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Der russische Angriffskrieg hat massive Auswirkungen auf das Sozialsystem der Ukraine. Der Bedarf an sozialen Unterstützungsleistungen ist stark gestiegen. Gleichzeitig sind die Staatseinnahmen aufgrund der kriegsbedingten Wirtschaftskrise dramatisch eingebrochen und die Ausgaben für die Landesverteidigung haben sich vervielfacht. Dadurch gibt es ein hohes Haushaltdefizit, das die Finanzierung sozialer Programme erschwert. Hinzu kommt eine demografische Krise, die den Druck auf das Sozialsystem erhöht und durch die Massenmigration noch verschärft wird. Das Sozialsystem muss dringend auf diese Lage reagieren und reformiert werden. Gleichzeitig stellen tiefgreifende Reformen vor dem Hintergrund des andauernden Krieges eine besondere Herausforderung dar.

Indonesian Goverment is required to have social policies in reducing poverty, one of which is through the Program Keluarga Harapan (PKH). In fact, some individuals abused their authority in this program. PKH Facilitators commit corruption (bureaucratic pathology) and consumptive behavior (social pathology) shown by PKH beneficiaries. Qualitative research methods and literature studies were used to see the many social and bureaucratic problems in PKH implementation. So that researchers can describe and examine why these problems occur. Using social exchange theory, this article discusses the social problems faced by PKH beneficiaries. As a result, their consumptive behavior occurs because the evaluation process is not optimal from the PKH assistants. So they can abuse the social assistance. The debt bondage they face is also a complex problem. Next, the factors that cause PKH assistants to commit corruption. The complexity of political power relations, bureaucracy and their mentality problems are the dominant factors. The key to this problem lies with the PKH assistants. If they can carry out their role properly, PKH beneficiaries are also subject to every existing regulation. The state must also ensure the professionalism and welfare of PKH assistants to prevent them from committing corruption again.

Социальная политика является одной из важнейших составляющих общественной жизни, которая направлена на создание условий для улучшения качества жизни населения. Промышленно-ориентированные регионы имеют особое значение для социальной политики, поскольку именно здесь сосредоточены промышленные предприятия, которые являются основным источником дохода населения. Цель работы - оценка эффективности социальной политики промышленно-ориентированных регионов как драйверов социально-экономического развития. Информационная база: статистические данные Росстата, статистический сборник «Регионы России. Социально-экономические показатели». Исследование проводилось по данным за 2017-2021 гг. Методы: статистического, логического анализа, общенаучные методы познания (научного измерения, наблюдения, анализа, синтеза и др.). Методологическая основа: системный подход к оценке эффективности социальной политики промышленно-ориентированных регионов, методы экономического анализа: сравнение, обобщение и др. Алгоритм авторского исследования эффективности социальной политики промышленно-ориентированных регионов РФ включает следующие этапы: определение промышленно-ориентированных регионов РФ исходя из отраслевой структуры экономики; определение промышленного профиля каждого из отобранных на первом этапе регионов посредством расчета коэффициентов локализации и специализации, выделение приоритетных отраслей в обрабатывающем секторе региона; выбор, обоснование и анализ статистических показателей, отражающих эффективность социальной политики регионов, расчет индексов динамики отобранных показателей за 2020-2021 гг. с последующей сверткой в интегральный индекс социальной политики региона; определение объема и динамики бюджетных расходов по направлениям социальной политики регионов за 2019-2020 гг. (с учетом временного лага), расчет индексов динамики объемов расходов с последующей сверткой в интегральный индекс бюджетных расходов региона; позиционирование промышленно-ориентированных регионов в координатах «интегральный индекс социальной политики» - «интегральный индекс бюджетных расходов». Social policy is one of the most important components of public life, which is aimed at creating conditions for improving the quality of life of the population. Industrially oriented regions are of particular importance for social policy, since it is here that industrial enterprises are concentrated, which are the main source of income for the population. The purpose of the work is to evaluate the effectiveness of the social policy of industrially oriented regions as drivers of socio-economic development. Information base - statistical data of Rosstat, statistical collection «Regions of Russia. Socio-economic indicators». The study was conducted based on the data for 2017-2021. The work used methods of statistical, logical analysis, general scientific methods of cognition: scientific measurement, observation, analysis, synthesis, etc. Methodological basis: a systematic approach to assessing the effectiveness of social policy in industrially oriented regions, methods of economic analysis: comparison, generalization, etc. Algorithm of the author's study of the effectiveness of the social policy of industrially oriented regions in the Russian Federation includes the following stages: a) determination of industrially oriented regions of the Russian Federation based on the sectoral structure of the economy; b) determination of the industrial profile of each of the regions selected at the first stage by calculating the coefficients of localization and specialization, identifying priority industries in the manufacturing sector of the region; c) selection, justification and analysis of statistical indicators reflecting the effectiveness of the social policy of the regions, calculation of indices of the dynamics of selected indicators for 2020-2021 with subsequent convolution into an integral index of the social policy of the region; d) determination of the volume and dynamics of budget expenditures in the areas of social policy of the regions for 2019-2020 (taking into account the time lag), calculation of indices of the dynamics of expenditure volumes with subsequent convolution into an integral index of the region's budget expenditures; e) positioning of industrially oriented regions in the coordinates «integral index of social policy» - «integral index of budget expenditures».

This article explores the reasons behind the high economic and social rankings for Finland. It also refl ects on why Finland is considered the “happiest” country in the world (according to a World Happiness Report). Using empirical data from two studies – an article comparing high-andlow-tax countries, and the aforementioned recent World Happiness Report – it compares Finland with its Nordic neighbours and other Western, especially Anglo-American, countries. The essay outlines a so-called “Finnish model’ and looks for the roots of this model. Comparing measures in several dimensions – effort, culture, institutions, and economic and social outcomes – the essay tries to find characteristics that are particular for Finland. Education, innovation, and economic security, as well as trust, gender equality, resilient conflict solutions, and geo-historical luck, are crucial to Finland’s success. Three notable Germans – Luther, Hegel, and Marx – have influenced Finnish culture and society in different ways. Is Finland the country that comes closest to the ideal – “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” (Marx, 1875).

Avtorica v prispevku predstavlja, kako se je vzpostavljalo socialno delo v socialističnih tekstilnih tovarnah od šestdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja naprej. Prispevek je nastal na podlagi pregleda zapisnikov sej delavskih svetov v tovarni trikotaže Pletenina, študentskih raziskav o socialnem delu v socialističnih tekstilnih tovarnah na takratni Višji šoli za socialno delo ter pogovorov in intervjujev z nekaterimi nekdanjimi socialnimi delavkami v tekstilnih tovarnah. Gradivo kaže na težave, s katerimi so se soočale socialne delavke in delavci v tovarnah, a hkrati na problematične razmere, v katerih so živele in delale tekstilne delavke in delavci. Študentske naloge so relevanten vir za razkrivanje socialnih razmer tekstilnega delavstva v preteklosti kot tudi preteklega družbenega prepoznava­ nja problemov. Temo interpretiram v kontekstu večletnega raziskovanja izkušenj tekstilnega delavstva v Sloveniji. The article deals with the development of social work in socialist textile factories in Slovenia from the 1960s. The article is based on reports of workers’ council meetings in the Pletenina knitwear factory and on research conducted by students of the School of Social Work in socialist factories, and on interviews with some former social workers in textile factories. The empirical material points to social problems identified by the social workers and the miserable social conditions in which the textile workers lived and worked. The studies conducted by the students are important sources for researching the social conditions of textile workers in the socialist past. They also point to the social understanding of the problems and social work in the former political system. I interpret the material in the context of my year-long study of the experiences of women textile workers in Slovenia. Bibliografija: str. 113-116. Izvleček ; Abstract ; Summary: Social work in socialist factories.

Finland is experiencing a startup boom. Startups are innovative young companies aimed at rapid revenue growth. Unfortunately, most of them fail within the first years, leaving their founders without a job and possibly in debt. Previous research did not yet establish how the founders fare after founding their company. This study explores whether founding a high-growth startup constitutes a new social risk, that is, a work situation in a postindustrial society that lowers the founder’s welfare. This study analyzes data collected in interviews with founders and experts and in participant observations. In an innovative approach, this study explores the difficulties of high-growth startup founders from the time of founding their companies on. Findings show that founders experience social isolation and financial and health problems from the moment of founding their startups. This decline in welfare is limited to founders who were not in precarious situations when founding their companies. Findings enhance our understanding of high-growth startups and of new social risks. Discussions on positive economic effects of the startup boom should also consider the negative effects on the founders’ welfare. Publishers version

Bu araştırmanın amacı devletin rolündeki dönüşümle birlikte ortaya çıkan yeni sosyal politika uygulamalarının aracı olarak sosyal yardımlaşma ve dayanışma vakıflarının incelenmesidir. Araştırmada ilgili mevzuat, alan yazını ve istatistikler doğrultusunda metin incelemesi yapılarak eleştirel bir bakış açısıyla değerlendirmelerde bulunulmuştur.Yeniden yapılanma sürecinde düzenleyici devlet ortaya çıkmıştır. Düzenleyici devlet, neoliberal politikaların olumsuz etkileriyle ortaya çıkan yoksulluk ve bununla bağlantılı toplumsal sorunların, sosyal yardımlar aracılığı ile büyük krizlere yol açmasını önlemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu doğrultuda sosyal politika alanında sosyal yardımlar önem kazanmıştır. Muhtaçlık odaklı yapılan sosyal yardımlar, insan yaşamının devamını sağlayacak temel ihtiyaçların karşılanmasını hedeflemektedir. Fakat araştırmada bu politikaların insanları yoksulluktan tamamen kurtarmaktan uzak olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Devletteki dönüşümün sosyal yardım politikası üzerindeki etkileri sosyal yardımlaşma ve dayanışma vakıfları üzerinden incelenmiştir. Diğer sosyal yardım kurumları araştırmanın dışında kalmaktadır.Sosyal yardımlaşma ve dayanışma vakıfları hakkında sosyal politika alanında birçok çalışma vardır. Bununla birlikte politika uygulayıcısı olarak devletteki dönüşümün sosyal yardımlarla ilişkisi noktasında sosyal yardımlaşma ve dayanışma vakıflarını inceleyen yeterli çalışma yoktur. Bunun yanında çalışma sosyal yardımlaşma ve dayanışma vakıflarının örgütsel işleyişinin değerlendirilmesi bakımından da önem taşımaktadır., The purpose of this research is to examine social assistance and solidarity foundations as a tool of new social policy practices that emerged with the transformation in the role of the state. In the research, text analysis was made in line with the relevant legislation, literature and statistics, and evaluations were made with a critical point of view. In the restructuring process, the understanding of the regulatory state emerged. The regulatory state aims to prevent poverty and related social problems that arise with the negative effects of neoliberal policies from causing major crises through social assistance. In this direction, social assistance has gained importance in the field of social policy. Needy-oriented social assistance aims to meet the basic needs that will ensure the continuation of human life. However, in the study, it was concluded that these policies are far from getting people out of poverty completely. The effects of the transformation in the state on the social aid policy were examined through social assistance and solidarity foundations. Other social assistance institutions are excluded from the research. There are many studies in the field of social policy about social assistance and solidarity foundations. On the other hand, there are not enough studies examining social assistance and solidarity foundations in the context of the effect of the transformation in the state on social assistance. The research is also important in terms of evaluating the organizational functioning of social assistance and solidarity foundations.

Young adults in the United States, especially young Black adults, experience high poverty rates relative to other age groups. Prior research has largely attributed racial disparities in young adult poverty to differential attainment of benchmarks related to education, employment, and family formation. This study investigates that mechanism alongside racial differences in childhood poverty exposure. Analyses of Panel Study of Income Dynamics data reveal that racial differences in childhood poverty are more consequential than differential attainment of education, employment, and family formation benchmarks in shaping racial differences in young adult poverty. Whereas benchmark attainment reduces an individual's likelihood of poverty, racial differences in benchmark attainment do not meaningfully explain Black–White poverty gaps for three reasons. First, childhood poverty is negatively associated with benchmark attainment, generating strong selection effects into the behavioral characteristics associated with lower poverty. Second, benchmark attainment does not equalize poverty rates among Black and White men. Third, Black children experience four times the poverty rate of White children, and childhood poverty has lingering negative consequences for young adult poverty. Although equalizing benchmark attainment would reduce Black–White gaps in young adult poverty, equalizing childhood poverty exposure would have twice the reduction effect.

The article’s primary purpose is to present an understanding of in-work poverty by defining the mentioned phenomenon uniformly in all European Union countries and by demonstrating its main determinants. First of all, it is necessary to present acomplex definition of the term in-work poverty and refer it to the concept of precarious work functioning in both the legal circuit and the literature. The analysis starts by presenting the existing indicators and measurements of this phenomenon as a basis for conclusions on legal, economic, and social conditions of in-work poverty. The critical role in this regard is attributed to labour law and social security regulations and their continuous changes caused by adapting to new forms of organizations of work and to expectations coming from market competition. The broad range of analyses of phenomena in the work-poverty results from studies delivered under aproject of the same name “Working Yet Poor.” The project aims to examine the regulatory structures affecting the working conditions and to assess different aspects of regulations that can have adirect and indirect impact on the occurrence of this phenomenon.

Nuo Sąjūdžio pradžios praėjo daugiau nei trisdešimt metų, tačiau moterų iniciatyvos Lietuvos Persitvarkymo Sąjūdyje nėra analizuotos. Lietuvos Respublikos Seimas, minėdamas Sąjūdžio jubiliejų, 2018-uosius paskelbė Sąjūdžio metais ir 1988-1990 metus išskyrė kaip ypač svarbų Lietuvos istorijos laikotarpį, kai sovietų okupacinėje sistemoje Sąjūdžio Seimas veikė kaip dalinis, bet teisėtas demokratinis tautos atstovas. Straipsnyje analizuojamas moterų įsitraukimas į Lietuvos Persitvarkymo Sąjūdžio iniciatyvines grupes, dalyvavimas Sąjūdžio iniciatyvinėje grupėje ir suvažiavime. Aptariamas Moterų sąjūdis, veikęs kaip Sąjūdžio dalis, miestų iniciatyvinės sąjūdžio grupės. Keliamas Moterų sąjūdžio grupių veiklos ir lyderystės klausimas, aiškinamasi, kaip Moterų sąjūdis bendravo ir bendradarbiavo su Moterų taryba, Sovietų Sąjungos sukurta institucija, neturėjusia įtakos moterų įtraukimui į visuomeninę veiklą ar į ideologines propagandines partijos iniciatyvas, neskaitant pavienių atvejų. Moterų tarybų veikla išryškėjo kuriantis Sąjūdžiui ir visus 1989 metus iki Aukščiausiosios Tarybos rinkimų, įvykusių 1990 m. Straipsnio tikslas - atskleisti moterų vaidmenį kuriant Sąjūdį ir Moterų sąjūdžio veiklų specifiką, įsitraukimo laipsnį, keltas problemas ir siūlytus sprendimus. Siekiant tikslo analizuota archyvinė medžiaga, esanti Lietuvos valstybės naujojo archyvo Lietuvos Persitvarkymo Sąjūdžio fonde, Kauno regioninio valstybės archyvo Kauno sąjūdžio fonde, to meto periodinėje spaudoje, pasitelkti šiais klausimais atlikti moksliniai tyrimai. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Moterų sąjūdis; Moterų sąjūdžio iniciatyvinės grupės; Moterų taryba; socialinė politika; mitingai; susirinkimai. Over 30 years have passed since the beginning of the Reform Movement; however, women’s initiatives in the Reform Movement of Lithuania have not been analysed. Commemorating the anniversary of the Reform Movement, Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania declared 2018 as the year of the Reform Movement and highlighted the period of 1988-1990 as a period of great importance in the Lithuania history when Seimas of the Reform Movement acted as a partial yet legal democratic representative of the nation in the Soviet occupation system. The article analyses women’s engagement into the initiative groups of the Sąjūdis, their participation in the initiative group and congress. The aim of this article is to shed light on the role of women in the building of the Soviet Union and the specific nature of the activities of the women’s Sąjūdis, the degree of involvement, the problems raised and the solutions proposed. In order to achieve this goal, the archival material contained in the fund of the Lithuanian Perestroika Sąjūdis of the New Archive of the Lithuanian State, the fund of the Kaunas Movement of the Kaunas Regional State Archive, the periodical press of the time were analysed, and the following scientific research was made available. Keywords: Women’s Reform movement’s; Women’s Reform movement’s initiative groups; Women’s council; social policy; meetings; assemblies.

nges can be the decisive factor in the change of total fertility rate. In this context, many developments such as the increase in the educated population, the increase in female employment rates, urbanization, the increase in the rate of people who have never been married, the increase in the average age at first marriage, the use of contraceptives, abortion practices, and the increasing cost of children are directly or indirectly effective in the decrease in the total fertility rate. Within this framework, the “demographic transition process” has been experienced rapidly in Türkiye and fertility has started to decline rapidly in the last fifty years. The decrease in the fertility rate brings many consequences in terms of demographic and socio-economic. The aim of this research is to discuss the causes and consequences of the change in the total fertility rate in Türkiye and to evaluate the possible risks and opportunities that may arise as a result of declining fertility. In the study, the relevant literature was reviewed. In this context, the general view of fertility in the world is evaluated first. Then, Türkiye's fertility change process is explained. As a result, despite the cultural and demographic transformation, it is foreseen that the negative effects of fertility can be mitigated with the policies and technological opportunities., Dünya genelinde toplam doğurganlık hızı her geçen gün azalmaya devam etmektedir. Toplam doğurganlık hızının azalmasında sosyal, ekonomik, kültürel açıdan yaşanan değişimler belirleyici etken olabilmektedir. Bu bağlamda eğitimli nüfusun artması, kadın istihdam oranlarının artması, kentleşme, hiç evlenmeyenlerin oranındaki artışlar, ortalama ilk evlilik yaşının yükselmesi, kontraseptif kullanımı, kürtaj uygulamaları, çocuğun artan maliyeti gibi birçok gelişme doğrudan ya da dolaylı olarak toplam doğurganlık hızının düşmesinde etkili olmuştur. Bu çerçevede Türkiye’de de “demografik geçiş süreci” hızlı bir şekilde yaşanmış ve son elli yılda doğurganlık hızlı bir şekilde düşmeye başlamıştır. Doğurganlık hızının düşmesi ise demografik ve sosyo-ekonomik açıdan birçok sonucu beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu araştırmanın amacı Türkiye’de toplam doğurganlık hızında yaşanan değişimin nedenlerini ve sonuçlarını tartışmak ve azalan doğurganlık neticesinde ortaya çıkabilecek muhtemel riskleri ve fırsatları değerlendirmektir. Çalışmada ilgili literatür taranmıştır. Bu kapsamda, ilk olarak doğurganlığın dünyadaki genel görünümü değerlendirilmektedir. Daha sonra Türkiye’nin doğurganlıktaki değişim süreci açıklanmaktadır. Nihayetinde Türkiye açısından riskler ve fırsatlar analiz edilmektedir. Sonuç olarak yaşanan kültürel ve demografik dönüşüme rağmen geliştirilen politikalarla ve teknolojik imkânlarla doğurganlığın negatif etkilerinin hafifletilebileceği öngörülmektedir.

This study investigates housing conditions of single mothers in the context of housing policies. We study single mothers' probability to experience housing deprivation, overcrowded housing, overburdening costs of housing, and neighbourhood problems across European countries. We consider the structural consequences of home ownership rates, and policies related to regulation of rental markets, housing benefits and housing prices. We apply a multi-level framework to EU-SILC data on 21,937 single mothers, from 195 country-years and covering 21 European countries from 2008 to 2017. First, we find a trade-off in the provision of free housing or housing at reduced rents, that helps to reduce housing cost overburden for single mothers, but is also associated with higher rates of housing deprivation, overcrowding and neighbourhood problems. Next, in contexts with stricter rental market regulation, single mothers' housing deprivation is lower. Higher housing benefits reduce the risk of housing deprivation as well as overcrowding, but in contexts where home ownership is common, single mothers tend to experience more overcrowding. Single mothers are more likely to report neighbourhood problems in societies where housing prices are high. Our findings suggest that factors within the control of policy makers can be beneficial to the housing conditions of single mothers.

Living with intersectional identities, having a disability, and being a member of a racial or ethnic minoritized group in the U.S., contributes to marginalization that may result in health disparities and health inequities. The purpose of this scoping review is to describe health research regarding adult racial/ethnic minoritized individuals in the U.S with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD). Eight electronic databases were searched to identify literature on the topic published since 2000. Of the 5,229 records, 35 articles were included in the review. Eligible studies included research conducted in the U.S., published in English, and research focused on adults with I/DD with race and/or ethnicity information. The 35 articles included racial/ethnic minoritized individuals who were Black, Latinx/Hispanic, American Indian, and Asian. Twenty-nine of the 35 articles identified health disparities experienced by adults with I/DD from racial/ethnic minoritized groups. Many health disparities were demonstrated in the articles, where adult racial/ ethnic minoritized individuals with I/DD fared worse compared to White adults with I/DD. Additionally, four articles describe differences in health experiences by those from racial or ethnic minoritized backgrounds. Results of this scoping review highlight the need for research that incorporates intentional inclusion of racial/ethnic minoritized people with I/DD and include novel methodologies that allow for the contributions of historically marginalized voices. Future research with an intersectionality approach is recommended to promote equity.

This study aims to understand the health outcomes of parents with children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and the interactive effect of child health insurance status. The study utilized 2014-2018 pooled National Health Interview Survey data to construct weighted national estimates and construct main and interaction effect logistic regression models. Findings show parents of children with ASD experienced significantly poorer health compared to parents of children without autism. Insurance status was found to significantly interact with child ASD status. Compared to parents of children without ASD that used private insurance, parents with a child with ASD who used private insurance, public insurance, or were uninsured were found to have 1.5-, 3.2-, and 2.1-times higher odds of poorer health, respectively. Future research and implications on policy and practice are discussed.

This cross-sectional study sought to examine the differences between family and professional guardians across personal and role characteristics, training received, and their inclusion of people they serve in decision making. A total of 237 subjects serving as guardian to adults in the state of Indiana completed an online survey. Results showed group differences across race, education, as well as diagnosis and age of those served. Overall, training was limited across both groups, and family guardians received significantly less training across several topics. Finally, family and professional guardians were found to significantly differ in their willingness to allow people they serve to inform and/or make decisions about spending money, working in the community, and treating a medical condition. Study implications for policy and practice are also discussed, along with recommendations about integrating values of self-determination and empowerment approaches into practice.

Background: People with intellectual disabilities increasingly live in smaller community settings rather than institutional settings. Home- and community-based services (HCBS) are a type of long-term care in which services and supports are provided in people’s homes and communities. HCBS are essential for people with disabilities to remain in the community. Method: The 2015-2016 National Core Indicators survey data, along with other datasets, were used to determine how factors impacted service utilization and additional services needed for adults with intellectual and development disabilities (I/DD) in the US. Three groups of factors were used: individual, interpersonal, and public policy factors. Results: Variables within each of the three groups of factors affected access to HCBS. Of significant note within individual factors, older adults received more services and had fewer additional services needed. Black respondents received fewer services and had more additional services needed. A higher problem behaviors score and use of mobility aids were associated with greater utilization and more additional services needed. Better health was associated with significantly fewer additional services needed. Within interpersonal factors, results indicated that people who lived in group homes received more services than people living in their own or family homes. Additionally, individuals with community jobs received more services. A notable public policy finding indicated people who lived in a state with a Balancing Incentive Program (BIP) got more services but also had additional services needed. Conclusion: This study examined factors not studied previously and indicates that future research should look at different factors to better understand their impacts on access to HCBS for people with I/DD.

Community organizations can enhance the intellectual and developmental disability (I/DD) service system’s ability to improve the health, wellness, and participation of people with I/DD. This study added an item about Special Olympics (SO) participation to the 2019-2020 National Core Indicators In-Person Survey to predict active SO participation and to determine whether personal outcomes differed for SO participants. Results of a multinomial logistic regression showed that people who were younger or who did not require mobility aids were more likely to participate in SO. Compared with people who never or formerly participated in SO, current SO athletes had better personal outcomes. Results provide evidence that alignment between service agencies and community organizations may benefit personal outcomes for people with I/DD.

Substantial heterogeneity in effects of social policies on health across subgroups may be common, but has not been systematically characterized. Using a sample of 55 contemporary studies on health effects of social policies, we recorded how often heterogeneous treatment effects (HTEs) were assessed, for what subgroups (e.g., male, female), and the subgroup-specific effect estimates expressed as Standardized Mean Differences (SMDs). For each study, outcome, and dimension (e.g., gender), we fit a random-effects meta-analysis. We characterized the magnitude of heterogeneity in policy effects using the standard deviation of the subgroup-specific effect estimates (τ). Among the 44% of studies reporting subgroup-specific estimates, policy effects were generally small (0.1 SMDs. For 26% of study-outcome-dimensions, the magnitude of τ indicated that effects of opposite signs were plausible across subgroups. Heterogeneity was more common in policy effects not specified a priori. Our findings suggest social policies commonly have heterogeneous effects on health of different populations; these HTEs may substantially impact disparities. Studies of social policies and health should routinely evaluate HTEs.

The article examines the reproductive decisions of Russian urban middle‐class women. We look at women’s lives in the context of Russian pronatalist family policy and the official conservative gender ideology of 2019–2020. Based on biographical interviews with 35 young women, we focus on working mothers. The sample is composed of middle‐class mothers since their lifestyle serves as a cultural model for the whole Russian society. We reconstruct the everyday rationalities deployed by the mothers to justify their reproductive decisions. The respondents seek “self‐realization,” postponing childbirth or limiting their reproduction. We reconstruct the discourse of “pragmatic individualism” as an everyday logic used by mothers, which helps them cope with the instability of the labor market and marriage and the lack of state social support. Using the logic of “pragmatic individualism,” women present themselves as respectable, socially competent individuals able to build their lives according to middle‐class living standards. The logic of pragmatic individualism contradicts the message of pronatalist state ideology based on “traditional” gender roles and high fertility. It gives women a rational explanation for why, despite socially supported childbearing, they decide to have only one or two children. We argue that while women rationalize childbearing decisions for financial security and social well‐being, their rationale is determined by class standards of respectability. These standards are associated with high standards of care and quality of life for a small number of children.

PurposeThis article contributes to the debate on how social policies and labour market regulation have been used to limit the socio-economic consequences of the pandemic by focusing on one specific economic segment of European labour markets: private consumption services, such as trade, tourism, catering and other support services.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis combines mixed methods and a variety of sources. First, we built a set of indicators from the EU-LFS microdata for 2019 and the 2018 Eurostat “Structure of earnings survey” and performed a cluster analysis (k-means) on the dimensions and indicators considered. Second, we elaborated EU-LFS data covering 2019 and 2020 (by quarter) and OECD 2020 data, and finally we traced Covid-related policy reforms for the period March 2020–December 2021 and analysed documents and information collected in different policy repositories.FindingsThe paper shows the relevance and characteristics of private consumption services in different countries, demonstrating that so-called labour market “outsiders” are highly represented in this sector and illustrates the policies adopted to respond to the pandemic in different European countries. The paper asks whether this emergency has been a window of opportunity to redefine regulation in this sector, making it more inclusive. It demonstrates, however, that the common approach in Europe has been dominated by temporary, short-term and one-off measures, which do not represent major changes to the social security schemes that were in place before the pandemic.Originality/valueThis article builds on the literature on labour market dualization, but approaches the concept from a different perspective – one not centred on the nature of employment relations (stable/unstable) but on economic sectors/branches. This article does not, therefore, discuss in general terms what happened to labour market outsiders during the pandemic, but rather focus attention on a specific group of workers who are highly exposed to risks stemming from dualization: those employed in the private consumption services. The economic sector perspective is an integrative way of framing dualization which is still under-researched.

In 2020, the Australian Government proposed a new model of higher education funding that purported to incentivise study in national priority areas. However, despite shortages of social workers, the initial proposal doubled the student fee contribution for a social work degree. The Save Social Work Australia campaign was established by the Australian Council of Heads of Schools of Social Work to redress errant assumptions underpinning the funding of social work education and to lobby for social work to be funded at the same level as other allied health programs. A successful social media campaign resulted in the reclassification of social work prior to promulgation of the legislation as one of only two academic disciplines to achieve this outcome. This article demonstrates that social media can be an effective tool for social workers engaged in political lobbying. Refereed/Peer-reviewed

Welfare provision is often conceived through the lens of decommodification and analysed in (re)distributive terms. This article argues that a distributive approach does not sufficiently capture the complexity of 21st century welfare state dynamics. It proposes re-conceptualizing provision as a mix of three policy functions: raising and maintaining human capital stock; easing the flow of gendered life-course and labour-market transitions; guaranteeing social safety-net buffers. This analytical perspective allows theorizing life-course multiplier effects and policy (non-)complementarities, both at the level of individual objective and subjective well-being and in terms of aggregate employment, poverty and fiscal sustainability. This perspective also enables us to extend the temporal horizon of welfare politics beyond short-term electoral logics for explaining welfare reform. The article underscores how methodological pluralism remains key for understanding contemporary welfare states, and for grasping welfare outcomes and institutional change in a research endeavour that involves both generalization and contextualization. This work has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No 882276).

Wenn ein Land wie die Bundesrepublik ökonomisch, materiell und kulturell auseinanderdriftet, gehört sein Zerfall in sozialräumlicher Hinsicht zu den brisantesten Folgen. Mit der sich vertiefenden Kluft zwischen Arm und Reich nimmt daher auch die sozialräumliche Ungleichheit in Form der residentiellen Segregation zwangsläufig zu. Einerseits ziehen sich Wohlhabende, Reiche und Hyperreiche teilweise in Luxusquartiere (Gated Communities) hinter hohe Mauern zurück, wo sie häufig von privaten Sicherheitsdiensten bewacht werden; andererseits werden Arbeitslose und Arme wegen steigender Mieten vermehrt aus ihren angestammten Quartieren verdrängt, was zu vermehrter Wohnungs- und Obdachlosigkeit führt. Angehörige der Mittelschicht geraten ebenfalls unter Druck, weil sie etwa nach einem beruflich notwendigen Umzug trotz ihres gesicherten Einkommens die hohe Miete für eine neue Wohnung nicht bezahlen können. Weshalb diese Ungleichheit des Wohnens entstanden und aufgrund der Covid-19-Pandemie noch gewachsen ist, wird im Folgenden genauso behandelt wie die Frage, was die „Ampel“-Koalition aus SPD, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen und FDP dagegen zu tun gedenkt und welche politischen Alternativen existieren.

Formal social citizenship is limited in how it enables us to think about informal social citizenship and informal welfare. This informal perspective is important in all contexts where access to social rights is negotiated through local and transnational spaces, and where the state is a relatively minor player. By drawing on work on moral economy (Scott, 1976) and informal welfare (Gough and Wood, 2006) the article aims to propose a new theoretical model to understand the nature and social practice of both informal citizenship and welfare. This model departs from a western-centric understanding of nation-state-based citizenship and national welfare states, adopting instead the perspective that informal social citizenship and welfare have existed independently of the nation state as long as there have been human communities. Formal citizenship together with formal welfare rights represent just one particular crystallization of such informal practice. Our proposed model highlights the interdependent (rather than evolutionary) relationship between formal welfare at national level and informal welfare practices at local and transnational levels.

PurposeSocial policies are important determinants of population health but may have varying effects on subgroups of people. Evaluating heterogeneous treatment effects (HTEs) of social policies is critical to determine how social policies will affect health inequities. Methods for evaluating HTEs are not standardized. Little is known about how often and by what methods HTEs are assessed in social policy and health research.MethodsA sample of 55 articles from 2019 on the health effects of social policies were evaluated for frequency of reporting HTEs; for what subgroupings HTEs were reported; frequency of a priori specification of intent to assess HTEs; and methods used for assessing HTEs.ResultsA total of 24 (44%) studies described some form of HTE assessment, including by age, gender, education, race/ethnicity, and/or geography. Among studies assessing HTEs, 63% specified HTE assessment a priori, and most (71%) used descriptive methods such as stratification; 21% used statistical tests (e.g., interaction terms in a regression); and no studies used data-driven algorithms.ConclusionsAlthough understanding HTEs could enhance policy and practice-based efforts to reduce inequities, it is not routine research practice. Increased evaluation of HTEs across relevant subgroups is needed.

Die öffentliche Versorgung der Bevölkerung durch Großküchen gewann im Verlauf des Ersten Weltkrieges an Bedeutung und blieb während der Nachkriegsjahre eine notwendige Maßnahme zur Linderung der Not in den Großstädten. Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht anhand der Metropolen Wien und Berlin, ob die kriegsbedingte Massenverpflegung eine nachhaltige Veränderung der Ernährungsgewohnheiten in der Bevölkerung herbeiführte. Auf diese Frage liefern die beiden Hauptstädte auf dem ersten Blick unterschiedliche Antworten. Während für die Wiener Kriegsküchen sowohl wachsende Besucherzahlen als auch der Fortbestand der Küchen über den Krieg hinaus festzustellen sind, wurden die Berliner Großküchen von der Bevölkerung zunehmend abgelehnt und als „Notbehelf der Kriegszeit“ zurückgewiesen. Die Studie sucht nach den Ursachen für diese unterschiedliche Entwicklung und geht davon aus, dass hierbei nicht nur die sehr viel stärker vorherrschende Not in Wien, sondern auch mehrere sich gegenseitig überlagernde organisatorisch-administrative, soziokulturelle und (sozial-)politische Faktoren eine Rolle spielten. Im Mittelpunkt der Vergleichsanalyse stehen die kommunalen Kriegsverwaltungen als Organisatoren der städtischen Küchensysteme und die mehrheitlich aus Arbeiterschaft und Mittelstand bestehende Stadtbevölkerung als Empfänger der Verpflegungsangebote. Einen weiteren Analyseschwerpunkt bilden die im starken Maße von der Sozialdemokratie beherrschten sozialpolitischen Entwicklungen ab November 1918. An die öffentliche Verpflegung seit dem späten 19. Jahrhundert anknüpfend nimmt die Studie die Entwicklung der Massenverpflegungsaktivitäten beider Metropolen im Verlauf des Krieges in den Blick und kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass sich das Wiener Kriegsküchenwesen im Gegensatz zur Berliner Volksspeisungsorganisation durch ein hohes Maß an kommunaler Eigenständigkeit, Entschlossenheit, Anpassungsfähigkeit und Kontinuität auszeichnete – allesamt Faktoren, die eine höhere Inanspruchnahme der Küchen begünstigten. Die vergleichsweise „effiziente“ Entwicklung der Wiener Massenversorgung wirkte sich nachhaltig auf das Verpflegungswesen der Nachkriegszeit aus. Die Sozialdemokraten, die in beiden Städten die politische Verantwortung übernahmen, betrachteten die öffentliche Massenverpflegung im Sinne des Social Engineering als ein zweckdienliches Instrument, mit dem die sozialdemokratische Rationalisierungspolitik unterstützt werden konnte. Dementsprechend betrieben die Verantwortlichen in Wien und Berlin einen großen Aufwand, um der kommunalen Massenverpflegung eine Zukunftsperspektive zu geben. Doch nur in Wien gelang es den Sozialdemokraten, die Stadtküchen zu erhalten und in ein modernes Verpflegungsunternehmen zu verwandeln. Die Studie ermittelt eine Reihe von Faktoren, die diese Entwicklung begünstigten und zeigt hierbei auf, dass die Wiener Entwicklung mit Blick auf die „moderne“ Berliner Speisehauskultur der Vorkriegszeit dennoch keine Innovation war. Schließlich kommt die Studie zu dem Ergebnis, der Erste Weltkrieg auf dem Gebiet der kollektiven Außerhausverpflegung keinen grundlegenden Wandel der Ernährungsgewohnheiten bewirkte. Angesichts der kommunalen Reformbestreben der 1920er Jahre trug er dennoch dazu bei, dass die Kollektivverpflegung einen festen Platz in der kommunalen Daseinsvorsorge einnahm., To properly care for the population, public kitchens gained in importance during the First World War. They continued to be a necessary measure to alleviate the hardship in the major cities during the post-war years. Based on the metropolises of Vienna and Berlin, this dissertation examines whether the wartime public kitchens led to a lasting change in the eating habits among the population. At first glance, the two capitals provide different answers to this question. While in Vienna, the war kitchens increased in demand and continued to exist after the war, Berlin’s population on the other hand increasingly refused to make use of the public meal halls and rejected them as a “stopgap solution”. This study looks for reasons for this different development and assumes that not only the much more prevalent hardship in Vienna, but also several overlapping organizational-administrative, socio-cultural and (socio-)political factors played a role. The comparative analysis focuses on the municipal wartime administrations as the organizers of the municipal kitchen systems as well as the urban population, consisting mainly of the working- and middle-classes, as recipients of the offered meals. Another focus of the analysis is on the sociopolitical developments from November 1918 onward, which were strongly dominated by social democracy. Building on public feeding since the late 19th century, the study looks at the development of public kitchen activities in both metropolises during the course of war and concludes, that in contrast to the organization of the Volksspeisung in Berlin, the war kitchen organization in Vienna was characterized by a high degree of communal autonomy, determination, adaptability, and continuity – all of them factors that favored a higher utilization of the kitchens. The comparatively “efficient” development of public feeding in Vienna had a lasting effect on the municipal catering in the postwar period. The Social Democrats, who took on political responsibility in both cities regarded public feeding, in terms of social engineering, as a useful instrument with which social democratic rationalization policies could be supported. Accordingly, those responsible in Vienna and Berlin made a great effort to give public feeding a viable future. Nevertheless, only in Vienna did the Social Democrats managed to preserve the municipal kitchens and transform them into a modern kitchen company. The study identifies several factors that favored this development, while pointing out that the development in Vienna was not an innovation compared to the "modern" food culture of pre-war Berlin. Finally, the study concludes, public feeding in the First World War did not bring about a fundamental change in eating habits. Considering the municipal reform efforts of the 1920s, the war nonetheless contributed to the establishment of community catering as a permanent feature of municipal public services.

English title = Reorganisation of Responsibilities in Disaster Management: Earthquake, Social Dramas, Social Policies Türkiye’nin güneydoğusunda 6 Şubat 2023’te, Kahramanmaraş’ın Pazarcık ve Elbistan ilçelerinde meydana gelen iki büyük depremin etkileri ile yaşanan can ve mal kaybı ülkenin afet yönetimi çalışmalarının ve bu konudaki sosyal politikalarının geliştirilmesi gerektiğine işaret etmektedir. Deprem sonrası sosyal politikalara sosyal dramaturji yaklaşımı ile baskın söylemler ve karşıt söylemler üzerinden baktığımız bu makalede, afet yönetimi konusunda çıkarımlar sunmaktayız. Araştırmanın amacı, sosyal politikalara yön veren yanlış ve yersiz söylemleri ortaya koymak ve delil temelli, etik ve kapsayıcı afet yönetimine yönelik sosyal politikaların oluşumuna yardım edecek bir analiz sunmaktır. On February 6th, 2023, two major earthquakes occurred in the Pazarcık and Elbistan districts of Kahramanmaraş in southeastern Turkey. The loss of life and property due to the effects of the February 6th earthquakes demonstrates Turkey’s need for inclusive disaster management and social policies. This study examines post-earthquake disaster management and social policies through narrative analysis. Using a social dramaturgy approach, we evaluate dominant- and counter-narratives to offer recommendations for inclusive, fair, and sustainable disaster management and social policies. We aim to identify misguided narratives that influence social policies and provide evidence-based, ethical, and inclusive analysis to help design disaster management and social policies.

The welfare state is increasingly challenged and threatened by futures, whose exact realisation remains largely uncertain. The article compares how the International Labour Organization (ILO), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and the World Bank anticipate and authorise "futures of work" in light of technological transformations and climate change. The article shows that IOs face epistemic constraints both in constructing problems and in designing social security policy proposals. Constraints rely on visions of possible and probable futures over which the IOs do not always have control. Anticipatory practices that enact future visions oscillate between concretely specifying future developments and narrative flexibility, which does not directly specify courses of action but impacts core logics behind policy proposals. Irrespective of IOs' ideological differences, solutions to technological transformations focus on precaution, whereas solutions to climate change focus on preparation. While precaution allows for imagining possibilities, preparation stresses the urgency of issues.

En este artículo, concebido como “historia del tiempo presente”, analizamos las relaciones entre política socio-laboral y poder para identificar cuáles son los actores y actoras sociales y cuáles son los grupos de interés que participan en el proceso de formulación del problema y del planteamiento de políticas públicas, desde un enfoque relacional. Planteamos que una arena política en la que se debaten los actores y actoras y las posiciones del desarrollismo y del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica, es la de las reformas de la institucionalidad laboral. Por eso se estudiarán las redes y los lenguajes de valoración presentes en los procesos de construcción de legislación laboral en Costa Rica. Para ello, se utiliza como caso de estudio las etapas clave en la construcción de la Ley de Reforma Procesal Laboral, proyecto de ley aprobado en diciembre de 2015. From a relational approach, this essay introduces a history of the present times that analyzes the relationship between social-labor policies and power in order to identify the social actors and the interest groups involved in making social policy. We argue that the labor system reforms in Costa Rica are a political arena wherein developmentalism and neoliberal theories clashed against each other. Furthermore, we study social actor networks and their languages of valuation appearing in the making of labor legislation in Costa Rica. We focus on the Código Procesal Laboral (Labor Procedural Code), approved in 2015, as a case study. Neste artigo, concebido como “história do presente”, analisamos as relações entre a política social e de emprego e poder para identificar quaissão os atores sociais e os grupos de interesse (lobbyists) que participam no processo da formulação do problema e da abordagem de políticas públicas, desde um enfoque relacional. Propomos que na Costa Rica, as reformas da institucionalidade do trabalho são uma arena política onde os atores e as posições do desenvolvimentismo e neoliberalismo são discutidas. Eles estudaram o redes de atores e os linguagens de avaliação presentes nos processos de construção da legislação laboral na Costa Rica. É usado como um estudo de caso o principais fases na construção do reforma do Código de Processo do Trabalho, projeto de leia provado em dezembro de 2015. UCR::Vicerrectoría de Investigación::Unidades de Investigación::Ciencias Sociales::Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de América Central (CIHAC)

Housing is a flash point in many European countries, with protests erupting and citizens voting to wrench properties from big investors. Inequality is driving the explosive debate, as households across the income distribution face very different kinds of challenges and opportunities in today’s unequal housing markets. The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified the risks and rewards already present across different subgroups. This housing-generated inequality creates a conundrum for governments that must balance the interests of competing constituencies with complex housing markets, and points to fundamental questions about how to order society.

Since the early 1990s, a market‐orientated policymaking in Latin American countries did nothing to secure decent and productive jobs or eliminate gender inequities. It served, rather, to limit social investments that were needed to increase wellbeing, social cohesion, and, eventually, productivity. The pioneering scholarly work of the authors in this thematic issue, using either qualitative or quantitative methodologies, deepens our interdisciplinary understanding of the causes and dynamics of inequality and exclusion in these countries. Contributions are organized in three dimensions: (a) the commodification of health care, (b) gendered social norms, and (c) fragile life and violence. Based on our authors’ findings and suggestions, an agenda for change emerges that emphasizes autonomy from external pressures, community action and representation, eradication of the patriarchy, and expansion of social protection programs.

Under what conditions do means-tested programs increase beneficiaries’ political participation? Recent scholarship has begun to shed light on this question through a series of causal studies of Med...

Racism and ableism have doubly affected Black families of children with developmental disabilities in their interactions with disability systems of supports and services (e.g., early intervention, mental health, education, medical systems). On average, Black autistic children are diagnosed three years later and are up to three times more likely to be misdiagnosed than their non-Hispanic White peers. Qualitative research provides evidence that systemic oppression, often attributed to intersectionality, can cause circumstances where Black disabled youth are doubly marginalized by policy and practice that perpetuates inequality. School discipline policies that criminalize Black students and inadequate medical assessments that improperly support Black children with developmental and mental health disabilities are examples of systemic oppressions. However, there is evidence to support that attitudes and biases that providers hold about Black children, and their families hold a part in the blame as well. This paper will explore the efforts of two University Centers for Excellence in Developmental Disabilities (UCEDDs) to address disparities in access to diagnostic and higher quality services for Black neurodiverse children in Northern California and Wisconsin. This paper will: (1) Describe programs and projects within each center that support advocacy and peer networking for Black families; (2) Provide first-person accounts from family members that document the UCEDDs’ impact on their respective advocacy journeys; (3) Delineate how each UCEDD partnered with Black families and community stakeholders to develop and plan programs that meet the unique interests and needs of the groups of Black families of autistic children within the cultural contexts of the communities in which they live; (4) Discuss the processes that each UCEDD underwent to evaluate the efficacy of their programs to ensure that they were uplifting principles of cultural and linguistic competence such as community and family engagement; and (5) Offer recommendations to improve current practice and create culturally competent and family-centered supports and services for disability systems and providers across the DD Network and beyond.

New Americans with intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD) are a significantly underserved community in New York State (NY) facing complex barriers accessing IDD services and fully integrating into their communities. New American communities lack connections with IDD service systems and struggle to find culturally and linguistically accessible information about disability services and resources. New Americans may be fearful of engaging with service providers, especially if they lack lawful immigration status and are undocumented. In acknowledgement of these barriers, NY implemented an initiative to create a navigator model that is the first of its kind in the nation. The Initiative is named the Ramirez June Initiative (Initiative) which was created in 2019 to build capacity at the local and state level to better serve new Americans with IDD. In this article, we outline the background, context, and key components of this navigator model. By providing a comprehensive and detailed overview of the Initiative, we hope to support the model’s replication across the nation, while considering local strengths and needs.

Background and Purpose: The Parent to Parent model of support has been found to be effective with supporting families of children with DD in navigating complex systems, gaining emotional support, building positive resilience, sharing ideas and learning problem solving skills. Parent to Parent ties can be particularly strong when cultural capital is involved. This study presents a cultural brokering initiative embedded in the evidence-informed Parent to Parent support model that could be a promising practice to support culturally diverse families of children with DD. Methods: This study used a mixed methods approach to examine the practice and outcomes of a cultural brokering initiative in a statewide Parent to Parent support program in a University Center of Excellence in Developmental Disabilities that serves culturally diverse families of children with DD. Both surveys and interviews were used to learn about these families' experiences with cultural brokering services and their perspectives on the effectiveness of these services in meeting their families' needs. Results: The findings of this study show that cultural brokers primarily serve in the roles of listeners, interpreters, educators, liaisons and mediators when supporting culturally diverse families of children with DD, and that parents overall had a high rating of the cultural brokering service and were very satisfied with the support they received. Implications: A cultural brokering initiative embedded in the Parent to Parent support model is a promising practice that could better support culturally diverse families of children with DD and improve the service outcomes to these families. However, service providers who want to start a cultural brokering initiative should work closely with families to decide the roles of a cultural broker, how they will offer support, and who should be a cultural broker to represent and support a particular community.

The disability population in the United States has grown, with an estimated 2.6 million households having at least one child with a disability in 2019 (Young, 2019). Racially minoritized children disproportionately represent disability categories with Black and Indigenous children being overdiagnosed with emotional disturbance disabilities (Oswald & Coutinho, 2001). Further, minoritized children often experience greater rates of complex trauma (Horowitz, Weine, & Jekel, 1995) and this exposure significantly impacts minoritized children’s mental health (Flannery, Wester, & Singer, 2004). Included in these social determinants of health are the impacts of racism and racial trauma. Racism has been associated with mental health disparities from birth (Pachter & Coll, 2009). Yet, Black children are more likely to be misdiagnosed compared to their White peers (Mandell, Ittenbach, Levy, & Pinto-Martin, 2007; Szymanski, Sapanski, & Conway, 2011). A hurdle to accurate identification and treatment of trauma/racial trauma for minoritized families is the availability of quality services which is impacted by bias in healthcare and systemic barriers. To effectively address systemic needs, practitioners must adopt a preventative approach early in developmental care and target universal settings by providing psychoeducation. Pre-service trauma-informed training serves as an avenue to educate healthcare providers, paraprofessionals, and policymakers about disparities in healthcare (Beach et al., 2005). Research has demonstrated pre-service training impacts intermediate outcomes such as the knowledge, attitudes, and skills of health professionals, whereas, others question longitudinal effectiveness (Shepherd, 2019). Although opinions on the benefits and limitations of pre-service training in healthcare are mixed, there is consensus that pre-service training centered on cultural responsiveness and humility improves patient-provider communication, increases patient satisfaction, and compliance over time (Shepherd, 2019). To address this concern the University Centers for Excellence in Developmental Disabilities (UCEDD), the Leadership Education in Neurodevelopmental Disabilities program, and the Child Development Clinic at the Children's Hospital of Richmond partnered to develop a pilot training series for 0-6 professionals across the state. This 3-part training series was sponsored by Head Start State Collaboration Office in partnership with the Early Childhood Mental Health Virginia initiative (a jointly funded initiative at the UCEDD). The training was designed for Head Start Health Specialists, Mental Health Specialists, or Education Specialists and designed to provide interactive information on implicit biases, social determinants of health, the intersectionality of racism, and trauma to improve culturally-responsive care and address disparities. The Diversity Informed Tenants for Work with Infants, Children, and Families were incorporated into the training. Preliminary qualitative and quantitative results demonstrate participants’ attributional shifts and a commitment to incorporating culturally responsive efforts in their communities and workplaces. The pilot was expanded to include mental health practitioners across central Virginia. Overall, results demonstrate a successful training model for early childhood practitioners' understanding of diversity, equity, and inclusion, and have aided in developing a system that supports diversity. This underscores the need for interactive training for paraprofessionals that provide psychoeducation that also addresses individual understanding of implicit biases/roles within systems. This training can be utilized with other early childhood professionals to build a culturally responsive system of care for children 0-6.

There is a clear and compelling need to approach equity, diversity, and inclusion not as problems to be solved,but rather as opportunities to be realized. The Developmental Disabilities Bill of Rights and Assistance Act of 2000,states the need for cultural competence, specifically to ensure that supports and services “are provided in a manner that assure maximum participation and benefit for persons with IDD.” Cultural and linguistic competence (CLC) are evidence-based or proven practices that reduce disparities, advance diversity, and promote equity. Achieving CLC requires strong and informed leadership to spark the necessary changes within systems, organizations, and practice. It requires responding effectively to race, ethnicity, culture, and other intersecting identities in leadership development and opportunities. There is a need for leaders with the commitment, energy, knowledge, and skills to do the hard work of advancing and sustaining CLC in systems, organizations, and programs that develop policy, provide supports and services, conduct research, and advocate with persons with IDD and their families. It is important that leaders have the insight, courage, and skill to step out in the forefront of this complex set of dynamics and be the force to gather the collective will to make change. There are two distinct yet related challenges that continue to confront the IDD network: 1) the lack of capacity across all aspects of the network to develop, nurture, and support people who are prepared to lead efforts that advance and sustain CLC; and 2) there are few members of racial, ethnic, and cultural groups, including people with disabilities from these groups, presently occupying or being groomed to become leaders and assume leadership positions network-wide.

Populations researched often have little if any input in the means of data collection, analysis, or authorship of the findings published. They are excluded from participating in the scientific methods even though they are the subject of the content that is being produced. This is true for Indigenous populations and the disability community around the globe. Researchers usually use colonial methodology that does not encompass the values of these communities or have their well-being in mind. This paper examines the history of colonization and how it has infiltrated science and inhibits self-determination of Indigenous peoples. Indigenous communities need to have the means and power for self-determination. For individuals with disabilities, this includes rights to services and programs that give the respect and person-centered care they deserve to make informed decisions about their lives. Moreover, there is a recognized need for culturally appropriate services that empower American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) people with disabilities to lead independent lives in their own communities—urban or rural. AI/AN cultures may view disabilities differently than those in the mainstream U.S. Barriers and challenges for AI/AN individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD) and AI/AN families of individuals with IDD in access to services include inadequate funding, personnel shortages, housing shortages, lack of coordination among agencies, lack of consultation with tribes, and problems identifying persons eligible for services. AI/AN-specific programs that have begun to bridge the gap in access to and development of culturally competent services such as Oyáte Circle and development of collegiate courses focused on AI/AN disabilities issues. There remains a need for partnership with AI/AN tribes for disability services and incorporation of AI/AN people with disabilities as equitable partners in program development and implementation. To reach a full decolonization of IDD health care and fully embrace diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) principles, individuals in these communities need to be viewed as experts in their journey of resilience.

Accessing services for children with special needs is complex and challenging for even U.S.-born parents. Is it even more difficult for immigrant parents, and what are the consequences for their children? This article reports on a mixed methods approach to examining the access of immigrants’ children to special education and inclusive placement. A multivariate analysis of Massachusetts education data finds that children of immigrants are significantly less likely than children of U.S.-born parents to participate in special education. It also finds that among children who do participate in special education, children of immigrants are more likely to be in substantially separate settings, and less likely to be in inclusive settings, than are children of U.S.-born parents. A companion case study of a Massachusetts elementary school seeks to understand these results in ways that suggest policies and practices to address these inequities and improve schools’ response to children with special needs.

Introduction: This study investigated university students’ views of barriers and aids toward success in a communication sciences and disorders (CSD) program. The goal of this 11-question survey was to determine if there was a difference in types of barriers or aids between Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) students and White students. Method: The Communication Sciences and Disorders - Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) Survey participants were 62 speech-language pathology and audiology undergraduate and graduate students from a variety of backgrounds. Analyses identified students’ views toward barriers and aids to success in the university program as well as their feelings regarding the importance of support from fellow students and faculty toward issues related to DEI. Results: In this group of students, BIPOC students were more likely to regard faculty and peer support toward DEI as “very important” than their White counterparts. White students were more likely to report that they had no barriers to success in their program than BIPOC students. Students from both White and BIPOC groups reported that scholarships would be an aid to success in the program, while roughly half of all students reported that having to work while in school was a barrier to success. Conclusions: Both BIPOC and White students identified barriers and aids to success in their programs of study, although differences between the types of aids and successes between racial groups were noted. This information may assist university programs in recruiting and supporting BIPOC students, although additional research on a larger scale of students from a variety of different programs may determine specific ways to support these groups.

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Is Hair Considered a Proxy for Race Discrimination?: Exploring hair discrimination through jury decision-making.

O propósito do estudo é levantar a produção de conhecimentos e práticas, nos níveis nacional e internacional, para auxiliar na proposição de medidas de proteção da maternidade e do trabalho em setores hospitalares de assistência direta à saúde.