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A growing dissatisfaction with the political class has emerged in Italy. Inspired by Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the original strategy adopted by the Five Star Movement (FSM) was to connect citizens and institutions directly, thanks to ICTs. A participation platform called “Rousseau” was created to this end in 2016. However, after the Movement’s great success in the 2018 national elections, digital utopianism was gradually abandoned. In 2021, the statute was reformed, creating new roles and organs making the FSM more akin to a traditional party, and the ‘Rousseau’ platform was replaced by another one with limited functions. This evolution leads to three theses: first, the reference to Jean-Jacques Rousseau had a mainly symbolic value for FSM; second, as recent facts show, this ideal reference weakened with the action of governing and the ‘normalisation’ of the party; third, this evolution confirms that the Rousseauian ideal is difficult to realise in a complex society.

Understanding belief in conspiracy theories and the psycho-social profile of people who endorse them is a major contemporary challenge for social scientists. Conspiracy theories have been linked to a series of political attitudes and behaviours that can be considered negative for modern societies and democracies, namely populist (Erisen et al., 2021), anti-democratic attitudes (Albertson & Guiler, 2020) and illegal non-normative behaviour (Imhoff et al., 2020). However, recent research has also revealed more positive correlates of conspiracy beliefs such as increased support for more direct democracy (Pantazi et al., 2022). In this research we wish to integrate these apparently contradicting findings. We suggest that belief in conspiracy theories is positively associated with both more and less democratic political alternatives in conspiracists' desperate attempt to change the political status quo. We will measure the link between conspiracy beliefs, support for democracy, autocracy, and anarchism in a series of surveys and experiments. We will test this assumption through a vignette experimental design in the United States.

Moving beyond the legal and historical hegemonic definitions of the quilombo, this paper investigates continuities in gendered racial violence in Brazil by evoking the political and poetic of the quilombo. Inspired by the works of the historian and poet Beatriz Nascimento, the multifaceted notion of quilombo is conceptualized as an ongoing praxis of fugitivity and coalition that draws on the interconnectedness of anti-colonial, feminist, and anti-racist struggles. In exploring geopolitical breaks and epistemological ruptures, this paper fosters a necessary conversation between theory and practice by engaging with the living archives of three Afro-Brazilian writers and activists: (i) Beatriz Nascimento’s fundamental contributions on the political, material and symbolic dimensions of quilombo; (ii) the legacy and vision of Marielle Franco focusing on the necessity to ocupar the institutional politics like a growing seed; (iii) the work of Erica Malunguinho and Mandata Quilombo through the praxis of aquilombar the constitutional democracy, based on the alternation in representative power and repossession. Dieser Artikel geht über die hegemonialen rechtlich-historischen Definitionen des Quilombo in Brasilien hinaus und untersucht die Kontinuitäten in der geschlechtsspezifischen rassistischen Gewalt, indem er die politischen und poetischen Genealogien des Quilombo heraufbeschwört. Inspiriert von den Arbeiten der Historikerin und Dichterin Beatriz Nascimento wird der facettenreiche Begriff des Quilombo als eine fortlaufende Praxis von Flucht bzw. Flüchtigkeit und Koalition konzeptualisiert, die sich auf die Verflechtung von antikolonialen, feministischen und antirassistischen Kämpfen stützt. In dem Artikel werden geopolitische und epistemologische Brüche erforscht und ein notwendiges Gespräch zwischen Theorie und Praxis gefördert, das sich mit den lebenden Archiven dreier afro-brasilianischer Schriftsteller und Aktivisten beschäftigt: (i) Beatriz Nascimentos fundamentale Ausarbeitungen zu den symbolischen und materiellen Dimensionen des Quilombo als Territorium; (ii) die Arbeit von Marielle Franco, die sich auf die relationale Ubuntu-Maxime und die Notwendigkeit der Überwindung der institutionellen Politik konzentriert; (iii) die Interventionen von Erica Malunguinho, die den Quilombo durch die Praxis des aquilombar erweitert und die auf dem veränderten repräsentativen Demokratie sowie der Wiederinbesitznahme von Land, Gemeinschaften, Körpern, Erinnerungen, Aufständen, Befreiung beruhen.

Focusing on John Stuart Mill, a particularly illuminating contributor to modern democratic theory, this article examines the connections between modern democracy and the European colonial experience. It argues that Mill drew on the exclusionary logic and discourse available through the colonial experience to present significant portions of the English working classes as domestic barbarians, whose potential rise to power posed a danger to civilization itself: a line of argument that helped him legitimate representative government as a democratic, rather than an antidemocratic form of government, as it had been traditionally perceived. The article contributes to our understanding of the development of modern democratic theory and practice by drawing attention to the ways the colonial experience shaped core Western institutions and ways of thinking, and it makes the case that this experience remains an essential, if often unacknowledged, part of our collective “self.”

In a representative democracy, some decide in the name of the rest. These elected officials are commonly gathered in public assemblies, such as parliaments, where they discuss policies, legislate, and vote on fundamental initiatives. A core aspect of such democratic processes are the plenary debates, where important public discussions take place. Many parliaments around the world are increasingly keeping the transcripts of such debates and other parliamentary data in digital formats that are accessible to the public. This is meant to increase transparency and accountability, but these records are often only provided as raw text or even as images, with little, if any, annotation and in inconsistent formats, making them difficult to analyse. Here, we present ptarl-d, an annotated corpus of debates in the Portuguese Parliament, covering the years 1976 to 2019 and representing the entire period of Portuguese democracy.

This article reconstructs Operation Car Wash’s (Operação Lava Jato) political project. Three different phases of the operation are analysed: its conception, its encounter with political and administrative corruption, and its attempt to mobilize popular support to combat political and administrative corruption. The analysis characterizes the operation as a particular manifestation of judicial intervention in the system of representative politics, presenting a critical view of its effects on the balance of power between non-elected and elected officials.

Ante la crisis de la democracia representativa liberal, las salidas han apuntado a tres direcciones principales: la reducción de la democracia a su forma mínima, como poliarquía, la ampliación de la democracia representativa con dispositivos de democracia participativa y procesos de reingeniería electoral, y las reformas constituyentes del Estado en una combinación barroca de visiones garantistas-neoconstitucionalistas-neoinstitucionalistas. Normativamente los dispositivos de participación, la iniciativa popular para la convocatoria a consultas, la presentación de proyectos de ley o la revocatoria de mandatos, se han ampliado. Pero, en la práctica, han funcionado más como placebos en una democracia tutelada, para mantener controlada a la ciudadanía, que como mecanismos de participación. El resultado es que la flecha de la democracia, que, a partir de los retornos en los ochenta, apuntaba a la ampliación y fortalecimiento de la democracia, se ha revertido y se orienta a formas de democracia autoritaria, con nuevas estrategias de disciplinamiento y control. La tendencia, desde el poder dominante, es construir un binarismo entre democracia representativa y democracia participativa, que oculta la emergencia de semillas antisistémicas de desconexión más allá del Estado y el mercado, bajo formas de democracia directa, comunitaria, nuevas formas de poder desde la sociedad.

The article deals with the features of participative budgeting as a relatively new experiment in the sphere of participative democracy. It's pointed out that this democratic form was initiated in 1989 in а Brazilian city Porto Alegre and then it was spread not only over Latin America but also over other continents. Special attention is paid to the countries of Europe where participative budgeting was implemented most actively. Positive features of participative budgeting as well as its possible disadvantages are analyzed.The author argues that participative budgeting being one of the forms of participative democracy remains at the same time closely tied to the institutions of representative democracy. The initiator of its implementation remains most often municipal executive power as a whole or its individual representatives and first of all heads of local administration.

In most schools everywhere, democracy and participation continue to be carried out through the usual channels based on representative democracy and the vote of elected representatives. However, this reality is not monolithic, and we do find centers committed to practise a full and more profound democracy. Based on a case study, the article analyzes the theoretical and practical approach of Germinal School. Despite some difficulties, this school has successfully implemented a project of radical democracy, both through micropolitics and daily pedagogical action. This article also examines why it is so difficult to democratize school and how to create a truly democratic institution. Finally, we address the possibility of extending the democratic model presented here to other schools.

When are inequalities in political power undemocratic, and why? While some writers condemn any inequalities in political power as a deviation from the ideal of democracy, this view is vulnerable to the simple objection that representative democracies concentrate political power in the hands of elected officials rather than distributing it equally among citizens, but they are no less democratic for it. Building on recent literature that interprets democracy as part of a broader vision of social equality, I argue that concentrations of political power are incompatible with democracy, and with a commitment to social equality more generally, when they consist in some having greater arbitrary power to influence decisions according to their idiosyncratic preferences. A novel account of the relationship between power and social status clarifies the role of social equality in the justification of democracy, including a representative democracy in which public officials have more political power than ordinary citizens.

Electoral stability has been viewed as an essential condition for the healthy functioning of representative democracy. However, there is little agreement in the literature about what shapes the stability of the electorate in general nor much attention paid to that of the Asian electorates in particular. We propose historical legacies, uniquely testable in Asia, as central determinants, but also test for conventional factors examined in other regions. By analyzing more than 150 elections in 19 post-WWII Asian democracies, we find that certain types of authoritarian (military or personalist) and colonial (non-British) legacies have a detrimental impact on the stabilization of the electorate, while some of the findings from other regions apply also to Asia. Our additional finding that such effects of historical legacies, particularly authoritarian interludes, are attenuated and cease to be significant with sufficient maturation of democracy, has important implications for the way party systems develop and democracies consolidate.

The system of representative democracy has its origins in England. Participation in governance is an important element of representative democracy because the people exercise their power through representatives. This paper aims to analyze the challenges and achievement of representative democracy in Albania after the fall of communism regime. Since 1990, Albania entered into a period of transition where participation in governance was seen as positive element to approach western values. This paper seeks to address the following question: Does the development of representative democracy help participation in governance? Whom does the power belong to, and how should this power be exercised? Can the people, participate in governance, and control the representatives, if they do not properly represent it? How can power be returned to the people? Main methodology used in this paper is doctrinal research. The paper is structured in three sections. After the introduction (section 1), the paper discusses theoretical framework of representative governance and the importance of participation in governance. The third section analyzes the challenges of representative democracy in the context of Albania. Keywords: Democracy; Governance; Participation

The article introduces the special issue on ‘Administering Representative Democracy. The European Experience of Parliamentary Administrations in Comparative Perspective’, explaining how it seeks to...

This article focuses on representation and government formation in the Italian regions in the electoral cycle from 2018 to 2020. By relying on a large number of data collected in the 18 regions and...

In this article, the relationship between new social movements, representative democracy and neoliberalism is examined. Starting with student protests in Europe and the United State, the late 1960s have witnessed the emegence of new social movements. Ecological, anti-nuclear, feminist, student, anti-racist, and LGBTI+ protests all have been examined with the scope of the new social movements paradigm. The remarkable protest wave of the 1970s has been followed by contemporary movements in different forms like the Arab Spring and the Occupy movement. Although these movements differ in terms of issues they deal with and goals they seek, they have a lot in common. Unlike the old movements like labour protests, these new movements primarily focus on postmaterial issues. Postmaterial identity demands and rights of these movements conflict with material demands of neoliberal governments. Furthermore, modern democracies fail to address these issues. Representative democracy is seen as an obstacle to political participation. On the other hand, postmodernism is a suitable concept to explain internal discrepancies and dispersion of new social movements. It is argued that (a) the legitimacy crisis of representative democracy and neoliberal response of capitalism to its structural crisis have triggered new social conflicts and movements, (b) these movements differ from old movements in terms of their forms, goals, and demands, (c) new social movements are postmodern.

Why has voter turnout declined in democracies all over the world? This article draws on findings from microlevel studies and theorizes two explanations: generational change and a rise in the number of elective institutions. The empirical section tests these hypotheses along with other explanations proposed in the literature—shifts in party/candidate competition, voting-age reform, weakening group mobilization, income inequality, and economic globalization. The authors conduct two analyses. The first analysis employs an original data set covering all post-1945 democratic national elections. The second studies individual-level data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and British, Canadian, and US national election studies. The results strongly support the generational change and elective institutions hypotheses, which account for most of the decline in voter turnout. These findings have important implications for a better understanding of the current transformations of representative democracy and the challenges it faces.

Recent work highlights the importance of pre-modern political practices for explaining persistent institutional features, including representative democracy. Typically, this argument is institutional in nature—pre-industrial practices are hypothesized to either bolster or retard the transmission of democratic institutions. This article proposes a separate channel through which legacies of early statehood continue to impact the prospects of democratic governance. Using survey data from Africa, we document a positive relationship between early statehood development and support for autocratic rule among ordinary Africans. This finding is robust to a wide range of pre- and post-treatment covariates, country and survey round fixed effects, as well as an instrumental-variable design. The identified relationship is particularly prominent in respondents from precolonially centralized ethnic groups in former British colonies, suggesting the importance of locally surviving traditional institutions for propagation of norms that owe their origins to precolonial autocratic socialization.

This paper revisits the core concept of representation in light of democratic innovations and more specifically in the context of minipublics. We disentangle how representativeness is currently add...

In Western democratic societies, decisions to allocate public funding towards a sports stadium or event are generally made via representative democracy by elected policymakers. Increasingly, refere...

In a representative democracy, leaders (ideally) who are elected through the electorates should indicate consensus that the newly elected leader truly does represent the majority of the nation or the group. That is, once elected, can the ensuing perceptions of the electorate's consensus provide the newly elected leader with a sense of legitimacy and the ability to represent the group? Two experiments demonstrate that the perceptions of group consensus stemming from democratic elections can imbue newly elected leaders (even if they were once deviant) with legitimacy. Study 1 (N = 158) demonstrates that normative leaders are perceived as more legitimate than deviant leaders when elected with high voting consensus, which increased the perceived prototypicality of the normative leader through greater perceptions of legitimacy. Study 2 (N = 182) showed that newly elected leaders (vs. candidates) are perceived as more legitimate, which in turn, increases the group's perceptions of the once deviant leader's prototypicality, granted that the leader is democratically elected. Results suggest that democratic elections create conditions under which once deviant leaders can gain in perceived prototypicality and create lasting changes to the group identity.

Government formation in multiparty systems requires election winners to strike deals to form a coalition government. Do voters respond and how do they respond to coalition government deals? This paper examines the short-term consequences of coalition government formation on voters in European democracies relying on survey panel data and original content analysis of coalition agreements. It tests theoretical expectations that deal with both the actual and perceived ideological shifts parties make when joining coalition deals as well as the effect of a much simpler heuristic cue based on preferences. The findings indicate that coalition deals have consequences on party preferences, but voter perceptions play a much stronger effect than the actual content of coalition deals. These results have important implications for our understanding of public opinion and provide important insights into the current difficulties and challenges of government formation and representative democracy.

La primera vez que se hace mención a la representación del pueblo se produce como consecuencia de la formación de la Junta de Caracas en la que se indicaba que dicho organismo debería contar con una representación del “pueblo”. Constituida la Junta, ésta convocó elecciones para configurar un proceso constituyente, mediante un Reglamento de elecciones. El documento citado parte de una defensa de los principios de participación política y de democracia representativa, por sistema mayoritario a pluralidad de votos. El sufragio es de carácter censitario y capacitario, con grandes restricciones de carácter económico. La Democracia representativa se proclama en el texto de 1811, que emplea el término Pueblo y no Nación, estableciendo el voto indirecto y el sufragio censitario, por motivos económicos, tanto de carácter activo como pasivo. En la convocatoria al proceso constituyente de 1812, así como en el texto constitucional de 1819, se introduce el concepto de que los diputados electos al Congreso no sólo serán representantes de su provincia, sino de toda la Nación, manteniendo los mismos criterios sobre el sufragio que el texto anterior.

This project will seek to extend our understanding of the relationship between conspiracy beliefs and the kind of democracy people support. In two previous studies we found that people who believe more in conspiracy theories tend to show less support for direct and more support for representative democracy. Extending this line of research, here we wanted to test how successful direct democracy is in actually reducing conspiracy thinking as compared with representative democracy. Reasoning that the relationship between conspiracy theories and support for different kinds of democracy is explained by increased cynicism and political powerlessness among conspiratorial individuals, we here sought to determine whether people who operate in a direct democratic country vs one with representative democracy might be less cynical and more empowered and thus end up believe less in conspiracy beliefs.

This project studies the relationship between conspiracy beliefs and a support for various types of democracy.

Im Rahmen einer Bachelorarbeit werden in einer korrelativen, querschnittlichen Untersuchung folgender Forschungsfragen thematisiert: (1) Wie hängt Einsamkeit mit politischem Interesse zusammen? (2) Wie hängt Einsamkeit mit politischem Engagement zusammen? (3) Steht Einsamkeit in Zusammenhang mit einer stärkeren Fokussierung des politischen Interesses auf Themen, die einen direkten Einfluss auf das eigene Leben haben? (4) Hängt Einsamkeit mit der Befürwortung repräsentativer oder direkter Demokratie zusammen? (5a) Führt Einsamkeit, vermittelt über den Einfluss auf politisches Interesse dazu, dass die Befürwortung von direkter Demokratie steigt? (5b) Führt Einsamkeit, vermittelt über den Einfluss auf politisches Interesse dazu, dass die Befürwortung von repräsentativer Demokratie sinkt?

I contend that parliamentary representative democracy betrays what must be democratic about democratic citizenship – its directness. I examine this betrayal to consider what makes democratic citizenship democratic, what is direct about direct democracy, and how it may provide a means to (re)democratize democracy. To do so, I engage the conundrums about citizenship Aristotle posed in the Politics. For millennia, theorists have used Aristotle’s dislike of democracy and related misrepresentations to dismiss direct democracy as impossible for large states. Moreover, the problems he raised have roiled political theory ever since because they established two issues that indicate how profoundly democracy troubles citizenship. The first concerns what it means for “the people” to remain sovereign even when most delegate the political powers of their citizenship to others. The second concerns the historical capacity of democracy to transform the political by disrupting entrenched power and legalized inequality. If so, democracy must somehow institutionalize disruption as a resource to keep it vigorous. I examine how the provocations of sovereignty, equality, and disruption democratize citizenship. These problems are unresolvable in a democracy. Their tensions are necessary to mobilize democratization, as Athenian democracy shows. Attempts to resolve them – such as republican representative democracy – destroy its energies.&nbsp

The research aims to analyze the contextualization of Jean Jacques Rousseau's political thought in Indonesia, including state of nature, social contracts, common will, freedom, and democracy. This study used a qualitative method to describe the results of the analysis. Data was obtained through books, journals, scientific articles and others. The result of research on state of nature is that before Indonesia existed there were already states in the form of kingdoms. As for the social contract established in Indonesia through Pancasila in a complicated way due to agreements and conflicts from several groups. But in the end Pancasila was able to unite the Indonesian nation to this day. Regarding the general will and freedom, in Indonesia, it is regulated in Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia with various existing problems such as the abuse of general will and freedom that occurred during the Soekarno Guided Democracy and the Suharto Era. As for democracy, Rousseau views direct democracy as the best, while Indonesia is more familiar with representative democracy based on deliberation

Purpose – This study seeks to verify whether the performance of Brazilian Congressional Representatives is related to MHDI and GDP per capita indices and the regions they represent. Methodology – Regarding the performance of the parliamentarians, the data used were those made available by the Transparencia Brasil portal and analyzed using the multivariate exploratory non-hierarchical cluster analysis technique K-means. Federative Units were divided into clusters according to the similarities they presented with respect to the variables that made up the analysis. Findings – After the analyses, we were able to determine that there is no relation of equivalence between the performance of representatives in Congress and the observed research development indices (MHDI and GDP per capita) with states of different regions and quite distinct conditions of development making up the same group of analysis. Originality/value – The researched data, or even the identification of transparency actions demonstrates the wide variety of analysis possibilities that are available in terms of discussions of the performance of political agents and their respective returns for the population. We would suggest that future studies can use other data or other reports displayed in the transparency portals of various spheres of government. Other research possibilities can be developed based on qualitative analyses of the effective representativity of the projects proposed by these representatives of the people.

Esta investigación muestra un contraste entre las posiciones expuestas por los filósofos Slavoj Zizek y Byung Chul-Han frente al COVID-19 desde una perspectiva eurocéntrica, dando paso a una hipótesis sobre los posibles resultados en Latinoamérica. Se ha identificado como aspecto clave que la política y la economía neoliberalista que hoy en día rigen a gran parte de Latinoamérica, probablemente, conducirán a la destrucción de la sociedad como conjunto; de hecho, se pasarán a tomar actitudes de un capitalismo voraz e individualista, como lo describe Chul- Han en su tesis. Solo aquellos países que se sirvan de la democracia social y representativa para combatir la exclusión sistemática de las personas que no forman parte del gran mercado, serán capaces de lidiar con solidaridad sin necesidad de que esto sea confundido con el comunismo marxista-leninista que se aterriza a la economía, sino que se lleven a cabo los valores solidarios sobre los que esta ideología fue fundada como lo indica Zizek.

Transitive proxy voting (or "liquid democracy") is a novel form of collective decision making, often framed as an attractive hybrid of direct and representative democracy. Although the ideas behind liquid democracy have garnered widespread support, there have been relatively few attempts to model it formally. This paper makes three main contributions. First, it proposes a new social choice-theoretic model of liquid democracy, which is distinguished by taking a richer formal perspective on the process by which a voter chooses a proxy. Second, it examines the model from an axiomatic perspective, proving (a) a proxy vote analogue of May's Theorem and (b) an impossibility result concerning monotonicity properties in a proxy vote setting. Third, it explores the topic of manipulation in transitive proxy votes. Two forms of manipulation specific to the proxy vote setting are defined, and it is shown that manipulation occurs in strictly more cases in proxy votes than in classical votes.

Twentieth‑century Venezuela has characteristics that make it different in terms of the ways of conducting politics in the traditional way. Political parties of the twentieth century inaugurated a new political period. One reason for this may be found in the long dictatorship of General Gómez which lasted for more than three decades and which obliterated all vestiges of nineteenth century politics to the point that students will be called to establish innovative proposals. The mode of policy‑making shows a difference in style between the military and non‑military along with irreconcilable difference in the perception of democracy which they showed. One mentoring system will come increasingly into a conflict with another, in which there is an attempt to make the citizens bear republican responsibilities in order to feed a state that at times runs the risk of collapse due to the unmet requirements of the people, together with other requirements of the time.

In Razionalismo in politica il saggio Le masse nella democrazia rappresentativa occupa poche pagine. Ma le dimensioni ingannano, e molto: in uno spazio angusto, con una forza e una lucidità davvero notevoli, Oakeshott condensa una storia dell’individuo e dei suoi nemici dal tardo Medioevo al ventesimo secolo, e la costella di dettagli illuminanti. Ora, un saggio così ricco può essere affrontato in molti modi. Se ne potrebbero rintracciare gli ascendenti intellettuali, ad esempio. Lo si potrebbe collocare nel dibattito della sua epoca, visto che in quegli anni di quei temi si occupavano in tanti, e non dei meno brillanti. O potrebbero definirsene il posto e il ruolo nella produzione dell’autore. Qui non farò nulla di tutto questo, sia perché lo ha già fatto Giorgini nell’introduzione al volume, sia – e soprattutto – perché non ne ho le competenze. Mi concentrerò invece sul nucleo centrale dell’argomentazione del saggio e sul valore notevole che può avere ancora oggi, a sessant’anni dalla sua prima pubblicazione.

Rainer Knopff's scholarship on Canadian constitutionalism has offered some of the most trenchant criticism of the exercise of judicial review under the Charter, yet his theory has largely been misunderstood (as has that of his frequent co-author F. L. Morton). This article exposes two prominent critiques of Knopff's constitutional writings as straw man arguments and provides a republican account of his constitutional theory. The first straw man argument is that Knopff supports a majoritarian or populist conception of direct democracy. This claim is belied by Knopff's embrace of representative democracy and institutions structured to encourage reflexive deliberation. The second straw man argument is that Knopff is a moral rights skeptic. Knopff's rights skepticism is a legal skepticism about the determinacy of many rights that is merely a function of his inclusive legal positivism. The article concludes by reflecting on the republican lessons that Knopff's constitutional scholarship continues to offer, including how holding legislatures responsible for settling reasonable disagreements about legally indeterminate Charter rights might help counteract the twin threats of populism and juristocracy.

With the social and economic transformation of the 19th century, the concept of the political party emerged as a result of the expansion of the right to vote and the people’s desire to government/governance. The concept of the political party can be considered as one of the achievements of representative democracy. Today, technology and especially the internet, are causing the evolution and creating a digitalized understanding of democracy. This change created by technology not only affects the idea of democracy, but also affects political parties. On the one hand, traditional political parties use the internet in their internal and external operations. Digital political parties on the other hand, are established directly within the internet. The aim of this study is to reveal the transformation of political parties that have found their basis in the transformation from autocracy to constitutional monarchy and play a key role in public participation in administration through technology and the internet. In addition its purpose is to discuss the concept of the digital political party, which was born as a new genre, with different examples of their legislation from all over the world.

There is a widespread sense that intermediary institutions which made representative democracy function ever since the nineteenth century—political parties and free media—are presently undergoing profound structural transformations. We partly have trouble judging those transformations—will they destroy or strengthen democracy?—because we lack a set of clear normative standards for intermediary powers. The article suggests such standards: institutions should be accessible, accurate, autonomous, assessable, and accountable. A precondition for these attributes to be realized is financial transparency and the empowerment of citizens other than the owners of concentrated wealth to influence intermediary powers. Accordingly, the article also endorses a scheme to put financing into the hands of citizens themselves via a voucher scheme for both political parties and media.

espanolEste trabajo parte de la existencia de una crisis de la democracia representativa que se evidencia en una serie de factores que afectan a la estabilidad del sistema. La fatiga o crisis democratica motiva la revision del concepto de democracia y como sus fundamentos han ido evolucionando fruto del desarrollo de diferentes modelos de esta forma de gobierno. Desde esta perspectiva, la investigacion trata de esclarecer que aspectos de la democracia liberal y su sistema representativo entran en conflicto con la concepcion clasica del termino democracia. El analisis de los planteamientos de los teoricos de la democracia liberal evidencia la creacion de un sistema que rompe con los pilares de la democracia clasica. Este alejamiento por parte del modelo liberal de los principios democraticos clasicos presenta una relacion directa con las causas que provocan el estallido de la crisis. Una vez hallados los motivos que precipitan la fatiga democratica se procede al planteamiento de un nuevo modelo de democracia, la democracia dual, que combina aspectos de la democracia deliberativa, la democracia directa y el sistema representativo, en un intento de apoyar la regeneracion del sistema actual. EnglishThis study is based on the existence of a crisis of representative democracy that is evident in a series of factors that affect the stability of the system. This crisis motivates the revision of the concept of democracy and how its foundations have evolved as a result of the development of different models of this form of government. From this perspective, the research attempts to clarify which aspects of liberal democracy and its representative system contradict the classical conception of the term democracy. The analysis of the approaches of the theorists of liberal democracy reveals the creation of a system that breaks with the pillars of classical democracy. This deviation of the liberal model from classical democratic principles is directly related to the causes that led to the outbreak of the crisis. Once the reasons that precipitate the democratic fatigue have been found, a new model of democracy is proposed: dual democracy, which combines aspects of deliberative democracy, direct democracy and the representative system, in an effort to support the transformation of the current system.

The purpose of the article is to analyze the application of mechanisms for the development of entrepreneurship in the production sector of the regions of Kazakhstan and develop proposals for its improvement. The research uses General scientific research methods such as observation, description, analysis and synthesis, as well as comparative, formal-logical and other methods of cognition. Statistical data and data on projects of Damu entrepreneurship Development Fund JSC, which provides assistance in the creation and development of small and medium-sized business projects in Kazakhstan, were used as a research information base. This article demonstrates and analyzes current quantitative information on the number of enterprises in the field of small and medium-sized businesses in the regional and industry context. In order to lay the foundations for more inclusive, rational and sustainable growth, Kazakhstan needs to diversify its production and export structure, as well as reduce its dependence on extractive industries by switching to new high-productivity industries. In particular, Kazakhstan should continue reforms aimed at improving the business climate and laying the foundations for the development of entrepreneurship in the production sector, which is connected not so much with natural resources as with innovation and human capital. Every year in the country there is a positive dynamic of growth in the number of enterprises in the field of small and medium-sized businesses. The study also reviewed reviews of the international company OECD (Organization for economic cooperation and development (OECD). OECD, eng. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) – international economic organization of developed countries that recognize the principles of representative democracy and free market economy.) for 2016-2019. The forms and sources of financing are investigated, and the features of the development of small and medium-sized enterprises in the Republic of Kazakhstan in the production sector aimed at stimulating and supporting entrepreneurship and SME activities, including related areas of research and innovation are determined. Measures are proposed to minimize regulatory requirements and improve mechanisms for supporting and protecting domestic producers working in the conditions of Kazakhstan's entry into the Eurasian economic space.

A democracia pressupõe a participação das pessoas em processos decisórios que, em alguma medida, afetam individual e/ou coletivamente suas vidas. Um dos pilares da democracia representativa é a liberdade de expressão, concebida como direito fundamental que, no contexto constitucional brasileiro, garante aos cidadãos a “livre manifestação do pensamento.” Outro sustentáculo, não menos importante, é o direito à informação, igualmente protegido pela Constituição Federal, que garante às pessoas o acesso a conteúdos informacionais de interesse individual e coletivo. Mas o que acontece quando a liberdade de expressão é usada para disseminar informações falsas? E quando esse processo corrompido se utiliza das facilidades tecnológicas e da falta de competência informacional dos usuários para propagar a desinformação no país? É nesse contexto que o sistema de votação eletrônica vem sofrendo ataques constantes, sobretudo no ambiente das redes sociais. O presente artigo tem por objetivo geral mapear os artigos acadêmicos que se debruçam sobre as temáticas competência informacional, desinformação e fake news, além dos objetivos específicos: contextualizar a temática competência informacional e desinformação, identificar ações já desenvolvidas de combate à desinformação no sistema de votação eletrônica brasileiro, e, propor iniciativas educacionais para o seu fortalecimento. A coleta foi realizada no portal Google Acadêmico, utilizando-se os termos “competência em informação”, “desinformação”, “fake news, além de “democracia”, “votação eletrônica” e “urna eletrônica”, nos idiomas português, inglês e espanhol. Por fim, apresentou uma proposta para estimular a iniciativa educacional no âmbito dos Tribunais Regionais Eleitorais.

Clear thought and discussion suffer when all sorts of good things, like liberty, equality, fraternity, rights, majority rule, and general welfare – some in tension with others – are marketed together under the portmanteau label «democracy.» Democracy’s core meaning is a particular method of choosing, replacing, and influencing government officials (Schumpeter 1950). It is not a doctrine of what government should and should not do. Nor is it the same thing as personal freedom or a free society or an egalitarian social ethos. True enough, some classical liberals, like Thomas Paine (1791) and Ludwig von Mises (1919), did scorn hereditary monarchy and did express touching faith that representative democracy would choose excellent leaders and adopt policies truly serving the common interest. Experience has taught us better, as the American founders already knew when constructing a government of separated and limited powers and of only filtered democracy. As an exercise, and without claiming that my arguments are decisive, I’ll contend that constitutional monarchy can better preserve people’s freedom and opportunities than democracy as it has turned out in practice.1

This article argues that Jeremy Bentham put forward a distinctive and original theory of representative democracy which can be helpfully analysed through his concept of the ‘deputy’. A deputy, Bent...

Национальная идея – основной принцип устройства жизни нации, который она формирует, осуществляет и развивает. Следовательно, национальная идея – это нечто такое, что объединяет, консолидирует общество, способствует превращению населения в народ. Она так или иначе всегда будет связана с духовными ценностями, господствующими в обществе. Но как это реализовать на практике, чтобы она была достоянием народа, была основой его объединения, консолидации? Авторы предлагают пути формулирования и наполняемость национальной идеи в России через конституцию. Национальная идея, сформулированная в конституционных постулатах, выступает не абстрактным явлением, а базой политико-правового единства народа. Авторы связывают объективные трудности выработки такой идеи с самой конституцией, еёидейно-идеологическим несовершенством. Авторы приходят к выводу о необходимости дальнейшей конституционной реформы.

Representative democracy presents politicians with an information problem: How to find out what voters want? While party elites used to rely on their membership or mass surveys, social media enables them to learn about voters’ issue priorities in real time and adapt their campaign messages accordingly. Yet, we know next to nothing about how campaigns make use of these new possibilities. To narrow this gap, we use a unique data set covering every Facebook post by party leaders and party organizations in the run-up to the 2017 Austrian parliamentary election. We test the hypothesis that party actors are more likely to double down on issues that have previously generated higher levels of user engagement. We also theorize that responsiveness is conditional on major/minor party status and pre-campaign issue salience. The analysis shows that parties’ issue strategies respond to user engagement, especially major parties on low-salience issues. This represents some of the first empirical evidence on how social media can enhance parties’ issue responsiveness. Bundesministerium für Bildung, Wissenschaft und Forschung (BMBWF)

Ever since the 19th century, political parties and free media were widely deemed indispensable for the proper functioning of representative democracy. They constituted what one might call the critical infrastructure of democracy, an infrastructure which enabled citizens to use their basic rights effectively and also to reach each other (and be reached). Both intermediary institutions are undergoing major structural transformations today (or might disappear altogether, if processes of ‘disintermediation’ continue). It has proven difficult to judge these changes, partly because we lack a proper account of the distinctive normative roles of intermediary institutions beyond standard claims of ‘connecting citizens to the political system’. The essay argues that intermediary powers remain indispensable in staging political conflict, in providing external and internal pluralism and in properly structuring political time.