representatius de l'acte de traïció. Per altra banda, es demostra també que el mitema del traïdor ha estat a bastament utilitzat com una figura recurrent en la majoria de produccions literàries. This project presents an analysis of the "traitor" as a figure and literary archetype in classical literature and its tradition. We use Coriolanus in Plutarch's Parallel Lives and the late rewriting of the work in the Shakespearean tragedy in order to exemplify this archetype. Comparing both works demonstrates that this character has been one of the most representative ones in the act of betrayal. Moreover, it is also presented that the mytheme of the traitor has been widely used as a recurrent figure in most literary productions.

В статье рассматриваются особенности и проблемы уголовного процесса в части получения доказательств по делам с политической составляющей, их историческая обусловленность государственными преобразованиями в России конца XVII XVIII вв., логика и регламентация процедуры допроса в указанном процессе.

Antoninos, a Roman Citizen Ambassador from Alexandria Who Betrayed the Roman Empire Papyrus CPJ II 158 or Acta Pauli et Antonini is one of the most underappreciated items in the so-called Acta Alexandrinorum. This very fragmentary document is devoted two embassies, one Jewish and the other Alexandrian, who were pitted against one another following the riots that ravaged Alexandria at the end of 115 AD. It mentions three Alexandrian personalities: Paulos, Theon, and, especially, Antoninos. Information on these ambassadors from the Egyptian city is slim, not to say virtually non-existent. While the said Paulos and Theon are evidently known to the Souda, Antoninos has long been a mysterious character. This paper proposes to show that Antoninos, though ready to die for Alexandria, was actually a Roman citizen whom Roman authorities considered a traitor. Far from being alone in this case, Antoninos belonged to an older tradition of Alexandrian ambassadors who, while holding Roman citizenship, rose against a political power with which they had little sympathy., Le payrus CPJ II 158, ou Acta Pauli et Antonini, est l’une des composantes les plus méconnues du corpus papyrologique des Acta Alexandrinorum. Ce document, très lacunaire, met aux prises deux ambassades, l’une juive et l’autre alexandrine, à la suite d’émeutes ayant troublé Alexandrie à la fin de l’été 115. Trois figures alexandrines émergent dans ce document : Paulos, Théon et surtout Antoninos. Les informations sur ces ambassadeurs de la cité d’Égypte sont minces, voire quasi-inexistantes. Si les dénommés Paulos et Théon semblent connus par la Souda, Antoninos reste depuis longtemps un personnage mystérieux. L’objectif de cette communication sera de montrer que Antoninos, prêt à mourir pour Alexandrie, était en réalité un citoyen romain, considéré comme un traître par les autorités romaines. Loin d’être le seul dans ce cas, Antoninos s’inscrivait dans une tradition plus ancienne d’ambassadeurs alexandrins qui, bien que détenteurs de la citoyenneté romaine, s’élevèrent contre un pouvoir politique qui ne leur convenait guère., Rodriguez Chris. Antoninos, un ambassadeur alexandrin citoyen romain ayant trahi l’Empire. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément n°17, 2017. Conseillers et ambassadeurs dans l’Antiquité. pp. 799-820.

El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la construcción del delito político en las guerras civiles en Colombia durante el siglo XIX. Al terminar la confrontación, los perdedores se sometían a juicios en los cuales se buscaba establecer el grado de responsabilidad y el tipo de delito que cometió: político o común. En estos juicios, la controversia no solo giraba en torno a la tipificación del delito, también se discutía el delito desde el significado de la revolución, por parte del acusado y declarantes. Este artículo busca debatir este último punto. Cuál o cuáles eran las controversias que se enunciaban para definir si participar en una revolución era un delito político o común. El trabajo se enmarca dentro de la historia del derecho; para ello se analizó el documento del juicio al presidente general José María Obando, quien fue acusado de traición y rebelión por su supuesta participación y/o colaboración con la Revolución de 1853, fraguada por el general José María Melo. Por tanto, más que un debate de naturaleza dogmática, es un estudio desde la historia social del derecho y la construcción del delito, desde sentidos e intereses políticos y sociales. The article aims to analyze political crime in Colombia during the civil war of the nineteenth century. Once the confrontations had reached an end, the losers were tried in order to establish the degree of responsibility and the type of crime committed: political or common. In these trials, the controversy not only revolved around the criminal behavior, but in the context of the revolution. It is this last point that this article seeks to discuss. Which were the controversies that defined the participation in the revolution as a political or common crime. The work is framed within the history of the law, and for this purpose we analysed the trial of general president Jose Maria Obando, who was accused of treason and rebellion for his supposed collaboration to the Revolution of 1853, forged by the General José María Melo. Therefore, rather than a debate of dogmatic nature, it is a study from the social history of the law and the construction of the crime from the political and social senses and interests.

В статье обосновывается уникальность и актуальность такого политико-правового феномена как политическая преступность. Приведены исторические факты иллюстрирующие проявление политической преступности. Предлагается этимологический, нормативный и исторический анализ подобных явлений. Также, статья содержит типологический анализ и детальную классификацию политических преступлений.The article substantiates the uniqueness and relevance of such a political and legal phenomenon as political crime. Historical facts illustrating the manifestation of political crime are given. Etymological, normative and historical analysis of such phenomena is proposed. Also, the article contains a typological analysis and a detailed classification of political crimes.

The fall of Queen Katherine Howard in 1541-1542 is a well-known event: the young woman with allegedly loose morals who captured the heart of the King and then proceeded to break it by continuing to arrange sexual liaisons with another man has long captured the public imagination. Unlike her cousin Anne Boleyn, Katherine’s fall has not engendered much historical debate. We know, unequivocally, that she was guilty of the crimes with which she was charged, and we know this because the documentation surrounding her trial—the questions asked and depositions given—is exceptionally full. It has not, however, been fully exploited. The descriptions given by witnesses to Katherine’s pre-and post-marital liaisons contain an enormous amount of incidental information about the spaces and places in which they occurred, and can therefore be used to inform our understanding of the practical use of, and conceptualisation of, domestic space during this period. This article compares and contrasts Katherine’s spatial behaviour and others’ reactions to it ‘at home’ with her grandmother before her marriage, and in royal palaces and lodgings on royal progress after it.

Law justice

Law justice

Law justice

Apstākļos, kad valda ģeopolitiskais saspīlējums starp Rietumvalstīm un Krieviju, un apsteidzošas informācijas iegūšanas sāncensībā aktuāli kļūst spiegošanas un valsts nodevības noziegumi. Taču kopš neatkarības atjaunošanas Latvijā neviena persona nav notiesāta par spiegošanu. Spēkā esošais Krimināllikuma regulējums ir nepilnīgs un nepietiekams, lai aizsargātu nacionālās drošības intereses, jo Krimināllikums valsts nodevību par noziegumu neatzīst, līdz ar to spiegošanas tiesiskais regulējums ir novecojis un nav piemērots pašreizējai situācijai. The geopolitical environment once again has brought tension between the West and Russia, and in this on-going informational competition such crimes as treason and espionage become topical issues. Four people have been convicted of treason in Estonia over the past six years, while in Lithuania three criminal proceedings for espionage where initiated last year alone. It is a large number for the Baltic States, considering difficulties to prove the mentioned crimes. However, no one has been convicted of espionage in Latvia since regaining of independence. In the article the author compares the existing criminal law of the three Baltic States to discover and analyse possible theoretical as well as practical problems in applying liability for acts of treason and espionage in Latvia. The author proves that the Criminal Law of the Republic of Latvia is incomplete and insufficient to protect national security interests – the Criminal Law does not “recognise” treason as crime, and the legal regulation of espionage is outdated and unsuitable for the present situation.

This thesis examines how rebellion, usurpation and conspiracy to usurp imperial power (all crimes of high treason) were suppressed by the state during the Late Empire, with a particular focus on the years 397-411, during the reign of the western Emperor Honorius. The thesis identifies four themes common to the endgame of treason: 1. Sanctuary: Although this was frequently sought, it almost never worked for fugitive rebel leader or usurpers, as the right to asylum was continually and flagrantly violated 2. Treatment in captivity: physical abuse, torture and mutilation 3. Poena post mortem: this included decapitation and head-display 4. The process of damnatio memoriae enacted against rebels, usurpers and other state enemies Three individual cases are examined in the context of the four themes stated above: 1. The revolt of the comes Africae, Gildo, in 397-8 2. The alleged attempt at usurpation by the western magister, Stilicho, in 408 3. The western usurper Constantine III, in 407-11 The thesis examines the background to each of these three cases; how each individual was presented by the state, and how all three represented themselves and the varying circumstances of each of the three men's suppression at the hands of the state. Chapter one, Defining Rebels and Usurpers, examines what characteristics determined whether an individual was perceived as either a rebel or a usurper within the Roman world. Chapter two, The Endgame of Treason, examines the aforementioned phenomena common to the suppression of rebellion and usurpation during the fourth and early fifth-centuries: the seeking of sanctuary, ritual mutilation, especially of the right hand, before death or exile, poena post mortem, and the practice of damnatio memoriae. Chapter three, The Eagle and the Snake; Gildo's revolt, 397-8, deals with the revolt of the comes Africae, Gildo, in 397-8. Chapter four, Shared Fates; Stilicho, Eucherius and Serena, 408, concerns the coup which toppled the comes et magister militum, Stilicho, in 408. Chapter five, The Usurpation of Flavius Claudius Constantinus, 407-11, deals with the usurper Constantine III, his numismatic self-representation, his dynastic propaganda, and his eventual defeat and beheading. The thesis asks this key question; did the form of punishment, both before and after death or exile, of a person charged (reus/rei) with high treason (crimen maiestatis) differ in relation to whether they were categorised as a rebel or a usurper? It was common for usurper's heads to be exhibited on the walls of Roman cities post-defeat. Michael McCormick contends that the ritualised display of usurpers' heads was the state's means of convincing rebellious troops to submit, once they had seen their former leaders' decapitated heads upon spikes. The present thesis expands upon this by suggesting that it was only usurpers whose heads were displayed, as they were the only ones who had minted coins and were thus widely recognised. Rebels, on the other hand, tended not to receive the same treatment, though they did endure the other accompanying torments, torture and humiliation if taken alive, and poena post mortem once deceased.

En el presente artículo se examina cuál ha sido la reacción de ETA y su entorno civil, la autodenominada “izquierda abertzale”, ante las disidencias individuales o colectivas que han juzgado como una traición a la patria vasca. En primer lugar, las escisiones obreristas de ETA (ETA berri y ETA VI Asamblea) en la dictadura franquista. En segundo término, la heterodoxia de Euskadiko Ezkerra durante la Transición y la disolución a principios de los ochenta de un sector de ETA político-militar. Tercero y último, los activistas de ETA militar que han colaborado con la policía o han optado por la reinserción individual. De esta manera, se pretende comprender mejor la cultura política del nacionalismo vasco radical. This article focuses on the reactions of ETA and its civil environment –the so-called “patriotic left”- todissident groups or individuals it labeled as traitors to the Basque Country: first, ETA’s left-wing splits–ETA berri and ETA VI- during the Dictatorship of General Franco. Second, the heterodoxy of EuskadikoEzkerra in the process of Spain’s Transition to democracy and the disintegration of ETA’s politicalmilitarywing in the early 1980s. And finally, ETA’s military wing activists who ended up collaboratingwith the police forces or assimilated themselves into society. In the end, this essay aims to reach a betterunderstanding of the political culture of Basque radical nationalists.

This article focuses on the reactions of ETA and its civil environment –the so-called “patriotic left”- todissident groups or individuals it labeled as traitors to the Basque Country: first, ETA’s left-wing splits–ETA berri and ETA VI- during the Dictatorship of General Franco. Second, the heterodoxy of EuskadikoEzkerra in the process of Spain’s Transition to democracy and the disintegration of ETA’s politicalmilitarywing in the early 1980s. And finally, ETA’s military wing activists who ended up collaboratingwith the police forces or assimilated themselves into society. In the end, this essay aims to reach a betterunderstanding of the political culture of Basque radical nationalists. En el presente artículo se examina cuál ha sido la reacción de ETA y su entorno civil, la autodenominada “izquierda abertzale”, ante las disidencias individuales o colectivas que han juzgado como una traición a la patria vasca. En primer lugar, las escisiones obreristas de ETA (ETA berri y ETA VI Asamblea) en la dictadura franquista. En segundo término, la heterodoxia de Euskadiko Ezkerra durante la Transición y la disolución a principios de los ochenta de un sector de ETA político-militar. Tercero y último, los activistas de ETA militar que han colaborado con la policía o han optado por la reinserción individual. De esta manera, se pretende comprender mejor la cultura política del nacionalismo vasco radical.

¿Por qué, en los relatos sobre la represión, “mientras los desaparecidos son considerados mártires y héroes, los sobrevivientes son estigmatizados como traidores”(p. 14) ? ¿De dónde surge el reflejo (casi) automático de la mirada suspicaz y la condena ética a su sobrevida ? ¿Cómo, siendo el sobreviviente la puerta de acceso a los campos de concentración, su testimonio se ve silenciado por el griterío acusador ? A partir de estas preguntas, Ana Longoni inicia una investigación cuyo objetivo es...

Aquest article fa una sèrie de reflexions a l'entorn de l'ofici de traduir (amb un èmfasi especial en la traducció literària), a partir de l'experiència personal i professional de l'autor i recorrent a tres dels tòpics més generalitzats sobre la traducció, sobre el paper del traductor en el panorama literari i cultural i, en definitiva, sobre el que significa la traducció. Alterna l'ús de referències erudites amb el recurs a l'anècdota, però sempre amb la intenció de desmentir o matisar els tres tòpics que vertebren l'article, i que, com l'autor procura demostrar al·ludint a un famós text de Vladimir Nabokov, no són pas exclusius del món dels «profans». This article reflects on the craft of translating (with special emphasis on literary translation), taking its author's personal and professional experience as a starting point and resorting to three of the most widespread clichés about translation, about the translator's role in the literary and cultural scene and, all in all, about the actual meaning of the translator's activity. It alternates some learned references with a certain anecdotal slant, but always with the aim of refuting or qualifying the three clichés that vertebrate it, and which -as the author attempts to prove by alluding to a famous text by Vladimir Nabokov- are not exclusive to the world of «non-specialists».

κείμενο Stewart Ross ; εικονογράφηση McRae Books, Ιταλία ; [μετάφραση Βάσω Γιαννακοπούλου] σ. :εικ. ;28 εκ Μετάφραση του: Spies & Traitors. Μύθος ή πραγματικότητα UB270.5.R615 1999 48