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Este artículo constituye un aporte empírico sobre la correlación entre la informalidad económica y la pandemia de la covid-19 en Perú. Con base en entrevistas a comerciantes del sector informal de la ciudad de Huancayo, se analizan los impactos pandémicos en relación con sus ingresos y medios de vida y se sostiene que el empleo informal tuvo una gran repercusión en los trágicos indicadores de salud pública en el país. La flexibilidad intrínseca de este tipo de actividades, puntualmente para el comercio ambulatorio, y la falta de acceso a sistemas y esquemas de protección social fueron las principales razones por las que las personas emprendían en este sector para reemplazar los ingresos que perdieron debido al confinamiento. Así, se introduce la noción “recambio de ingresos” en la economía durante la pandemia. La heterogeneidad entre quienes realizan labores informales, específicamente en el acceso a diferentes tipos de recursos, permitió tales emprendimientos y facilitó que algunas personas controlen su posible exposición al virus. Se concluye que en el enfoque de la formalización económica de las últimas décadas de liberalización financiera no se consideran las ventajas que las actividades informales ofrecen frente a la formalización. De hecho, la informalidad sigue brindando la mejor oportunidad de ingresos inmediatos y opciones altamente flexibles, en particular para adaptarse a situaciones de crisis como la pandemia.

La forma en que el Estado reconoce la ciudadanía con respecto a los roles de género en Perú ha estado fuera de sintonía con las prácticas reales de género. Durante la mayor parte del período transcurrido desde la colonización española, el ciudadano medio ha sido designado oficialmente o imaginado como varón heterosexual. Durante el último medio siglo, las mujeres han llegado a ocupar un papel de ciudadanía independiente de formas que las incitan a ajustarse a un modelo de moralidad materna y responsabilidad doméstica. En la economía neoextractivista actual, con la fuerte voz pública del conservadurismo social y la corrupción política arraigada, esto plantea limitaciones de comportamiento y el riesgo de endeudamiento. Muy pocos cambios de política se han dirigido a transformar los roles de género masculino o dirigirse a los ciudadanos LGBTI. Solicito más investigación sobre las implicaciones de esta situación para apoyar los movimientos que luchan por que todos los peruanos, independientemente de su identidad de género o sexualidad, vivan una vida plena.

The COVID-19 pandemic has wreaked havoc on the livelihoods of people around the world. Structural economic constraints are highlighted at such moments of crisis, while those most affected have recourse to their repertoire of managing strategies. This case study of people from Allpachico, a Peruvian peasant community, compares their responses to the current crisis with their responses to one in the 1980s, showcasing similarities in strategies (especially reciprocity and the sale or exchange of necessary reproductive tasks and products) and differences in the form they take. In the 1980s, women’s work and kin reciprocity helped people access use-values. By 2020, neoliberalism had transformed the national economy and Allpachiqueño migrants overwhelmingly had precarious informal and contract work. Reciprocity and reproductive tasks are still central to livelihood, but now tend to be monetized rather than involving use-values. As that earlier crisis shattered both secure employment and peasant farming to lay the basis for neoliberalism, so now it appears that the COVID-19 pandemic, through the monetization of government support and reciprocity alike, is accelerating financialization in the form of financial services and debt., La pandémie de COVID-19 a ravagé les moyens de subsistance des populations du monde entier. Les contraintes économiques structurelles sont mises en évidence dans ces moments de crise, tandis que les personnes les plus touchées ont recours à leur répertoire de stratégies de subsistances. Cette étude de cas sur les habitants d’Allpachico, une une communauté paysanne péruvienne, compare leurs réponses à la crise actuelle avec leurs réponses à celle des années 1980, mettant en évidence des similitudes dans les stratégies (notamment la réciprocité et la vente ou l’échange de tâches reproductives et de produits nécessaires) et des différences dans la forme qu’elles prennent. Dans les années 1980, le travail des femmes et la réciprocité de la parenté ont aidé les gens à accéder aux valeurs d’usage. En 2020, le néolibéralisme a transformé l’économie nationale et les migrants d’Allpachico ont majoritairement un travail informel et contractuel précaire. La réciprocité et les tâches reproductives sont toujours au coeur des moyens de subsistance, mais elles tendent désormais à être monétisées plutôt que d’impliquer des valeurs d’usage. Tout comme la crise précédente a brisé les emplois sûrs et l’agriculture paysanne pour jeter les bases du néolibéralisme, il apparaît aujourd’hui que la pandémie de COVID-19, par la monétisation des aides publiques et de la réciprocité, accélère la financiarisation sous la forme de services financiers et de dettes.

A Peruvian case study explores how urban informal workers negotiate their livelihoods as they age, highlighting reciprocity among urban informal workers, retired formal sector workers, and peasants in a pattern of rural-urban circular migration. Labor-intensive mining in the twentieth century created a proletarian workforce that included men from the peasant community of Allpachico. Their wages became an anchor for kin-linked clusters of households. Now, despite an economic boom, the lack of formal jobs forces younger Allpachiqueños to undertake precarious and informal work. Resource-sector-funded state social spending, such as through state-administered pensions for retired workers and the elderly poor, has replaced wages as a stable source of cash. This state mediation between the technology-intensive resource sector and citizens elicits suspicion and uncertainty. Dispossessed of the right to work and subjected to conditions of eligibility for social programs, urban informal workers continue to rely on kin and community.Un estudio de caso peruano explora cómo los trabajadores informales urbanos negocian sus formas de ganarse la vida conforma envejecen, y destaca la reciprocidad entre dichos trabajadores, los trabajadores jubilados del sector formal y los campesinos en un patrón de migración circular del campo a la ciudad. Durante el siglo XX, la minería intensiva dio lugar a una fuerza de trabajo proletaria que incluía a hombres de la comunidad campesina de Allpachico. Sus salarios se convirtieron en una forma de anclaje para grupos de hogares con vínculos consanguíneos. Ahora, a pesar del auge económico, la falta de empleos formales oblige a los jóvenes de Allpachico a trabajar de manera precaria e informal. El gasto social estatal financiado por los recursos del sector, como las pensiones estatales para trabajadores jubilados y los ancianos pobres, ha sustituido los salarios como fuente estable de efectivo. Dicha mediación estatal entre un sector de recursos con tecnología intensiva y la ciudadanía provoca sospechas e incertidumbre. Sin derecho a un trabajo y sometidos a los criterios impuestos de admisibilidad para recibir asistencia social, los trabajadores informales urbanos continúan dependiendo de sus familiares y comunidad.

Andean peoples have a longstanding reputation for collective spirit, while the pressures of capitalism and the modern state are seen to promote individualism. This article uses fieldwork from over three decades in the Peruvian comunidad campesina I call Allpachico to examine how collectivist and individualist behaviour have intertwined and transformed. Over this time, governments and NGOs have facilitated and discouraged different collective forms at distinct moments, while the complaints made by the people highlight both the barriers they encounter in working together and the forms of individualism that are blamed. This detailed historical perspective provides insight into grassroots debates about how to define and practice community, as well as to how and why collective action is inadequate to gain livelihood in each of three eras. Neither collectivism nor individualism is clearly gaining ground; rather, the forms of each and their inter-relationship transform over time.

This case study combines economic and life course history to highlight new forms of inequality. While a previous generation of industrial workers had jobs with benefits, their children have become a precariat. Peru is no exception, despite its booming resource economy. In a context of continuing strong inter-generational ties, pensioners from the community of Allpachico support their precariat children and receive personalized elder care in return. State-funded community development through participatory budgeting, an attempt to stave off the ‘resource curse’, has provided residential services that can ease pensioners’ senior years. This permits them to choose whether to live in their community of origin or elsewhere. In contrast, elderly women and men without pensions may have to leave their peasant community homes to be cared for by their urban precariat children. Local economies that are oriented to pensioners’ needs, however, are necessarily unstable since pensions cannot be inherited and the neoliberal economy generates few new jobs.

For women at the early modern courts, clothing and jewellery were essential elements in their political arsenal, enabling them to signal their dynastic value, to promote loyalty to their marital court and to advance political agendas. This is the first collection of essays to examine how elite women in early modern Europe marshalled clothing and jewellery for political ends. With essays encompassing women who traversed courts in Denmark, England, France, Germany, Habsburg Austria, Italy, Portugal, Spain and Sweden, the contributions cover a broad range of elite women from different courts and religious backgrounds as well as varying noble ranks.

Peruvian development and government analysts criticize communities for irrationally using local development funds deriving from recently instituted political decentralization to beautify their villages rather than to improve infrastructural services, education and health, or to alleviate poverty. This paper challenges this critique by explaining why such cosmetic improvements are of interest to rural people. Using a case study of the peasant community of Allpachico, I argue that these projects encourage the return of pensioners and visits from migrants. Residents and migrants are mutually dependent as a result of livelihood strategies based on agriculture and the foreign-controlled resource extraction sector over the past 80 years. The relative position of these two groups in the social reproduction of the vernacular community has changed with the Peruvian political economy. Currently, in the neoliberal resource extraction economy, residents pragmatically opt to maintain relations with those who have stable wage or pension incomes.

(2011). A Critical Look at Physical Education and What Must Be Done to Address Obesity Issues. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance: Vol. 82, No. 4, pp. 39-46.

Touted as a means to extend democracy to previously disenfranchised people, participatory budgeting actually covers a variety of motivations and effects. This article explores diverse reactions and meanings through a case study of the Peruvian peasant community of Allpalumichico. Although the economic system embedded in the legal requirements of the Peruvian participatory budgeting process derives from the global neoliberal agenda, the actual practices also reflect the personal and political strategies of local and national politicians. At the same time, the citizen participants and beneficiaries of the process understand it on their own terms. Despite both the decline of the peasant community as an institution and the increasing heterogeneity of the residents, collective norms of resource distribution continue to inform how allpalumichiqueños engage in participatory budgeting decisions. This collective sense of community could be the basis for much more organic and relevant forms of participatory budgeting.

Siedentop and Locke (1997) proposed three critical elements that must exist in our profession to make a difference and achieve systemic success in physical education (SSPE): (a) quality PE in the schools, (b) effective physical education teacher education (PETE) programs, and (c) a working relationship between the two. Using Cuban’s (1992) curriculum change and stability framework, this qualitative study examines the existence of a program that has achieved all three elements in the southwestern US. For over three decades some seventy-two teachers in dozens of schools have yearly served over 40,000 children. This study revealed a fully functioning model consisting of four key, interdependent components driven by a system of accountability measures. The results of the SSPE model—quality PE for children—is achieved by (a) district-wide mandated curriculum, methodologies and language, (b) well-defined district PE coordinator roles, (c) a partnership university, and (d) frequent, ongoing professional development. Results of this study strengthen Siedentop and Locke’s (1997) recommendation for collaborative efforts between universities and partner school districts and provide a model to guide and manage the curriculum change process in K-6 PE.

L'image representee par Tupperware est essentiellement feminine. Cet article analyse la litterature entourant Tupperware pour y retrouver cette image de la femininite de classe moyenne, euronord-americaine et domestique. L'analyse de cette litterature se fait en tenant compte des changements et continuites, au cours des 50 dernieres annees, des roles domestiques, economiques et sociaux des femmes nord-americaines. Ces roles domestiques et economiques se sont entrelaces, ce qui a permis a L'entreprise de mieux les exploiter. La reussite de Tupperware en s'associant a cette image tres precise peut servir comme barometre pour reveler comment les femmes negocient les pressions combinees de la maison et du travail. Tupperware projects a quintessentially gendered image. This article explores writings by and about Tupperware to discover its representation of middle-class white domestic femininity. This image is read against changes and continuities in North American women's domestic, economic and social roles over the past fifty years. There has been an ongoing intertwining of women's domestic and paid work roles that Tupperware has been able to exploit. The enduring success of Tupperware as a company associated with a specific image is thus a useful barometer indicating how women are contending with the combined pressures of home and work.

This study examined the effects of increased autonomy on (a) self-determination and (b) physical activity levels. Seventh- and eighth-grade girls (N = 122) in four classes participated in two fitness units (one allowing choice of activities, the other no-choice). The order of the units was counterbalanced, so that two classes participated in the choice unit first, and the other two participated in the no-choice unit first. The abridged Situational Intrinsic Motivation Scale (SIMS) was administered after each unit. Pedometers were used to measure step counts during both units. Overall, self-determination was higher in the choice unit. The repeated measures analysis also indicated that girls who experienced the choice unit first, and then were denied the opportunity to make choices had the lowest levels of self-determination. The results provide empirical support for the theoretical prediction that increased autonomy yields higher levels of self-determination.

Objective: We sought to evaluate the effectiveness and safety of promoting a trial of labor after prior cesarean birth in a community hospital. Study Design: A 4-year prospective cohort study was conducted of all patients who had prior cesarean births (N = 1481). A comparison of outcomes was performed between those who elected repeat cesarean delivery (n = 727) and those who attempted a trial of labor after previous cesarean(s) (n = 754). Results: We found that the vaginal birth after cesarean attempt rate was 50.9% and declined significantly during the last 2 years of the study. The elective repeat cesarean rate was 49.1% and increased significantly during the last 2 years of the study. In addition, we found that neonatal outcomes were similar, with the exception of 2 neonatal deaths caused by uterine rupture. Twelve uterine ruptures occurred (1.6%), and 11 of the 12 ruptures involved either induction or augmentation of labor, or both. Conclusions: A trial of vaginal birth after cesarean is safe provided that induction of labor is not used. The uterine rupture rate of 1.6% is higher than reported in the literature; this may reflect underreporting by community hospitals. (Am J Obstet Gynecol 2001;184:1478-87.)

This paper presents a case study of changes in family relations in the context of economic crisis following a period of emerging capitalism. The particular ways in which households and communities interact with the political and economic processes of the larger society have an impact on the form and function of the household and on the families on which they are based. However, capitalist development, while perhaps transforming the family, does not destroy it (Hareven, 1994; Wilson and Pahl, 1988). The flexibility of the family can be seen as it reformulates to deal with changing economic circumstances. When reformulation happens as families adapt to economic crisis, there are both stresses which cause tension in the family and forces which keep it together. Among these is uncertainty about the severity and longevity of the crisis: will this instability become "normal" or will it be replaced by a more stable economy? This uncertainty causes people to act tentatively rather than decisively, and also leads individuals and families in different directions. This paper links changes in relations and roles within families in a peasant village in central Peru to historical economic processes related to, the establishment and disruption of capitalism. I do not mean to imply that a utopian precapitalist family form has been degraded through members' reliance on capitalist activities to make a living. Indeed, elsewhere (Vincent, 1999) 1 have argued that the job opportunities presented by the changing economy allow freedom from the traditional family for women. Here I am interested in analysing qualitative changes in family relations as family ties become separate from reproductive economic ties. The case I will describe concerns the Peruvian peasant community of Mata Chico whose members have increased their involvement in capitalist economic processes', especially through male migrant proletarianization but also through other activities, throughout the twentieth century. In the 1980s this involvement was disrupted as Peru went through an economic crisis characterized by hyperinflation and high unemployment. By this time, proletarianization had already profoundly changed the community and the households within it. In particular, family relations changed over the period of capitalist involvement as community interests gave way to complementary interests. By "community interests", I mean that the family engaged in the same activities and with the same goals over the life cycle. Thus, different generations within a family may undertake distinct, mutually supporting activities at any single moment, but the ultimate common goal was to take over the family farm. Gradually this has given way to what I call "complementary interests", in which different members of the family continue to engage in distinct, mutually supporting activities, but there is much less expectation that younger members will eventually take over the farm. Relations are more flexible and less all-encompassing in this new family form, but they remain strong as they provide needed support in confronting the rigours of economic crisis. HOUSEHOLDS, FAMILIES AND THE ECONOMY It is common to distinguish between the household and the family by defining the former in economic terms as a group endeavouring to ensure its own reproduction (Vincent, 1992:32-33), while the latter is defined as an affective kinship group (Rapp, 1991:1989). The analysis presented here explores the relationship between the economic household and the affective family. Elsewhere (Vincent, 1992: 32) 1 have defined the household as a group of people with differential rights to and obligations for the provision of services and goods used for the daily reproduction of the group. The core of the household in Mata Chico is the family, sometimes in the form of the nuclear family and sometimes as an extended family. Other people may attach themselves to the fringe of wealthy households, with fewer rights and obligations, but still providing reproductive services in exchange for household resources. …

(2009). Step It Up. Journal of Physical Education, Recreation & Dance: Vol. 80, No. 1, pp. 22-24.

John Steinbeck's novel The Grapes of Wrath ends with Rose of Sharon Joad breastfeeding a man debilitated by the effects of the Great Depression of the 1930s. In the course of the novel, as men's roles in providing for their families disintegrate, women, in the form of Ma Joad and later Rose of Sharon, as those responsible for the daily reproductive needs of their households, take on increasing importance. They undertake old activities in new ways or new activities that are still ideologically "feminine": breast milk, an age-old product, is used to sustain adults. The role of such activities with respect to larger economic processes has undergone a transformation: a woman breastfeeding her own child in the United States in the 1930s is carrying out a reproductive task in the reciprocal context of the family; giving breast milk to a man who is in possession of shelter that the Joads want to share can arguably be seen as an exchange that is part of the Joads' response to the crisis in the wider economy. There are clear limits to applying this fictional analogy to a real situation, as there are in comparing the 1930s Depression to the late-20th-century context.! Nevertheless, the general outlines of the situation present an interesting comparison with other cases in which men's economic role is strongly associated with productive activities that are insufficient or no longer viable because of economic crisis, and women are strongly associated with reproductive responsibility for the household. In such circumstances, the "Grapes

Background:Researchers have noted both the utility and limitations of using pedometers to measure physical activity (PA). While these unobtrusive devices are widely accepted for their ability to measure accumulated PA, they have been criticized for their inability to measure exercise intensity. However, recent steps-per-minute (SPM) research provides reasonably accurate measures of intensity allowing users to assess time spent at recommended PA levels. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to determine the SPM taken that are associated with moderate physical activity in 12- to 14-year-old youth.Methods:Ninety-three participants (49 boys and 44 girls; ages 12 to 14) walked on a treadmill for 3 minutes at each of 4 different speeds while wearing a pedometer and a heart rate monitor.Results:On average boys and girls reached their moderate activity intensity threshold at 122 SPM and 102 SPM, respectively. However, individual differences must be taken into account when determining appropriate SPM intensities for youth.Conclusions:The impact of individual differences underscores the need to address SPM for moderate intensity individually rather than with a single guideline for everyone at this age.

Background:The purpose of this study was to conduct a secondary analysis by combining 2 pedometer data sets to describe and analyze pedometer-determined steps/day of children by ethnicity and metropolitan status.Methods:Participants were 582 children (309 girls, 273 boys; 53% Hispanic, 26% Caucasian, 21% African American) age 10 to 11 years (M = 10.37 ± 0.48) attending 1 of 10 schools located in urban, suburban, and rural settings. Participants wore a research grade pedometer for at least 3 week/school days. Mean steps/ day were analyzed by gender, ethnicity, and metropolitan status.Results:Statistical analyses indicated 1) boys (12,853 ± 3831; P < .001) obtained significantly more steps/day than girls (10,409 ± 3136); 2) African American (10,709 ± 3386; P < .05) children accumulated significantly less steps/day than Hispanic (11,845 ± 3901) and Caucasian (11,668 ± 3369) children; and 3) urban (10,856 ± 3706; P < .05) children obtained significantly less steps/day than suburban (12,297 ± 3616) and rural (11,934 ± 3374) children.Conclusions:Findings support self-report data demonstrating reduced physical activity among African American children and youth, especially girls, and among children and youth living in urban areas. Possible reasons for these discrepancies are explored.

There have been limited prospective studies investigating physical activity and physical self-perceptions in children. In this investigation, mean steps/day did not significantly change from late elementary to junior high for either boys or girls; however, boys accumulated more steps both at baseline and follow-up. Physical self-perception measures were significantly related to changes in steps/day and accounted for 21% (15% adjusted) of the variance after controlling for demographic/biological variables, R2 change = .21, adjusted R2 change = .15, F(5, 88) = 4.66, p < .001. Sport competence emerged as the most important predictor, t(88) = -3.76, p < .001, and was inversely related to physical activity change. The lack of opportunities to participate in sport activities normally found at the onset of adolescence may help explain this unexpected result.

Background:The purpose was to determine if waist placement of the pedometer effected accuracy in normal, overweight, and obese children, when attaching the pedometer to the waistband or a belt.Methods:Seventy-seven children (ages 10-12 y) wore five pedometers on the waistband of their pants and a belt at the following placements: navel (NV), anterior midline of the right thigh (AMT), right side (RS), posterior midline of the right thigh (PMT), and middle of the back (MB). Participants walked 100 steps on a treadmill at 80 m · min−1.Results:The RS, PMT, and MB sites on the waistband and the AMT and RS sites on the belt produced the least error.Conclusions:Of these sites the RS placement is recommended because of the ease of reading the pedometer during activity. Using a belt did not significantly improve accuracy except for normal weight groups at the NV placement site.

The purpose of this study was to examine the day-to-day variability in pedometer-assessed physical activity (steps/day). A total of 1,443 children aged 6-12 years from the United States (195 boys, 254 girls), Sweden (257 boys, 252 girls), and Australia (229 boys, 256 girls) wore a pedometer for 4 consecutive weekdays. Repeated measures analysis of variance was used to examine daily differences in steps/day and the coefficient of variation (CV) was calculated for each individual to describe the day-to-day variability. Overall, mean steps/day were higher among boys (14,698 ± 3,373 steps/day) than girls (12,086 ± 2,929 steps/day). Significant differences were found between the 4 monitoring days for the entire sample; however, the absolute mean differences were small (55-958 steps) with an overall effect size of 0.01. This trend was apparent regardless of age, gender, and country. Individual CVs ranged from 2 to 88% and the overall mean CV approximated 22%. An age-related increase in the mean CV was observed between 6- and 12-year-old children. The age × gender × country interaction was not significant (P > 0.05). These findings have implications toward the proper design, analysis, and interpretation of studies regarding physical activity among children. Beyond this aspect, our results lend insight into potential age-related biological mechanisms that may also influence daily levels and patterns of physical activity. Am. J. Hum. Biol. 19:537-543, 2007

The goal of this study was to examine the efficacy of minimal treatment interventions for concerned significant others (CSOs) of problem gamblers. One hundred and eighty-six participants (82% females, 56% spouses) were randomly assigned to one of three groups: the first minimal intervention group received a self-help workbook [based on behavioral principles, modified from the Community Reinforcement and Family Therapy (CRAFT) model] and the second minimal intervention group received the workbook plus telephone support. The control condition received a treatment resource information package. Overall, all participants reported significant improvement in personal and relationship functioning and gambling behavior and consequences at the 3- and 6-month follow-up. The data demonstrated differences in favor of the interventions in three areas: days gambling, satisfaction with the program, and number who had their needs met. There was no difference in the number who had entered treatment. It may be that CSOs require more guidance and follow-up support to achieve these goals using the CRAFT procedures and strategies.