Search

In diesem Beitrag wird der für den Sammelband gewählte Ansatz des Transformativen Inklusionsmanagements aufgegriffen, um Ansatzpunkte zur Entwicklung inklusiver Infrastrukturen auf der politischen Ebene der Kommunen zu suchen. Es wird dargestellt, wie Kommunen die Entwicklung einer inklusiven Infrastruktur durch eine beteiligungsorientierte Planung federführend steuern können. Dabei stehen die Aufgabenstellung der Kommunen, Fragen der Partizipation von Menschen mit Behinderungen und die Einbindung von anderen Akteur*innen im Mittelpunkt. (DIPF/Orig.) This paper takes up the approach of transformative inclusion management chosen for the anthology to look for starting points for the development of inclusive infrastructures at the political level of municipalities. It shows how municipalities can lead the development of an inclusive infrastructure through participation-oriented planning. The focus is on the tasks of the municipalities, questions of participation of people with disabilities, and the involvement of other actors. (DIPF/Orig.)

Lateinamerika kennt zahlreiche Protestbewegungen seiner indigenen Bevölkerung. Einer der emblematischsten Fälle ist die soziale Bewegung gegen ein Prestige-Projekt der Morales-Regierung: den Bau einer Straße im Indigenen Territorium und Nationalpark Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS) im bolivianischen Amazonasgebiet. Mit Blick auf die Perspektiven der heterogenen Protestakteur*innen rekonstruiert der Autor diesen Widerstand in seinen komplexen Erscheinungsformen. Dabei stellt er heraus, wie Problematiken der geschwächten indigenen Selbstverwaltung, sozioökologische Bedrohungen, Defizite des neoextraktiven Entwicklungsmodells und mangelnde Rechtsumsetzung zusammenhängen.

This book argues that Chapter XI of the UN Charter should be applied to military occupations. The book operates in two parts. First, it describes the status quo of the law of military occupation and the economic incentive that this status quo holds for the occupant. Second, it shows by way of a contemporary interpretation, how Chapter XI should be applied and what it would mean for the economic rights of the inhabitants. It will be argued that the application of Chapter XI would make it economically unattractive for an occupant to stay in the foreign territory, while leaving his right to self-defense intact. Das Werk ist in zwei Teile gegliedert. Erstens beschreibt es den Status quo des militärischen Besatzungsrechts und den wirtschaftlichen Anreiz, den dieser Status quo für den Besatzer bietet. Zweitens wird anhand einer zeitgenössischen Auslegung gezeigt, wie Kapitel XI angewandt werden sollte und was dies für die wirtschaftlichen Rechte der Bewohner bedeuten würde. Es wird argumentiert, dass die Anwendung von Kapitel XI es für einen Besetzer wirtschaftlich unattraktiv machen würde, in einem fremden Gebiet zu bleiben, während sein Recht auf Selbstverteidigung intakt bliebe.

Alle sechs Jahre werden in Deutschland per Briefwahl Vertreter gewählt, die sich in Gremien der gesetzlichen Krankenkassen und der Rentenversicherung für die Interessen der Sozialversicherten einsetzen. Dieses Prinzip der Selbstverwaltung des deutschen Sozialversicherungssystems besteht seit dem 19. Jahrhundert. Doch die Sozialversicherungswahlen befinden sich seit längerem in der Krise: Sie verfügen über eine geringe Bekanntheit und eine niedrige Wahlbeteiligung bei proportional großem Aufwand und hohen Kosten. Der vorliegende Artikel analysiert, inwieweit Elemente von E Democracy geeignet sind, das traditionsreiche Instrument zu stärken, um so die Bekanntheit der Sozialversicherungswahlen zu steigern. Anhand der vier Stufen von Partizipation (Information, Konsultation, Kooperation, Mitentscheidung) wird auf Basis empirischer Daten diskutiert, ob E-Voting die Möglichkeiten zur Mitbestimmung erweitert. The board of representatives of the German statutory health insurance and statutory pension insurance is elected in an absentee vote every six years. Whereas this principle of self-administration of the German social security system is established since the 19th century, these social elections are in crisis: While suffering from a low level of awareness and low voter turnout, the elections cause unproportionally high logistical effort and costs. Hence, they have a low degree of legitimacy. This article analyses to what extent elements of e-democracy can strengthen the traditional instrument of self-administration. Guided by the four levels of participation (information, consultation, cooperation, co-decision) classifying citizens' participation from a theoretical point of view. We base our discussion on empirical data to address the question whether e-voting can enhance opportunities for participation.

Wesentliche Teile des Sozialversicherungsrechts wurden in Deutschland durch juristische Fachdiskurse und Gerichtsurteile bestimmt. Deren Folgen und Fernwirkungen blieben in der Regel unberücksichtigt. Dies betrifft neuerdings verstärkt die Selbstverwaltung im Gesundheitswesen. Von deren Spitzengremium "Gemeinsamer Bundesausschuss" festgelegte medizinische Behandlungsnormen werten Juristen als Eingriff in das Grundrecht auf Leben und körperliche Unversehrtheit (Art. 2 II 1 GG), der dem von Verbandsvertretern bestellten Gremium nicht zustehe. Die der "Legitimationskettentheorie" des Bundesverfassungsgerichtes folgende Wertung offenbart ein monistisches, von überkommenen Souveränitätslehren geprägtes Staatsverständnis, von dem sich die meisten westlichen Demokratien gelöst haben. Die daran anknüpfende Rechtsprechung tangiert das ordnungspolitische Gefüge von Staat, Markt und Organisationsgesellschaft. Der Beitrag erörtert einschlägige Gerichtsurteile und diskutiert kritische Einwände sowie demokratietheoretische Alternativkonzepte. Key aspects of German social security law have been shaped by legal discourse and court rulings. The long-term consequences and remote effects of legal doctrines and judicial lawmaking usually remain unconsidered. This also applies to current debates on the legitimacy of self-administration in the health care system. Critics complain that medical treatment standards of its top level "Joint Federal Committee" represent an encroachment on the fundamental right to life and physical integrity (Article 2 II 1 of the Basic Law), which the body comprised by representatives of health associations was not entitled to. The case reveals a monistic understanding of legitimacy shaped by traditional doctrines of sovereignty, from which most Western democracies have detached themselves. Resulting problems and possible long-term consequences are illustrated using the example of recent Constitutional Court rulings. The underlying chain of legitimacy concept does not appear tenable when applied to the German health sector. The article discusses critical objections and alternative concepts of democracy.

On 5 August 2019, India's home minister Amit Shah made a shock announcement revoking India's constitutional guarantee of autonomy to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. This article focuses on the wider ideological context of Hindu nationalism that has spurred this decision in order to assess the move's far-reaching implications for Indian democracy and peace in South Asia. In addition to the revocation of autonomy, a key condition of Kashmir's accession to India, India has further partitioned the state into two parts and downgraded its status to a centrally administered territory. This consolidation of the hard-line stance taken by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government in Kashmir since assuming power is bound to fuel further alienation and resentment. The unilateral decision calls into question India's other federal arrangements too - for instance, with states in India's north-east that also enjoy various degrees of autonomy, increasing the chance of disaffection and instability within the country. The decision also has the potential to spark tensions with Pakistan and China, both of which occupy portions of Kashmir's territory. Pakistan, which lays claim to the entire Muslim-majority province, has already downgraded its diplomatic relations with India. China, which claims rights to the north-eastern portion of Kashmir, has also issued a warning. Increased disaffection among the Kashmiri population is also likely to spur intervention by non-state Islamic groups, resulting in long-term strife. According to a Hindu Right dictum, only a display of might will get India its due in the world. This high-risk manoeuvre in Kashmir appears to be the Modi government's way of testing this axiom. The consolidation of Hindu nationalist politics in India suggests the government is likely to take a more belligerent stance in world politics, especially in issues concerning national security. EU decision-makers can expect to deal with a more uncompromising and hard-line India in their future engagements with the country.

Introduction. “Crimea project” is unsuccessful attempts to create a Jewish national territorial autonomy on the territory of the Crimean Peninsula in 1920–1940s of the 20th century. The topic was poorly elaborated in historiography. In this regard, this topic frequently became the ground for historical myths and pseudo-scientific statements. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the “Crimea project” coverage in American media in 1920–1940s of the 20th century and to identify the patterns in topic presentations. Methods. In this paper, we used such methods as analysis, synthesis, retrospective analysis, the historical genetic method, historical comparative, and the analysis of text. We selected The New York Times newspaper as the main source as it is one of the oldest, continuous and credible media reflecting liberal agenda. Analysis. In the paper, we analyze articles devoted to “Crimea project” during 20–40s of the 20th century. This article examines about 30 articles devoted to the Jewish agrarization, the project of creating a Jewish national autonomy in Crimea, the anti-Semitism problem in the USSR. This publications are examined in the context of struggle between zionists and anti-zionists in the USA as well. Results. Most articles focuse on the social aspect, namely agrarization. The political moments of “Crimea project” are addressed less frequently, mainly in the frame of the statements of Soviet officials on the possibility of creating a Jewish autonomy on the territory of the Steppe Ukraine and Northern Crimea. The paper pays attention to the authors’ little knowledge on the real situation and mistakes in its coverage.

Local governments in many parts of Africa are yet to be fully accepted as important levels of government (by political actors at the central and sub-central levels). This gives rise to the contradictory scenario whereby such political actors at the central and sub-central levels remain the apostles of centralization on one hand and exponents of democracy as a model of national government on the other hand. Nigeria is the most populous African country. And this marginalization of the local government in the democratic process is prevalent in Nigeria. Invariably, the pervasive effect of this condition, as it negatively affects the availability of dividends of democracy to the African citizen, is worrisome. In the meantime, the continent of Europe is perceived in the study as having possibly taken local government understanding to a model level of local self-governance, through its European Charter of Local Self-Government. Europe is thus, seen in this study as a region in the lead in situating the local government paradigm, within its proper democratic context. The theoretical framework of deliberative democracy is adopted in the study to engage African states to embrace local self-governance as a critical component of democratization.

The study examines the ways in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict shapes and transforms the interests, narratives and options of relevant actors, in light of the failure of peace talks and the continuing occupation of the West Bank. The first contribution examines the Israeli discourse, laying out how the absence of resolution creates a paradoxical situation where majorities exist both for a two-state solution and against a Palestinian state. This translates politically into growing paralysis in relation to possible peace talks. The second contribution analyses how the Palestinian leaderships in Ramallah and Gaza City relate to the Israeli occupying power, within a spectrum of negotiations, resistance rhetoric and direct and indirect cooperation. The contribution also elaborates how the leaderships unintentionally became accessories to the occupying power. The third contribution explores how the EU’s engagement suffers a discrepancy between stated objectives (two-state solution, Palestinian development) and achieved outcomes. It proposes concrete measures for resolving the conundrum. The fourth contribution examines the humanitarian organisation UNRWA, which operates under conditions of occupation and -inevitably but unwillingly- becomes a party to the conflict. The fifth and last contribution examines the Israel lobby in the United States. Whether the occupation of the West Bank lies in Israel’s interests is found to be increasingly controversial among American Jews, and creating divisions within the Israel lobby. (Autorenreferat)

Since the arrest of the former head of the Catalan government, Carles Puigdemont, a solidarity movement has emerged that paints him as a victim of the justice system. However, even if the German government prevents his extradition this is hardly likely to influence the trials against his colleagues remanded in custody in Madrid. The Spanish public prosecutor’s office accuses them not only of rebellion, but also of embezzling money from the autonomous communities’ liquidity fund (FLA) for their independence campaign. Since the 2012 financial crisis, Madrid has had to subsidise heavily indebted regions, including Catalonia, with loans. Barcelona annually receives between 6.7 billion (2012) and 11.1 billion euros (2015). This financial dependence motivates Catalans to bid for independence, in the expectation that it will lead to direct access to the European Central Bank (ECB). Europeans need to reflect on who should be given their solidarity. A Catalan state would be born with a mountain of debt, which the other Spanish regions and the European taxpayer would ultimately have to shoulder. (author's abstract)

The study examines the ways in which the Israeli-Palestinian conflict shapes and transforms the interests, narratives and options of relevant actors, in light of the failure of peace talks and the continuing occupation of the West Bank. The first contribution examines the Israeli discourse, laying out how the absence of resolution creates a paradoxical situation where majorities exist both for a two-state solution and against a Palestinian state. This translates politically into growing paralysis in relation to possible peace talks. The second contribution analyses how the Palestinian leaderships in Ramallah and Gaza City relate to the Israeli occupying power, within a spectrum of negotiations, resistance rhetoric and direct and indirect cooperation. The contribution also elaborates how the leaderships unintentionally became accessories to the occupying power. The third contribution explores how the EU’s engagement suffers a discrepancy between stated objectives (two-state solution, Palestinian development) and achieved outcomes. It proposes concrete measures for resolving the conundrum. The fourth contribution examines the humanitarian organisation UNRWA, which operates under conditions of occupation and -inevitably but unwillingly- becomes a party to the conflict. The fifth and last contribution examines the Israel lobby in the United States. Whether the occupation of the West Bank lies in Israel’s interests is found to be increasingly controversial among American Jews, and creating divisions within the Israel lobby. (Autorenreferat)

En el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, la Constitución de 2009 articula una concepción multidimensional de democracia, reflejando un legado de movilizaciones de movimientos sociales que demandaban inclusión política y propulsaron al poder a un presidente que se auto-identifica como indígena. Muchos anticiparon que Bolivia podía presentar un ambiente propicio para una democracia vigorizada y post-liberal. Este artículo evalúa las tres dimensiones de la democracia consagradas en la Constitución -representativa, participativa y comunitaria- con el objetivo de entender la relación entre ellas. Me concentro en dos sitios importantes de práctica democrática: el proceso de elaboración y aprobación de la Constitución, y la construcción de las "autonomías indígenas"; es decir, las instituciones de autogobierno indígena basadas en la democracia comunitaria. Mientras la democracia boliviana es más estable e inclusiva bajo el actual gobierno que bajo los gobiernos previos, este estudio encuentra que la expansión de procesos democráticos participativos y comunitarios sancionados ha sido limitada frente al sistema hegemónico de representación., In the Plurinational State of Bolivia, the 2009 Constitution articulates a multidimensional conception of democracy, reflecting a legacy of social movement mobilizations that demanded political inclusion and propelled to power a president who self-identifies as Indigenous. Many anticipated that Bolivia could present a propitious environment for an invigorated and post-liberal democracy. This article evaluates the three dimensions of democracy enshrined in the Constitution -representative, participatory, and communitarian- with the aim of understanding the relationship among them. I focus on two important sites of democratic practice: the process of drafting and approving the Constitution, and the construction of "Indigenous autonomies"; that is, institutions of Indigenous self-government based on communitarian democracy. While Bolivian democracy is more stable and inclusive under the current government than under previous ones, this study finds that the expansion of sanctioned participatory and communitarian democratic processes has been limited vis-à-vis the hegemonic system of representation.

Zehn Jahre nach der gewaltsamen Machtübernahme durch die Hamas im Gaza-Streifen und nach mehreren gescheiterten Versuchen, die innerpalästinensische Spaltung zu beenden, zeichnet sich im Herbst 2017 eine Annäherung zwischen Fatah und Hamas ab. Im September gab die Hamas-Führung die Auflösung ihres im März geschaffenen Verwaltungskomitees bekannt; damit machte sie den Weg frei zur Übernahme der Regierung im Gaza-Streifen durch die Palästinensische Autorität (PA). Mitte Oktober einigten sich Vertreter von Hamas und Fatah unter ägyptischer Vermittlung auf ein Versöhnungsabkommen. Auch wenn hohe Hürden einer Zusammenführung der Sicherheitsapparate, einer Einheitsregierung, der Rückkehr zum demokratischen Prozess und einer umfassenden Aussöhnung entgegenstehen: Die Chance, dass die Annäherung eine weitere kriegerische Auseinandersetzung verhindert und zumindest Fortschritte für die Bevölkerung im krisengeschüttelten Gaza-Streifen bringt, ist gegenüber bisherigen Versöhnungsbemühungen deutlich gestiegen. Deutschland und seine Partner in der EU sollten die positive Dynamik stärken, eine dauerhafte Verbesserung der Situation durch praktische Schritte unterstützen und auf eine umfassende Überwindung der innerpalästinensischen Spaltung hinwirken. (Autorenreferat)

Although the UN report of 2012 projected that Gaza would be uninhabitable by 2020, Gaza is likely to collapse into a state of chaos domestically and renewed military confrontation with Israel much earlier. Gaza’s current reality is shaped by the aftermath of military clashes between Israel and Palestinian groups, the tightening of the blockade by Israel in 2007, the closure of the Rafah Crossing by Egypt, and the international community’s no-contact policy towards Hamas. This has created a situation of isolation, in which the infrastructure as well as the social and political fabrics in the Gaza Strip have suffered. Gaza’s once export-oriented economy is now largely defunct, with the population impoverished and dependent on foreign aid. These factors pose serious threats to domestic stability, to Palestinian unity, and to the stability of the sub-region. Immediate intervention by the EU is needed to alleviate the humanitarian crisis, advance Palestinian reconciliation, and lift the Israeli blockade. The current rapprochement between Fatah and Hamas offers opportunities for the Europeans to engage. (Autorenreferat)

Zusammenfassung Die Deregulierung des Arbeitsmarktes durch die Krise des Fordismus und des Ubergangs zur flexiblen Akkumulation mit der daraus resultierenden strukturellen Arbeitslosigkeit und den neuen Anstellungsformen brachte neue Herausforderungen fur die brasilianische Gewerkschaftsbewegung. Um diesen Herausforderungen zu begegnen, begannen die Gewerkschaften neue Handlungsfelder in ihre Agenden aufzunehmen, die sie bisher vernachlassigt hatten, wie Rassen- und Geschlechterbeziehungen sowie die solidarische Okonomie. Dieser Artikel untersucht, ob das Engagement des Gewerkschaftsdachverbands Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) auf dem Gebiet der solidarischen Okonomie zur Verwirklichung des Diskurses beigetragen hat, wonach das Genossenschaftswesen eine Losung fur die Einkommenserzielung darstellt und als politische Vertretung fur informell Beschaftigte und stadtische Arbeitslose agiert. Ferner analysiert er die Bedeutung der Zentrale der Genossenschaften und der solidarischen Unternehmungen Unisol Brasil sowie der von der CUT gegrundeten Agentur fur Solidarische Entwicklung (Agencia de Desenvolvimento Solidario, ADS) im Hinblick auf die Frage, inwieweit diese Institutionen darin erfolgreich waren, Einkommen fur die Arbeiter*innen-Klasse zu schaffen und ihr politische Reprasentation zu ermoglichen. Schlusselworter: Gewerkschaften, Kooperativismus, Central Unica dos Trabalhadores, politische Reprasentation ----- Abstract New Fields of Action for Brazilian Trade Unions: The CUT Confederation and the Solidarity Economy. The deregulation of the labour market, stemming from the crisis of fordism and the transition to a model of flexible accumulation, which has been followed by structural unemployment and new forms of hiring, impose challenges for the Brazilian trade union movement. To face these challenges, unions have begun to incorporate new agendas and practices that had once been neglected, such as racial and gender relations, as well as the solidarity economy. This article focuses on the experience of the Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) in the area of the solidarity economy. More precisely, it explores whether CUT’s engagement with the solidarity economy have contributed towards the realisation of CUT’s discourse, which argues that support for cooperative-ism responds to income generation needs. The article argues that the solidarity economy is one avenue for strengthening political representation of informal workers and the unemployed in urban settings. To this end, broad bibliographical research on the subject, a survey of secondary data, and field research in 15 solidarity ventures in the Brazilian state of Bahian were carried out. The article is structured along three sections. In the first section, it briefly covers the strategies adopted by the CUT in the face of changes in the world of labour since the 1990s. In the second section, the paper explains why CUT incorporated the solidarity economy and created the Solidarity Development Agency (ADS), as well as explains the establishment of the constitution of the Central de Cooperativas e Empreendimentos Solidarios do Brasil (Unisol Brasil) at the national level. Finally, in the last section, it analyses the work of the ADS-CUT and Unisol Brasil in the urban solidarity ventures researched, exploring if these institutions have achieved success in regards to income generation and shifts in the political representation of the working class. Keywords: Trade unionism, cooperativism, Central Unica dos Trabalhadores, political representation. ----- Bibliographie: Silva de Jesus, Selma Cristina: Neue gewerkschaftliche Handlungsfelder in Brasilien. Der Dachverband CUT und die solidarische Okonomie, PERIPHERIE, 2-2016, S. 307-326. https://doi.org/10.3224/peripherie.v36i142-143.24682

Angesichts der Instabilität im Nahen Osten betonten Israels Premierminister Benjamin Netanjahu und Kanzlerin Angela Merkel bei den gemeinsamen Regierungskonsultationen im Februar 2016, dass es nicht die Zeit für große Fortschritte im israelisch-palästinensischen Friedensprozess sei. Doch fördert das Festhalten an der Zweistaatenregelung als bloßes Mantra, bei dem konkrete Umsetzungsschritte unterbleiben, die Verfestigung der Einstaatenrealität unter israelischer Dominanz. Dies macht eine Konfliktregelung letztlich unmöglich. In den Bevölkerungen nimmt die Zustimmung zu einer Zweistaatenregelung ab. Als Alternativen haben Einstaaten- oder Konföderationsmodelle derzeit zwar noch geringere Realisierungschancen. Deutsche und europäische Politik sollte dennoch kreative und konstruktive Aspekte solcher Modelle ausloten, die es erlauben, nationalen Identitäten sowie individuellen und kollektiven Rechten kooperativ Geltung zu verschaffen. Priorität muss allerdings sein, bei den Konfliktparteien durch eine Veränderung der Kosten-Nutzen-Kalküle den politischen Willen zu generieren, überhaupt eine Konfliktregelung herbeizuführen. (Autorenreferat)

On the occasion of their joint government consultations in February 2016, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Chancellor Angela Merkel stressed that this was not the time for making major progress in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, given the instability in the Middle East. However, merely adhering to a two-state settlement as a mantra without taking any concrete steps to implement it effectively reinforces the one-state reality under Israeli dominance. Ultimately, this will make settling the conflict impossible. Popular support for a two-state solution is waning on both sides. While at present alternative one-state or confederate models have even slimmer chances of being realized, Germany and the EU should nevertheless explore the creative and constructive aspects of these models, which would enable the two sides to maintain their national identities as well as realize their individual and collective rights. Their priority, however, should be to alter the cost-benefit calculation of the parties to the conflict, so as to generate the political will for bringing about a settlement at all. (Autorenreferat)

The article shows the relevance of activity-based approach usage as methodological basis of prospective social workers’ training to sustainable development of social groups. It is proved that future experts’ training in this direction is important both for Ukraine and other countries. There have been revealed the types of activities (cognitive, creative, value-oriented, communicative), which provide the development of personality and social groups’ subjectivity, their formation as the subjects of life and responsible social subjects that is essentail condition and indicator of their sustainable development. It has been emphasized that activity-based approach is the basis for the development of the technology of prospective social workers’ training to sustainable development of social groups, which provides organization and management of this process as well as ensures gradual moving of prospective social workers to the level of self-management. There also has been substantiated necessity of the subjective and actionapproach usage (as important complement to activity one) which implementation ensures the development of subjective readiness of various social groups’ representatives to individual and joint socially valuable actions that is essentail indicator of their sustainable development.

The challenge of providing qualitatively competitive higher education to an ever increasing percentage of the population, despite the limited availability of public funds, has led many countries to grant broader administrative and financial autonomy to higher education institutions in an attempt to improve results by means of better incentives. Can a correlation be shown between this autonomy and scientific output? The preliminary evidence presented here (using OECD data for 7 Western European countries) provides some support for a positive answer to this question.

Der Zerfall der sowjetischen Organisationsgesellschaft hat vielfältige Veränderungen in Gang gesetzt. Evelyn Moser perspektiviert diese Veränderungen mithilfe der Differenzierungstheorie und der Theorie der Weltgesellschaft. Auf der Grundlage ethnographischer Feldforschung untersucht sie die Umstellungen und Neuordnungen, die sich im Kontext von politischer Dezentralisierung und landwirtschaftlicher Privatisierung vollziehen und die Transformationsgesellschaft im ländlichen Russland kennzeichnen. Zu beobachten ist lokale Kontingenz im Horizont der Weltgesellschaft: Änderungsabsichten müssen Engpässe passieren, Normalitätserwartungen verschieben sich und neue Anschlussmöglichkeiten entstehen. From the perspective of systems theory, this study enquires into the dynamics of political and economic differentiation in rural areas in Post-soviet Russia.

A year after the 2014 national elections Mozambican security forces began increasing the pressure on Renamo, the main opposition party and former guerrilla movement, to disarm. Following several attacks on his entourage since September, Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama has gone into hiding. On 19 November the Mozambican president and leader of the ruling Frelimo party, Filipe Nyusi, called for "restraint" in disarming Renamo – thereby exposing an unusual degree of friction between the more radical wing and the moderates within Frelimo. The resurgence of violent conflict in Mozambique in 2013/14 raised new doubts about the country’s peace and democratisation process. After a strong showing at the 2014 national elections, Renamo began demanding autonomy for those provinces in which it won majorities. The governing Frelimo party has rejected these demands. Renamo presidential candidate and former civil war combatant Afonso Dhlakama won 37 against Filipe Nyusi’s 57 per cent of the popular vote – to the surprise of many and amid allegations of fraud. Governing Frelimo have since been in negotiations with Renamo but have rejected calls for Renamo’s participation in government. Since Filipe Nyusi took presidential office in January 2015, Renamo has repeatedly called for subnational autonomy in six provinces with significant opposition support. Although Mozambican provinces are administered by centrally nominated governors, direct elections in 53 mostly urban municipalities allow for some degree of subnational autonomy. A donor-funded decentralisation process since the late 1990s has also contributed to both the deconcentration of power and some devolution. Comparative research on territorial autonomy arrangements suggests that such pacts can be a tool for sustainable peace, but that territorial deals should be embedded in broader institutional reforms in order to be a viable so lution to conflict.

"This paper reviews Beijing's Hong Kong policy, arguing that the policy mirrors China's policy towards its restive borderlands represented by Tibet and Xinjiang. The rule of Hong Kong and other borderlands in China will be understood in an analytical framework that highlights four broad policies of governing borderlands: promises of a high degree of local autonomy; extension of politico-administrative control; cultural assimilation; and economic integration and domination. These policies may be conceptualised within the term 'coercion'. It is argued that before Hong Kong's retrocession to China in 1997, the PRC's approach to the territory, in comparison to its approaches to Tibet and Xinjiang, was the least coercive - that is, China initially promised Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy over domestic affairs. The degree of coercion was stepped up when Hongkongers were perceived as becoming increasingly alienated from the new regime." (author's abstract)

The article focuses on the question of a possible linkage between unemployment and self-management in socialist Yugoslavia. Departing from secondary sources and offering a critical literature review, the article sketches the development of unemployment in Yugoslavia from the 1950s to the beginning of the 1980s, outlines different points of discussion and explores concrete gaps in the existing interpretations. By proposing a differentiated view of self-management, the a uthors conclude that from an economic perspective the relationship between self-management and unemployment was at best an indirect one. The broader system of self-management can hardly be interpreted as an obstacle to political participation or social integration of unemployed persons. In contrast to previous interpretations of Yugoslavia's unemployment which regard it as a paradox, the authors suggest that the paradox was not the existence of unemployment in a socialist state, but the way in which the society - especially when organized on the basis of socialist self-management - reacted to it. In fact, the Yugoslav response to the problem of unemployment proved to be not really different from the way this was handled by other (capitalist) states in this period.

Notwithstanding the ongoing negotiations between the PKK and the government, the crux of Turkey’s Kurdish issue remains the structural inequalities against the Kurds, which are deeply rooted in an anti-democratic politico-legal regime. Certainly, Turkey has come a long way in acknowledging the Kurdish issue and taking steps to address the Kurds’ demands for equality and the rule of law. Once banned from speaking their language, Kurds can now use it to attain a university education. The Kurdish region is no longer governed by a state of emergency, nor are Kurdish civilians disappearing under detention. There is no doubt that the European Court of Human Rights and the European Union have played an indispensable role in this transition. However, European institutions’ engagement in the Kurdish issue has not always been coherent, while their impact on Turkey’s policies has been limited, and at times negative, particularly in the post-9/11 context. Their uncritical oversight has facilitated Turkey’s reluctance to undertake structural reforms to bring an end to the selective prosecution of Kurdish politicians, the criminalisation of non-violent advocacy of enhanced rights for the Kurds, the armament of civilians in the Kurdish region and the impunity of state officials who commit human rights violations. Recent developments in Turkey have shown, once again, that a genuine democratic transition will only be possible with the coherent, continuous and critical engagement of European institutions in the Kurdish issue.

Das deutsche Gesundheitswesen ist zu großen Teilen als Reparaturbetrieb organisiert: Überwindung oder Verwaltung von Krankheit ist die eigentlich treibenden Kraft im System. "Gesundheit neu denken" will dazu anregen, unser Versorgungssystem tatsächlich an Gesundheitsparametern auszurichten. Mit dem Nebeneffekt, dass Gesundheitsleistungen nicht mehr als Ausgaben verstanden werden, sondern als Investitionen, die über ein Mehr an Gesundheit reiche Rendite bringen.

Despite ever-increasing pressure for Indigenous self-determination, Canadian society continues to resist its implications. Describing the conflict as a clash of two fundamentally incompatible paradigms, I create a framework that sheds light on the inner workings of paradigmatic political change. With the goal of self-determination clearly at the centre, this article studies whether such a direct constitutional challenge can be supplemented by indirect approaches. Two types of indirect approaches are considered: self-government approaches that (temporarily) accept elements of the existing constitutional paradigm and institutional approaches that see Indigenous peoples (temporarily) working within existing rules and institutions. Rejecting the former outright in the case of Indigenous peoples in Canada, I apply analogous principles from chemistry to help assess the qualities institutional approaches must have to be considered effective political catalysts. In particular, any successful political catalyst must not compromise self-determination’s goals and must hasten the process through a series of more attainable intermediate changes. Institutional approaches must also meet a third criterion, which speaks to establishing Indigenous security and trust in the ability of institutional approaches to bring about self-determination. With these criteria in hand, I suggest that introducing guaranteed Indigenous representation and Indigenizing legislatures can work together as political catalysts that hasten self- determination in ways that Indigenous peoples feel secure pursuing. ispartof: Federal Governance vol:10 issue:1 pages:14-35 status: published

Das Gesundheitswesen ist ein hochkomplexes System, es umfasst weit mehr als nur einen Markt mit Anbietern und Nachfragern und kann nur im Wechselspiel vieler Akteursgrup-pen im privaten und staatlichen Bereich und in der Selbstverwaltung funktionieren. Diese Akteursgruppen und die betroffenen Politikbereiche haben teils unterschiedliche Zielsetzungen und gegensätzliche Interessen. Diskussionen und Aushandlungsprozesse werden von impliziten Interessenslagen wesentlich mitbestimmt. Echte Reformen kommen deshalb seit Jahren nur langsam voran. Gesundheit ist ein zentrales gesellschaftliches Gut, ein wichtiger Faktor für die Wirtschaft, aber auch ein zentrales Element im Innovationsgeschehen. Damit diese grundsätzliche Bedeutung der Gesundheit für die Gesellschaft besser gefördert und weiterentwickelt werden kann, ist auch ein politisches Umdenken erforderlich. Eine sehr viel stärkere Verankerung der Gesundheit in allen Politikbereichen, also eine übergreifende Gesundheitspolitik ist gefordert. Es ist an der Zeit, Gesundheit neu zu denken.

Die (Forschungs-) Debatten über Krise und Erneuerung der Gewerkschaftspraxis konzentrierten sich in der Vergangenheit auf die beiden gewerkschaftlichen Kerngeschäftsfelder: Die Betriebs- und die Tarifpolitik. Nunmehr rückt zunehmend auch die Frage in den Fokus, welchen Beitrag die sozialpolitische Praxis der Gewerkschaften zu ihrer Revitalisierung leisten kann. Krisenhafte institutionelle Machtressourcen im Sinne des Jenaer Machtressourcenansatzes wie die gewerkschaftlichen Beteiligungen an den Selbstverwaltungen der Sozialversicherungen werden auf ihre Potenziale für gewerkschaftliche Erneuerung hin untersucht. Zur Weiterführung der Debatte werden sechs Thesen in Frageform formuliert.

The different ideas about the future form of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina are often in irreconcilable opposition to reality and the social possibilities of the country. The first prerequisite for the creation of self-sustaining democratic state is the acceptance of the reality of living in a divided society and enabling the free territorial and political organization of the three main ethnic communities. With the model of political reorganization of the country represented in this text all three ethnic communities within the same state would finally win objective characteristics by which they can identify themselves as modern nations, which would allow the simultaneous development of dual loyalty of the citizens of BiH: the loyalty to their nation and to the common state. All models and policies that divide the country and want to incorporation some of his territorial entity into neighboring countries, as well as those who see the country as the state only a one nation, are unacceptable, because they work in the long run against the same country. A stable BiH is only possible as a state of three constituent nations and all its citizens. Any solution that does not accept this fact will lead to centuries of tensions, wars and revisionism.

The article deals with the problem of civil education in Gessen's social phylosophy. Opportunities and the meaning of the civil education concept of S.I. Gessen are reviewed with the purpose of individual's forming and development in the modern phylosophy of education. The importance of world view are considered as the main value of civil education.

This article examines the impacts of two types of social capital – bonding and bridging – upon the performance of grassroots self-government institutions in rural China, based on an original survey of 410 villages throughout the whole of China. The findings indicate that, on the one hand, bonding social capital still has a very solid foundation in the rural areas of China. On the other, bridging social capital is in formation in Chinese villages, even though the stock of bridging social capital is currently very moderate. Moreover, this study finds that bridging social capital, as manifested in general trust and inclusive social networks, positively affected the governance performance of each surveyed village. Yet, bonding social capital, as manifested in particular trust and exclusive social networks, tends to negatively impact the performance of Chinese rural governance. These findings help clarify some theoretical issues about, and shed some light on the prospects of, the rural self-governance system in China.

There are examinated the aspects of practical realization of the principles of local autonomy and the particularities of the local public administration reform making in the Republic of Moldova. This study also analyses the correspondence between the rules laid down in national legislation on local autonomy and the European standards. The particularities and the consequences of creating the autonomous territorial unit with the special legal status - Gagauzia have been presented. The prerogatives of the People's Assembly of Gagauzia and in particular to adopt the "local laws" have been critically examined. There is no such category of "local laws" under the Constitution, in the Republic of Moldova. The constitutional text expressly provides that the laws can be: constitutional, organic and ordinary. The author mentions the fact that the areas where the Gagauz People's Assembly is empowered to adopt "local law" are regulated by organic laws. One insists on the fact that the local autonomy is a general principle of democratic administrative policy, whose application can not be subject to ethnic or other criteria. Local autonomy serves all citizens, provides more resources, and amplifies the local administration's initiative to improve the living standards. Using the principle of local autonomy as an opportunity to encourage the ethnic autonomy is a prerequisite for separatism and segregation, acts contrary to democratic society.

The paper investigates political uncertainty as a source of regulatory risk. It shows that political parties have incentives to reduce regulatory risk actively: Mutually beneficial pre-electoral agreements that reduce regulatory risk always exist and fully eliminate it when political divergence is small or electoral uncertainty is appropriately skewed. These results follow from a fluctuation effect of regulatory risk that hurts both parties and an output-expansion effect that benefits at most one party. Due to commitment problems, politically independent regulatory agencies are needed to implement pre-electoral agreements. Optimal delegation may require only partial rather than full political independence.

Guidelines contain recommendations for the implementation of independent works by discipline "Local government and social work" for students specialty "Social work", seminar plans, control questions, topics reports and abstracts and the bibliography for each theme.

Dezbaterile publice privind administraţia publică sunt de neconceput fără analiza problemelor ce vizează autoadministrarea colectivităţilor locale. Carta Europeană a Autonomiei Locale tratează colectivităţile locale ca fundamente ale democraţiilor contemporane, recunoscându-le dreptul şi capacitatea de a rezolva o parte considerabilă din problemele cu caracter local sub propria responsabilitate şi în interesul populaţiei locale. Pentru exercitarea acestui drept, fiecare stat elaborează cadrul normativ, care, sub influenţa mediului politic, social şi economic, este supus unor permanente modificări, operate pentru a da mai multă forţă sistemului de autoadministrare. Prezenta lucrare îşi propune să faciliteze cunoaşterea, înţelegerea şi însuşirea problematicii autoadministrării colectivităţilor locale. Pe planul informaţiei sunt prezentate rezultatele cercetărilor analitice, obţinute fie în cadrul unor eforturi de cercetare, fie în programe de consultanţă. Rolul acestora este de a sugera pe de o parte importanţa cunoaşterii potenţialului colectivităţilor locale, constrângerilor şi resurselor în planificarea unor măsuri asumate formal şi de o manieră sistematică. Pe de altă parte oferă soluţii practice şi sugestii privind aplicarea unor acte normative şi soluţionarea diverselor probleme generate de practicile cotidiene. Înserarea în conţinutul lucrării a problemelor de natură juridică şi teoretică urmăreşte nu doar înzestrarea cititorului cu informaţii relevante şi actuale. Acestea apar mai degrabă ca un reper pentru contemplare, pentru clarificare şi sistematizare şi mai ales pentru a le situa corect în raport cu misiunea activităţilor circumscrise administrării. Lucrarea va fi utilă celor implicaţi în procesul decizional local, funcţionarilor publici din instituţiile administraţiei publice locale, angajaţilor întreprinderilor municipale, studenţilor şi masteranzilor, tuturor celor interesaţi de problemele autoadministrării locale.

The protracted history of Aboriginal governance policy is ripe with frustrations among First Nations peoples and Canadian governments, the most pronounced aggravation being the federal government. Substantial resistance from Aboriginals often marks each new policy the government introduces. New policies often maintain the paternalistic attitude inherent in government initiatives, which has been very difficult for Aboriginal organizations to eradicate. Although Aboriginal governance policy is currently progressing towards a quasi-cooperative form of policy-making on both sides, this particular policy area continues to encounter significant disparities between policy actors within the Canadian government and Aboriginal organizations. Differences throughout the entire policy process hinder effective policy-making from agenda-setting/problem definition to the outcome/evaluation. (author's abstract)

"Nach den umstrittenen Wahlen des Präsidenten, des Parlaments und erstmalig der Provinzversammlungen am 28. Oktober 2009 in Mosambik versprach die neue und alte Führung unter Präsident Armando Guebuza die Fortsetzung der im Jahr 1994 begonnenen Dezentralisierungspolitik - auch mit Unterstützung der internationalen Gebergemeinschaft. In den 1990er Jahren wurde in zahlreichen Ländern Afrikas die Dezentralisierung als großes demokratisches Reformprojekt begonnen. Eine Reihe von Studien zeichnet bestenfalls ein durchwachsenes Bild. Das Beispiel Mosambik zeigt, wieso sich die einst großen Hoffnungen bisher nicht erfüllt haben. Die Dezentralisierung in Mosambik - wie zumeist auch in anderen Ländern - bedeutete vor allem eine Dekonzentration der Zentralverwaltung, aber nur eine beschränkte Übertragung politischer Entscheidungsbefugnisse an lokale Selbstverwaltungsorgane. In Mosambik blieb die politische Reform zudem auf 'städtische' Verwaltungsbezirke (Munizipien) beschränkt; nur dort - nicht in ländlichen Verwaltungsbezirken - wurden nominell demokratisch gewählte Selbstverwaltungsorgane eingerichtet. Entscheidendes Problem für die demokratische Selbstverwaltung ist, dass den neuen dezentralen Institutionen kaum eine eigene Finanzhoheit eingeräumt wurde. Dies ist kennzeichnend auch für die Reformen in den meisten anderen Ländern. Die Dezentralisierung scheitert zumeist am Widerstand der politischen Elite, die trotz gegenteiliger Rhetorik nicht bereit ist, politische und finanzielle Entscheidungsmacht an lokale Institutionen abzugeben. Dieser Widerstand wird auch deshalb erleichtert, weil internationale Geber die Dezentralisierung eher als technisches Problem behandeln und ihren eminent politischen Charakter ignorieren." (Autorenreferat)

"Die Soziale Selbstverwaltung ist ein Merkmal des demokratischen Sozialstaats, allerdings auch ein umstrittenes. Das wird vor allem bei den im sechsjährigen Turnus stattfindenden Sozialversicherungswahlen deutlich. Vor der letzten Sozialwahl im Juni 2005 wurde sowohl in der medialen Öffentlichkeit als auch in wissenschaftlichen Fachkreisen massive Kritik an dieser besonderen Verwaltungsform geübt. Es wurde sowohl die Legitimation als auch die Effizienz der Selbstverwaltung in Frage gestellt. Die öffentliche Diskussion über die Zukunft der sozialen Selbstverwaltung und damit über die Sozialversicherungswahlen bewegt sich zumeist zwischen Abschaffung der Sozialwahl oder einer grundlegenden Reform ihrer Organisation. Es gibt keine fundierte Untersuchung, wie eine alternative Organisation der Sozialversicherung aussehen könnte. Diese Lücke wird mit dem Gutachten, das das BMAS im Frühjahr 2007 in Auftrag gegeben hat, gefüllt. Es werden die Geschichte der Sozialversicherungswahlen seit 1953 aufgearbeitet, Reformvorschläge entwickelt und deren Auswirkungen untersucht. Dabei werden verschiedene Reformmodelle untersucht und bewertet: Hierbei werden neben der Klärung der rechtlichen Zulässigkeit der verschiedenen Modelle auch organisatorische, sozialwissenschaftliche und finanzielle Gesichtspunkte als Bewertungskriterien herangezogen. Die Gutachter haben die Ergebnisse ihrer Untersuchungen in einem Empfehlungskatalog zusammengefasst." (Autorenreferat)

"Wie präsent sind die Versicherteninteressen? - ist eine der Fragen, mit denen sich (die AutorInnen) in einem Bericht über das Gutachten 'Geschichte und Modernisierung von Sozialwahlen' befassen. Sie stellen Ergebnisse und Vorschläge des vom Bundesministerium für Arbeit und Soziales in Auftrag gegebenen Gutachtens vor." (Autorenreferat)

This book traces Danish-Greenlandic relations over 100 years and is the first publication to cover the period 1900-2000. The main trend is the development from a colonial situation in 1900 with a state owned company runnig nearly all business to an open economy with steadily growing selfgovernment for Greenland short of full independence. The Danish policy can be described as benevolent, but financially the budget was tight until after the second World War, the philosophy being that Denmark should neither lose nor gain. After the war there was heavy investment to bring Greenland nearer to standards of living comparable to Denmark and substantial subsidies were given make that happen. The Greenlanders attitude towards Denmark developed along lines familiar from other examples of decolonisation. The first phase of accepting the coloniser was long over, now seeking equality with the coloniser was the main aim in their endeavours. From 1911 two provincial councils woiced speaking the Greenlanders views and their political influence steadily grew. In 1953 Greenland got representation in the Danish parliament. The third phase of doing without the coloniser began in the early 1970s when Greenlanders sought home rule status, obtained in 1979. In the following twenty years the Home Rule Authority gradually took over nearly all lawmaking and administration and from 2004 a committee has explored ways of giving Greenland a more independent voice in foreign affairs. In 2003 the ultimate goal was declared to be full independence.

"In the absence of pre-established coordination structures, what can a self-governed entity – i.e. an entity that chooses on its own between its possible actions and cannot be controlled externally – do to evoke another self-governed entity’s cooperation? In this paper, the motivating conditional self-commitment is conceived to be the basic mechanism to solve coordination problems of this kind. It will be argued that such commitments have an inherent tendency to become more and more generalized and institutionalised. The sociological concept of generalized symbolic media is reinterpreted as a concept that focuses on this point. The conceptual framework resulting from the considerations is applicable to coordination problems between human actors as well as to coordination problems between artificial agents in open multi-agent systems. Thus, it may help to transfer solutions from one realm to the other." (author's abstract) Der Verfasser analysiert die soziale Koordination selbstbestimmter Einheiten unter Bedingungen, unter denen es keine vorher etablierten Koordinationsstrukturen gibt. Er zeigt, dass Engagement der wichtigste Mechanismus zur Lösung von Koordinationsproblemen ist und dass Engagement eine inhärente Tendenz zur Generalisierung und Institutionalisierung aufweist. Der Verfasser stellt einen theoretischen Rahmen vor, der auf einer Neuinterpretation des soziologischen Konzepts verallgemeinerter symbolischer Medien basiert. Dieser Rahmen lässt sich auf Koordinationsprobleme zwischen menschlichen Akteuren ebenso anwenden wie auf Koordinationsprobleme zwischen künstlichen Akteuren in offenen Multiakteursystemen, wie der Verfasser am Beispiel "Reputation" zeigt. (ICE)

Regulation is almost a synonym for public law. Government, relying on its sovereign powers, intervenes into freedom for the sake of social betterment. Reality less and less coincides with this traditional picture. Regulation is increasingly replaced by private or hybrid governance, i.e., by blends of private and public elements. Constitutional doctrine is not well prepared for the ensuing four-polar conflict. The four actors are government, the private regulator, its addressees, and the protectees. Constitutional doctrine treats private regulation as an exercise of freedom. The interest of protectees in good governance consequently lacks constitutional status. The conflict between private regulators and addressees is treated as if it were a normal conflict between two groups of individuals having opposing interests. An appropriate solution makes a difference between the constitutional protection of freedom and autonomy. The German constitution does indeed also protect autonomy, of municipalities, public broadcasters, universities, and private regulators. But the scope and level of protection against governmental interference reflects the governance task of private regulators. In a second respect, constitutional doctrine also ought to be amended. Private governance is rarely governance by law. It more often relies on social norms, technical code, incentives, or mixtures of legal with non-legal governance tools. The normative value of governance by law can be reflected in objective constitutional law. Finally, from all this a first set of insights can be derived for the constitutional treatment of hybrid governance.

'Die Institutionalisierung der örtlichen oder kommunalen Selbstverwaltung ist ein bedeutender Schritt auf dem Weg zu mehr Demokratie. Am 10. Juni 1997 erklärte der russische Präsident Boris Jelzin, daß die Hauptaufgabe der Innenpolitik die Unterstützung der örtlichen Selbstverwaltung sei. In dem folgenden Bericht wird versucht - gestützt auf russische Quellen -, die Rechtslage, die Institutionen und die Praxis der örtlichen Selbstverwaltung darzustellen. Der Anhang enthält die personelle Zusammensetzung der drei föderalen Gremien, die für die örtliche Selbstverwaltung verantwortlich sind, und das Schema der Administration des Präsidenten, in welcher die Verwaltung für die Unterstützung der Tätigkeit der örtlichen Selbstverwaltung verankert ist.' (Textauszug) 'The institutionalisation of local or municipal self-government is an important step on the road to greater democracy. On 10 June 1997 Russian President Boris Yeltsin declared the support of local self-government to be one of the main tasks of Russian domestic policy. Using Russian sources, the following report attempts to outline the legal and institutional framework and the practice of local self-government. The appendix contains a list of personnel of the three federal bodies responsible for local self-government and table of the organisation of the presidential administration that provides administrative support for the activities of local governments.' (extract)