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Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) is a major societal problem with significant healthcare implications. The consequences of this kind of violence result in victims (and perpetrators) regularly needing healthcare. Various structural barriers can prevent victims from accessing services or result in inadequate responses to their needs. International research shows that general practitioners can play an important role in tackling IPV but that they also are confronted with various difficulties themselves. Drawing on seventeen in-depth interviews with general practitioners in Flanders, we discuss in this article the experiences of GPs who come across IPV in their health care practice. We use an intersectional approach to better understand the difficulties GPs face by looking at the complexity underlying these cases and by exploring GPs’ understanding of vulnerabilities of marginalised groups. A thematic data analysis was applied. Using a number of case studies, we found that GPs are confronted with various structural barriers that complicate the care of patients who are victims of IPV. This gives rise to alternative care strategies, which are based on a sentiment of ‘involved incertitude’.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) can be considered a game changer among trade agreements. TTIP not only aims to shape tomorrow’s trade policy, but it has also had a huge influence on the democratic legitimacy of the EU. Based on recent literature on democratic legitimacy in the EU, this paper studies how the TTIP negotiations score in terms of input and throughput legitimacy. Our results show that these negotiations have had their fair share of problems, such as the disproportionally large influence of corporations, and a lack of transparency and accountability. However, these legitimacy problems occurred mainly in the first months of the negotiation process. Due to large scale protests and critiques from civil society, measures were taken to boost the legitimacy of the process.

Assemblées citoyennes, conférences de consensus, conventions citoyennes, jurys délibératifs ou panels de citoyens se sont multipliés depuis la fin des années 1970. On regroupe sous l’expression « mini-publics » ces différentes formes d’assemblées de citoyens tirés au sort qui délibèrent sur un sujet politique déterminé afin de formuler une série de recommandations d’action publique. Les dispositifs de mini-public procèdent d’une volonté de renouveler les pratiques démocratiques en permettant aux citoyens de s’impliquer plus directement dans les débats de la vie publique, au-delà des échéances électorales et des canaux traditionnels. Au point d’être parfois considérés comme l’un des meilleurs modes de démocratie participative et délibérative. Comme de nombreux pays à travers le monde, la Belgique connaît son lot d’expériences de mini-public depuis le début des années 2000. Ce Courrier hebdomadaire en dresse le répertoire et en tire un bilan. Cet exercice apparaît fort utile à l’heure où diverses assemblées parlementaires du pays créent des commissions délibératives réunissant des élus et des citoyens désignés sur la base d’un tirage au sort. L’étude permet notamment de mettre en perspective cette évolution institutionnelle récente en montrant que, depuis une vingtaine d’années déjà, de nombreuses autorités publiques ont recours à des mini-publics, et ce à tous les niveaux de pouvoir, en particulier en Wallonie et en Région bruxelloise.

The number of municipal councillors and aldermen in the Brussels-Capital Region is relatively high, and increases at each election. In the debates on the functioning of the political institutions of the Region the idea to reduce the number of local representatives is regularly raised. This contribution explores the possible implications of such a reduction. Three scenarios are examined: a reduction by 10 %, by 20 % and by 30 %. For each of these scenarios, the consequences for the ideological diversity in the municipal councils, the workload for the representatives and the aldermen, the formation of coalitions, the gender balances and the position of the Dutch speaking elected representatives are simulated. For the smaller fractions, the Dutch speaking representatives and the gender balances the effects are clearly negative., SCOPUS: re.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Why do member states from Central and East Europe strongly oppose EU’s measures of tackling with migrant/refugee crisis? What deep divergences are revealed by this? This article proposes that the Visegrad’s opposition discloses two big divergences between West and East European member states, one on the fundamental principle of European integration, that is, the transfer of nation-state sovereignty, the other on European values and European identity which is manifested by Visegrad’s deep concern about the religious and cultural identity of refugees. These two disagreements not only constrain EU from dealing with the crisis in an effective way, but also predict enormous challenges for EU in future integration., Why do member states from Central and East Europe strongly oppose EU’s measures of tackling with migrant/refugee crisis? What deep divergences are revealed by this? This article proposes that the Visegrad’s opposition discloses one of the big divergences between West and East European member states, that is, European values and European identity which is manifested by Visegrad’s deep concern about the religious and cultural identity of refugees. This disagreement not only constrains EU from dealing with the crisis in an effective way, but also predicts enormous challenges for EU in future integration.

作为欧盟在中东欧的重要成员国，波兰从国家大小和国家实力来说是中国在欧洲实施 “一带一路”倡议过程中不可缺少的合作伙伴。对波兰宗教风险的研究对于更好地认识 和发掘波兰在“一带一路”倡议中的角色具有很好的补充作用。本文在深入了解和分 析波兰宗教法治、政教关系、宗教组织和教派等情况的基础上，得出波兰宗教风险总 体偏低的结论 ；但同时无法忽视的是，中波关系中潜在的宗教摩擦值得我们特别关注， 只有在恰当处理摩擦的基础上才能稳步推进中波关系的健康发展。, An important European Union member state in Central and Eastern Europe, Poland means to be an indispensable partner in facilitating the implementation of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Europe given to its size and strength. A study on the religious risk in Poland is conducive to tapping Poland’s potential role in the BRI. This article comes to the conclusion that the religious risk is relatively low in Poland after conducting a thorough analysis of the religious governance, the relationship between church and state, the religious organizations and sects in this country. Nevertheless, the potential frictions in the China-Poland relations on the subject of religion are not to be ignored. Only a proper handle of these potential frictions could lead to a healthy bilateral relation between these two countries.

宗教教育是宗教治理研究中的重要内容。比利时的宗教教育很好地诠释了宗教和世俗两 大势力的博弈，双方都力争通过政治手段获得对学校宗教教育更多的控制权。研究表明，比利时宗教和世俗两派在宗教教育上的争论呈现出荷语弗拉芒区天主教势力相对强大和法语瓦隆区世俗主义盛行的区域差异。 The foundation of religious governance derives from the church-state relations in the country in question. “Church’s impact on education” is not only one of the seven elements in church-state relations but also one of the policy areas covered by the disaggregate method in church-state relation study, making religious education a significant part in the research on religious governance. The religious governance in Belgium exemplifies, in an explicit way, the power struggle between religious force and secular one in that both strive to gain more control on school religious education through political means. This article holds that the debate on school religious education in Belgium between these two forces demonstrates a clear regional difference with a relatively more powerful Catholic presence in Flemish region and a stronger Secularism in Wallon. Drawing on both aggregate and disaggregate methodologies, this article tries to present this regional variance between religious and secular forces manifested in party politics and in the debate about school religious education in the Belgian mode of church-state separation after an analysis of the institutional framework and the practice of Belgian religious governance., The foundation of religious governance derives from the church-state relations in the country in question. “Church’s impact on education” is not only one of the seven elements in church-state relations but also one of the policy areas covered by the disaggregate method in church-state relation study, making religious education a significant part in the research on religious governance. The religious governance in Belgium exemplifies, in an explicit way, the power struggle between religious force and secular one in that both strive to gain more control on school’s religious education through political means. This article holds that the debate on school’s religious education in Belgium between these two forces demonstrates a clear regional difference with a relatively more powerful Catholic presence in Flemish region and a stronger secularism in Wallon. Drawing on both aggregate and disaggregate methodologies, this article tries to present this regional variance between religious and secular forces manifested in party politics and in the debate about school’s religious education in the Belgian mode of church-state separation after an analysis of the institutional framework and the practice of Belgian religious governance.

중국의 영향력은 중국의 국경을 넘어서 확대되고, 중국이 품은 위대한 열망은 탄력을 얻고 있다. 이로 인해 중국과 주변국들의 갈등은 한계에 이르렀다. 이 책에서 저자는 중국의 평화로운 부상이라는 통념의 실체를 드러낸다. 그리고 아시아 국가들을 향해 빈틈없이 비타협적인 태도를 보이는 중국의 정책이 불가피하게 심각한 갈등을 초래할 것이라고 주장한다. 유망한 젊은 아시아 전문가 조너선 홀스래그는 이 책에서 아시아가 전쟁에 처할 운명일지도 모른다는 주장을 지적으로 흥미롭게 그리고 유려한 솜씨로 펼치고 있다.

在某种程度上来说，英国脱欧是以英国独立党（UKIP）为代表的欧洲民粹主义势力的一次大型胜利。右翼民粹主义政党和疑欧政党UKIP近年来在英国的势力急剧上升的事实固然归因于英国特定的国内环境，但它绝不是英国特有的偶然孤立性现象，而应该被放在欧洲整体民粹主义势力崛起这个大环境中来看待。本文将首先介绍民粹主义（政党）近年来在欧洲兴起的原因；然后分析民粹主义在欧洲环境中的具体表现；最后以英国脱欧公投结果的连锁反应来谈论欧洲民粹主义的影响。本文认为，民粹主义除了其普遍的内涵和表现之外，因欧洲一体化进程和欧盟的存在从而增添了一层欧洲的维度，即其疑欧特质。 Brexit, in some way, could be regarded as a huge victory of populism represented by United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) in Europe. The rise of UKIP, a right populist and Eurosceptic party, in UK in recent years could be interpreted a result of the particular British domestic environment, it is not, anyhow, an isolated phenomenon confined to Britain, but should be viewed in the larger European background where populism as a whole has been gaining momentum. This article explains, in the first section, the causes leading to the rise of populism and populist parties in Europe in recent years, analyzes the particular manifestation of populism in Europe in the second section and discuss the consequences of populism by looking at the domino effect brought about by the result of Brexit referendum., Brexit, in some way, could be regarded as a huge victory of populism represented by United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) in Europe. The rise of UKIP, a right populist and Eurosceptic party, in UK in recent years could be interpreted a result of the particular British domestic environment, it is not, anyhow, an isolated phenomenon confined to Britain, but should be viewed in the larger European background where populism as a whole has been gaining momentum. This article explains, in the first section, the causes leading to the rise of populism and populist parties in Europe in recent years, analyzes the particular manifestation of populism in Europe in the second section and discuss the consequences of populism by looking at the domino effect brought about by the result of Brexit referendum.

Party’s attitude towards European integration and EU is determined, in the meantime, by party’s ideology and strategy. The Euro-stance of SNP, a regionalist/minority nationalist party and a social democratic party, could be explained, on one hand from an ideological perspective by center-periphery and left-right class cleavages in the theory of social cleavage and, on the other hand from a strategic perspective, by specific domestic politics and party competition. This contribution examines the big turn of SNP’s Euro-attitude, its ensuing modifications since the 1980s and its stance during the Brexit debate from both ideological and strategic perspectives. It contends that although both ideology and strategy play a role in SNP’s arguments during the Brexit debate, strategy is tested to be more important., Party’s attitude towards European integration and EU is determined, in the meantime, by party’s ideology and strategy. The Euro-stance of SNP, a regionalist/minority nationalist party and a social democratic party, could be explained, on one hand from an ideological perspective by center-periphery and left-right class cleavages in the theory of social cleavage and, on the other hand from a strategic perspective, by specific domestic politics and party competition. This contribution examines the big turn of SNP’s Euro-attitude, its ensuing modifications since the 1980s and its stance during the Brexit debate from both ideological and strategic perspectives. It contends that although both ideology and strategy play a role in SNP’s arguments during the Brexit debate, strategy is tested to be weightier.

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Resume Cette contribution a la reflexion sur les priorites pour la presidence belge de l’Union europeenne du second semestre 2010 examine les questions que souleve la Politique Agricole Commune actuelle, et explore quelques pistes pour la reformer dans le cadre de la preparation a la perspective financiere 2014-2020. La premiere section introduit les defis majeurs a surmonter. La deuxieme section propose des balises pour les examiner. La troisieme section se concentre sur la question cle de l’avenir des paiements directs. La quatrieme section termine sur trois champs d’intervention en matiere de politique agricole, environnementale et de developpement rural.Classification JEL : Q01, Q18

Lipset and Rokkan have pointed at the fact that parties and electoral patterns of competition can display a remarkably high level of stability. This stability-the constant reproduction ofthe same patterns - is what we take in this article as the definition for the institutionalization of parties and party systems. Both Belgium and the Netherlands can however be considered to be countries in which the consociational tradition has rather institutionalized the parties (through solid pillarized links with society) and not so much the less relevant patterns of electoral competition. We therefore look at a number of indicators that give us information about the way in which and the extent to which the traditional party actors in both countries face processes of de-institutionalization. Evolutions in voterturnout, membership numbers, preference voting and floating voters do indeed show that parties are losing their link with society. We then look at the way in which the parties themselves react to these developments, both by trying to change themselves (ideological and organizational change) and by trying to change the institutional architecture of the country. We conclude with some thoughts about the consequences ofthis party change for the already very weak structure of electoral competition. Both the parties and the party system seem indeed to be confronted with a lack of structure. The future of parties and party systems in the Netherlands and in Belgium is very unclearand unpredictable.

Abritant les plus grandes communautes de russophones et de Russes ethniques au sein de l’Union europeenne, les republiques baltes ont attire l’attention de nombreux universitaires et specialistes du sujet de l’integration des minorites nationales et leur capacite limitee d’integrer les minorites russes. Pourtant, le point de depart de cet article est que les dimensions politiques et celles relevant des interactions economiques du quotidien peuvent etre considerees separement. Par consequent, la limitation des droits politiques pour une partie de la population ne se reflete pas expressement dans la vie quotidienne, en tout cas pas dans celle de tous les russophones, qui sont peut-etre mieux integres que l’on le presente habituellement. Particulierement dans la jeune generation, il n’y a pas de sentiment de retourner « chez soi » quand ils visitent la Russie, mais plutot celui d’appartenir a un entre-deux. De facon interessante, cette attitude semble s’accompagner d’un rapport biaise a l’Etat qui est a la fois brimant en termes politiques et peu respectueux de la langue et de la culture russe, mais aussi reconnaissant des opportunites economiques qu’il offre par rapport a la Russie.

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In the field of European trade policy-making, public and private actors exchange goods in a multilevel network on the basis of resource-interdependency. These goods may be of different types, such as information about the possible implications of trade policy negotiations, or interest representation, as in trade policy negotiations there are of course interests to be defended. Information and representativeness are resources that the private actors have and that the public actors want. The public actors are able to defend the interests of the private ones, and that is a resource that the latter need. The exchange of goods between public and private actors takes place on the European supranational, national and sub-national levels, and this doctoral dissertation analyzes the influence of network structures on the initiation and formulation of European trade policies through a comparison of the actors involved and their resource-dependent interactions, in European trade negotiations on the one hand and in anti-dumping regulations on the other. This comparative research is based on an analysis of official documents, on secondary sources and on interviews. The research is divided into five parts. The first chapter reviews the literature on public/private interactions in multilevel networking and gives an overview of European policymaking on trade. The second chapter analyzes the institutional power of public EU actors, the resources of private actors, the intermediary roles played by partner actors, and the types of goods the public and private actors exchange. The third chapter is a literature review, analyzing public/private interactions in European trade negotiations with a focus on the European Commission, Council and Parliament. The EU’s anti-dumping policy as applied against Chinese footwear (2005-2009) is analyzed in the fourth chapter, by tracking the Commission’s official documents and analyzing data from interviews. The conclusion compares the exchange of goods between public and private actors involved in European trade negotiations on the one hand and those involved in anti-dumping legislation on the other, and in doing so it assesses the influence of network structures on the forging of European trade policies.

Reeds voor de Eerste Wereldoorlog maakte de Belgische elite zich zorgen over de precaire huisvestingssituatie van de arbeidersklassse. Tijdens het Interbellum werd deze problematiek verbonden met de vrees voor degeneratie en ontvolking.

Outre le fait que les conceptions « allemande » et « française » de la nation ne sont pas aussi antagonistes que le laisse supposer leur ordinaire réduction à deux traditions résolument distinctes, l’une ethno-culturelle, l’autre politico-élective, elles présentent de surcroît la particularité d’être toutes deux issues de productions idéologico-politiques visant à définir et légitimer un État existant ou revendiqué. Dépeignant les nations sous les traits d’entités essentialisées, ces conceptions mobilisées à plusieurs reprises dans le cadre du récent débat sur l’identité nationale française ont été déconstruites depuis trois décennies par des historiens et sociologues dits « modernistes », lesquels ont développé des théories anti-objectivistes destinées à remettre en cause le primordialisme a-scientifique des discours du 19e siècle. Présentant la nation comme une communauté imaginée née de la croyance partagée en sa réalité et ne pouvant être définie que de manière subjective, ces productions « modernistes » sont les seules à être aujourd’hui acceptées dans le champ des sciences humaines en matière de réflexion sur le fait national., The “German” and “French” conceptions of nation, that are ordinary reduced to two resolutely opposed traditions (an ethno-cultural one and a political-elective one), are not so antagonistic as would at first appear. Moreover, they have the particularity of proceeding from ideological-political productions aiming to define and legitimate an existing or a claimed state. These conceptions, that represent nations as essentialised entities, have both been deconstructed since three decades by “modernist” historians and sociologists, who have forged anti-objectivist theories in reaction to the non-scientific primordialism of the 19th century. These “modernist” productions, that regard the nation as a community socially constructed, imagined by people who hold subjectively in their minds a mental image of their affinity, are the only ones prevailing today in the field of the social sciences. This article emphasizes this point, in order to enlighten the recent debate on the French national identity, during which the scientists conceptualizing the national fact didn’t really have a say in the matter.

De mogelijkheden van de archieven van de werkrechtersraden worden aangetoond via één gevalstudie

Geschiedenis van een sociaal huisvestingsproject in Brussel, zoveel mogelijk gezien vanuit het perspectief van de bewoners

This book explores the deep and complex security challenges facing Georgia before and after the dramtic revolution of November 2003.

Dans le cadre du scrutin multiple du 25 mai 2014, PartiRep a collecte une masse de renseignements relatifs aux positions des partis politiques et des electeurs, tant au Sud qu’au Nord du pays. Cette vaste entreprise a ete menee grâce a deux outils. D’une part, le « Test electoral », application en ligne qui a sonde les opinions des principales formations politiques et a mesure la proximite entre les idees des electeurs et celles pronees par les partis. D’autre part, une enquete pre- et post-electorale, menee aupres d’un echantillon representatif de 2 000 electeurs de Wallonie et de Flandre concernant leur comportement electoral et leurs motivations de vote.Ce Courrier hebdomadaire devoile les premiers enseignements de cette recherche. Ceux-ci sont presentes en trois chapitres. Tout d’abord, Ruth Dassonneville et Pierre Baudewyns se penchent sur les transferts de voix qui se sont operes entre partis politiques entre 2010 et 2014 (en reservant une attention toute particuliere a l’electorat de la N-VA) et tentent de dresser le profil des electeurs volatils. Ensuite, Emilie van Haute et Marc Hooghe s’interessent au degre de satisfaction et au niveau de confiance des electeurs envers les institutions politiques, en operant une ventilation entre regions, entre partis et entre niveaux de pouvoir. Enfin, Conrad Meulewaeter, Benoit Rihoux, Stefaan Walgrave et Christophe Lesschaeve etudient les differences entre les opinions publiques wallonne et flamande, etablissent dans quelle mesure des familles politiques existent encore en Belgique, et analysent les processus de formation des coalitions gouvernementales en Wallonie, a Bruxelles et en Flandre.

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'Der Bericht analysiert die westliche Georgienpolitik, vor allem die westliche Sicherheitspolitik gegenüber dem georgisch-abchasischen Konflikt. Die westliche Sicherheitspolitik bezüglich der Energieversorgung seit 1994 ist ein Kernpunkt der Arbeit. Hier wird das Sicherheitskonzept in der 'Pipelinepolitik' Georgiens wie auch des Westens untersucht. Weiterhin werden die Sicherheitsdilemmata beschrieben, denen sich die georgische sowie die abchasische Führung gegenübersehen. Diese verlangen auch russischen und westlichen Politikern schwierige Entscheidungen ab, um die es im letzten Teil des Berichts geht. Der Bericht basiert auf Interviews, die der Autor mit Wissenschaftlern und Beamten in Tiflis und Suchum(i) geführt hat, auf den Ergebnissen von zwei Konferenzen über den Konflikt zwischen Georgien und Abchasien, die der Autor an der Vrije Universiteit Brussel organisiert hat, und auf internationalen Veröffentlichungen und Quellen zu diesem Konflikt.' (Textauszug), 'The report analyses the West's policy towards Georgia and especially the West's security policy with regard to the Georgian/ Abkhazian conflict. Western security policy since 1994 on the subject of energy supplies forms a focal point of the work. In this context, the security conception of Georgia's and the West's 'pipeline policy' is examined. The report also describes the security dilemmas with which both the Georgian and the Abkhazian leaderships are confronted. These are also calling for Russian and Western politicians to take some difficult decisions, which are dealt with in the final part of the report. The report is based on interviews conducted by the author with scholars and civil servants in Tbilisi and Sukhum(i), on the outcome of two conferences organised by the author at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel on the topic of the conflict between Georgia and Abkhazia, and on international publications and sources dealing with this conflict.' (extract)

Nicht durch Unfalle, sondern im Normalbetrieb haben Tanker traditionell den grosten Teil zur Olverschmutzung der See beigetragen. Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg machte die routinemasige Olverschmutzung durch Tanker insgesamt weit uber die Halfte der schiffahrtsbedingten Olverschmutzung der See aus (vgl. Mitchell 1994a: 72). Nicht nur Fische, Meeresvogel und Strande wurden dadurch beeintrachtigt. Die andauernde Olverschmutzung schadigt die marinen Okosysteme moglicherweise auch langfristig und hat uber die Nahrungskette Einflus auf die menschliche Gesundheit (vgl. zum Wissensstand GESAMP 1993).

De bedoeling van dit artikel is het uitwerken van een theoretisch kader dat moet toelaten enerzijds het begrip "politieke partij" precieser af te bakenen, en anderzijds de verschijningsvormen, de structuratie van partijen beter te beschrijven en te verklaren. De fundamenten van het theoretisch referentiekader worden ontleend aan de organisatiesociologie. Een partij wordt beschouwd als een organisatie, d.w.z. als een handelingsverband dat primair georiënteerd is op het bereiken van een doel. De processen van doelverwerving worden geconcipieerd als strategisch handelen binnen de beperkende condities van de omgeving waarin de organisatie, in casu de politieke partij, ageert. Een politieke partij wordt gedefinieerd als een organisatie met twee belangrijke doelen: sociale integratie of "partijvorming" en streven naar politieke macht. Cultuuroverdracht of socialisatie kan eventueel ook een doel, en eventueel zelfs het belangrijkste doel van een partij zijn. Dit laatste komt veelal voor in jonge naties. Elk van deze doelen wordt op strategische wijze nagestreefd binnen de condities van respectievelijk de sociale, de politieke en de culturele omgeving van de partij. Dit artikel illustreert hoe de politieke omgeving van een partij in kaart zou kunnen gebracht worden, en hoe binnen die omgeving diverse strategieën kunnen gevolgd worden om onzekerheden voor de doelverwerving van de partij te reduceren. Een en ander wordt toegelicht met voorbeelden die grotendeels aan de Belgische situatie zijn ontleend.

Na een lang en opmerkelijk politiek gevecht werd in 1990 in het Belgische parlement een wetsvoorstel goedgekeurd dat abortus gedeeltelijk legaliseerde. Wie voordien, om wat voor reden ook, abortus pleegde, beging ‘een misdaad tegen de orde der familie en de openbare zeden’, dixit een wet uit 1867. In vergelijking met andere Europese landen was België rijkelijk laat met het legaliseren van abortus, en het goedgekeurde wetsvoorstel was ook niet bepaald het meest verregaande. Toch lijkt deze wet te hebben geleid tot een stabiel status-quo, aangezien een aanpassing ervan in conservatieve zin − lees: een beperking van het rechtop abortus – werd verhinderd. ...

L'artioolo propone un'analisi comparata della visione degli Stati Uniti proposta da due autori illuministi francesi, viaggiatori negli Stati Uniti, De Crèvecoeur e Volney (l'uno pre-rivoluzionario, l'altro post-rivoluzionario).

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The Council of State and the requirement of an actual interest, The Council of State and the requirement of the actual interest

The use of the language before the Council of State