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Resumen: Desde 1987 las personas migrantes residentes en la ciudad de Buenos Aires tienen derecho a participar en las elecciones locales. El Código Electoral de la ciudad, aprobado en 2018 y aplicado por primera vez en las elecciones locales de 2021, cambió el régimen de inscripción voluntaria en el registro electoral por uno de inscripción automática. Este cambio no solo aumentó notoriamente el número de personas extranjeras habilitadas a emitir el voto, sino que también vino acompañado de un incremento significativo en la participación del colectivo migrante. Este artículo proyecta un análisis en distintos niveles. Primeramente, aborda la relación históricamente determinada entre nacionalidad, residencia y acceso a la comunidad política, con especial énfasis en la titularidad y ejercicio de los derechos políticos por parte de las personas migrantes en el contexto argentino. Después, considera las transformaciones legislativas e institucionales que han supuesto, desde la entrada en vigor del nuevo Código Electoral, una transformación del rol político-electoral del colectivo migrante en la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Finalmente, analiza algunos de los efectos del empadronamiento automático en el comportamiento electoral del colectivo migrante, intentando no perder de vista la composición y las dinámicas internas de esta población como posibles pautas explicativas de su comportamiento electoral. Abstract: Since 1987, migrants residing in the city of Buenos Aires have had the right to participate in local elections. The city’s Electoral Code, approved in 2018 and applied for the first time in the 2021 local elections, changed the regime of voluntary registration in the electoral register to one of automatic registration. This change not only increased the number of foreigners authorized to cast the vote, but it was also accompanied by a significant growth in migrant electoral participation. This article projects an analysis at three different levels. Firstly, it addresses the historically determined relationship between nationality, residence and access to the political community, with special emphasis on the exercise of political rights by migrants in the Argentine context. Afterwards, it considers the legislative and institutional transformations that, since the entry into force of the new Electoral Code, have entailed a transformation of the political-electoral role of the migrant group in the city of Buenos Aires. Finally, it analyzes some of the effects of automatic registration on the electoral behavior of the migrant group, trying not to lose sight of the composition and internal dynamics of this population as possible explanatory patterns of its electoral behavior.

Under what conditions can artificial intelligence contribute to political processes without undermining their legitimacy? Thanks to the ever-growing availability of data and the increasing power of decision-making algorithms, the future of political institutions is unlikely to be anything similar to what we have known throughout the last century, possibly with parliaments deprived of their traditional authority and public decision-making processes largely unaccountable. This paper discusses and challenges these concerns by suggesting a theoretical framework under which algorithmic decision-making is compatible with democracy and, most relevantly, can offer a viable solution to counter the rise of populist rhetoric in the governance arena. Such a framework is based on three pillars: (1) understanding the civic issues that are subjected to automated decision-making; (2) controlling the issues that are assigned to AI; and (3) evaluating and challenging the outputs of algorithmic decision-making.

This paper analyzes the issue of the rights of former prisoners in general elections in Indonesia. General Election Commission Regulation Number 20 of 2018 concerning the nomination of members of the People's Representative Council, Provincial DPRD, and Regency/City Regional People's Representative Council which is related to the provisions of Article 4 paragraph (3) and Article 7 letter (g) of the PKPU which emphasizes the necessity in the selection of prospective legislative candidates does not include former convicts of corruption, drug dealers, and sexual crimes. This research is a type of normative legal research. The approach taken is a statutory approach and a case approach, with analytical prescriptive legal analysis techniques. The meaning of the political rights of former prisoners in the perspective of Pancasila democracy is to withdraw the rights that have been given by the State, namely the right to be elected and to vote in the general election of a former prisoners solely to guarantee the recognition and respect for human rights and basic freedoms others, decency, public order, and the interests of the nation.

Seçme hakkı, birey ve devlet arasında köprü kuran siyasal haklar kategorisinde yer alır. Bu hak, devletin oluşumu ve karar alma sürecine bireyin katılımını sağladığı için, demokrasinin zorunlu unsurlarındandır. Önceleri yalnızca erkeklerin belli bir kısmına ait olan seçme hakkı, zamanla eşitliğe uygun biçimde herkese tanınmıştır. Böylece, evrensel ilkelerden bir olan genel oy ilkesine ulaşılmıştır. Ancak genel oy ilkesi, makul sınırlar koymayı engellemez. Diğer bir deyişle genel oy, her insanın seçme hakkını kullanması anlamına gelmez. Söz konusu makûl sınırlardan biri de, yaş şartıdır. Seçme hakkı, Anayasa’da 67. maddede düzenlenir. İnsan Hakları Avrupa Sözleşmesi’nde (İHAS) düzenlenmeyen serbest seçim hakkı ise, İnsan Hakları Avrupa Sözleşmesi’ne Ek 1 no.lu Protokol m. 3’le düzenlenmiştir. Bu bağlamda, ülkemizde seçmen yaşı – 1934’te 18 yaştan 22 yaşa yükseltme hariç – sürekli düşme eğilimi göstererek, 1995 Anayasa değişikliği ile 18 yaşa düşürülmüştür. Seçilme yaşı ise, 2017 Anayasa değişikliği ile 18 yaşa düşürülmüştür. Böylece, seçme ve seçilme yaşı eşitlenmiştir. Oy hakkında temel ilke eşitliktir. Eşitlik bağlamında, yaş, seçim türü, vb. açılardan ideal ilkeler belirlenebilir. The category of political rights builds the bridge between the individual and the state. The rights to vote and be elected are among the rights in this category. These rights are essential elements of democracy, as they contribute to the formation of the state and the participation of the individual in the decisionmaking process. The right to vote, which previously belonged only to a certain part of men, has been granted to everyone in accordance with equality over time. Thus, the principle of universal suffrage, which is one of the universal principles, has been reached. However, the principle of universal suffrage does not preclude setting reasonable limits. In other words, universal suffrage does not mean that every person can exercise their right to vote. One of these reasonable limits is the age requirement. The right to free elections is regulated in Article 67 of the Constitution. The right to free elections, which is not regulated in the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR), is regulated by article 3 of First Protocol to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. In this context, the voting age in our country has generally tended to decrease. However, in 1934 rise from 18 to 22 is excluded. The voting age was reduced to 18 with the 1995 constitutional amendment. The election age was reduced to 18 with the 2017 Constitutional Amendment. Thus, voting and election age are equalized. The basic principle about voting is equality. In the context of equality, age, type of election, etc. some ideal principles can be determined.

Tiesību zinātne Tiesību zinātne Law Science Law Science Bakalaura darbā pētīts Latvijas Republikas Satversmes 103. pantā noteiktās personu pulcēšanās brīvības ierobežošanas tiesiskais regulējums. Tiesības uz miermīlīgu pulcēšanos, līdzīgi kā tiesības uz vārda brīvību un tiesības uz biedrošanos, ir viena no demokrātiskas sabiedrības pamatvērtībām. Pulcēšanās tiesību nodrošināšanā būtiska loma ir pašvaldībām, kuras saņem pieteikumus par pulcēšanos. Savukārt pulcēšanās pasākumos būtiska nozīme ir Valsts policijas un pašvaldības policijas rīcībai nodrošinot pulcēšanās pasākuma mierīgu norisi un personu drošību. Praksē izvērtējot pieteikumus par pulcēšanos un nodrošinot gājienu, piketu un sapulču mierīgu norisi rodas problemātiskas situācijas, jo pulcēšanās tiesību tiesiskā regulējuma interpretācija ir sarežģīta. Sabiedrība pulcēšanās tiesību ierobežojumiem pievērš lielu uzmanību. Pētījuma mērķis: izpētīt pulcēšanās brīvības un tās ierobežošanas tiesisko regulējumu, apkopot secinājumus un ieteikt priekšlikumus tiesiskā regulējuma pilnveidošanai. Pētījuma galvenie secinājumi: Aizdomas, pieļāvumi, pat pierādījumi, ka plānotā gājiena, mītiņa sapulces vai demonstrācijas laikā iespējami kontrpasākumi no pasākuma oponentiem, kā arī pieļāvumi, ka paši dalībnieki veiks pretlikumīgas darbības, vēl nedod pamatu pasākuma aizliegšanai. Tieši šo kontrpasākumu vai likumpārkāpumu novēršanai tiesībsargājošajām iestādēm ir jāveic savi pasākumi, lai plānotais pasākums varētu noritēt mierīgi. The bachelor's thesis researches the legal regulation of the restriction of the freedom of assembly of persons stipulated in Article 103 of the Constitution of the Republic of Latvia. The right to peaceful assembly, like the right to freedom of expression and the right to association, is one of the fundamental values of a democratic society. Local governments, which receive applications for assembly, play an important role in ensuring the right of assembly. On the other hand, in gathering events, the actions of the State Police and municipal police are essential in ensuring the peaceful conduct of the gathering event and the safety of persons. In practice, when evaluating applications for assembly and ensuring the peaceful conduct of marches, pickets and meetings, problematic situations arise, because the interpretation of the legal regulation of the right to assembly is complicated. Society pays a lot of attention to restrictions on the right of assembly. The purpose of the study: to study the legal regulation of freedom of assembly and its restriction, to summarize the conclusions and recommend proposals for improving the legal regulation. The main conclusions of the study: Suspicions, assumptions, even evidence that countermeasures from opponents of the event are possible during the planned march, rally meeting or demonstration, as well as assumptions that the participants themselves will perform illegal actions, do not yet provide grounds for banning the event. It is precisely to prevent these countermeasures or violations that the law enforcement authorities must take their own measures so that the planned event can proceed peacefully.

This article examines the development of Russian women's citizenship from the standpoint of the theory of citizenship and describes the main directions and milestones of its formation on the historical material. The article proves that the main subjects of the setting up of women's citizenship on the one hand are the women's, feminist, suffragist movement, which put the problems of its social (gender) group before the authorities and sought their solution. On the other hand, there are ‘broad masses of women’, i.e. women of various classes and social groups, who, by changing their daily practices, actually expanded their civil rights and duties. The History of Russian Women as a historical discipline in recent years has accumulated significant factual material about various aspects of the life of Russian women, which made possible such a historical and sociological analysis of the phenomenon of women's citizenship in Russia.

Political rights are fundamental rights. As such, they should be applied to the fullest extent possible. This means that any restriction on political rights must be expressed and take place in accordance with the values contained in the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil. As the hypotheses of ineligibility can only be created by the Federal Constitution and by Complementary Law, Complementary Law 64/90 was published. A hypothesis of ineligibility, however, will be highlighted in this article, that of art. 1?, I, i, of Complementary Law 64/90, on which the question focuses: is this cited hypothesis of restriction on political rights compatible with the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil? Scientific work, through the logical-systematic method and using the analysis of doctrine and jurisprudence. The chapters were divided into an introduction, followed by the discussion about the reconstruction of political rights in the Federal Constitution of 1998, with the constitutional guarantee of the principle of the State of Innocence in the sequence and the deepening of the theme in the fourth chapter entitled unconstitutionality of art. 1?, I, i, of Complementary Law 64/90, in addition to the final considerations. The research concludes pointing to a scenario of unconstitutionality of art. 1?, I, i, of Complementary Law 64/90. Os direitos políticos são direitos fundamentais. Em assim sendo, devem ser aplicados na maior medida possível. Isso significa que qualquer restrição aos direitos políticos deve ser expressa e ocorrer de acordo com os valores contidos na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil. Como as hipóteses de inelegibilidade só podem ser criadas pela Constituição Federal e por Lei Complementar, foi publicada a Lei Complementar 64/90. Uma hipótese de inelegibilidade, no entanto, será destacada no presente artigo, a do art. 1?, I, i, da Lei Complementar 64/90, sobre a qual incide a questão: é essa hipótese citada de restrição aos direitos políticos compatível com a Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil? O trabalho científico, através do método lógico-sistemático e utilizando-se da análise de doutrina e jurisprudência. Os capítulos foram divididos em introdução, seguido da discussão acerca da reconstrução dos direitos políticos na Constituição Federal de 1998, tendo a garantia constitucional do princípio da Presunção do Estado de Inocência na sequência e o aprofundamento do tema no quarto capítulo intitulado inconstitucionalidade do art. 1?, I, i, da Lei Complementar 64/90, além das considerações finais. A pesquisa conclui sinalizando para um cenário de inconstitucionalidade do art. 1?, I, i, da Lei Complementar 64/90.

The purpose of writing this article is to examine more deeply what constitutes the basic considerations, objectives, legal arguments, and reasons for the formulation of political rights for persons with disabilities as stated in Article 5 of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. Judging from the material of the legislation, the Act does not provide legal justice, legal benefits, or legal certainty in the protection, respect, enforcement, and fulfillment of the political rights of persons with disabilities to be elected as candidates for members of the People's Representative Council (DPR) or Regional People's Representative Council (Provincial or Regency/City DPRD). The advantage of this article is that researchers offer to problem-solve in the formulation of the Draft Law on Elections to construct non-discriminatory vulnerable groups, which include women's groups and groups of people with disabilities. The drafters of the Election Law must consider the level of vulnerability of each group and then align it with appropriate policies in the form of relevant affirmative actions. In addition, there is a need to participate in vulnerable groups and NGOs engaged in empowering and advocating for the rights of persons with disabilities.

Significance Measuring the proportion of Tor anonymity network users who employ the system for malicious purposes is important as this technology can facilitate child abuse, the sale of illicit drugs, and the distribution of malware. We show that only a small fraction of users globally (∼6.7%) likely use Tor for malicious purposes on an average day. However, this proportion clusters unevenly across countries, with more potentially malicious Tor users in “free” countries (∼7.8%) than in “not free” regimes (∼4.8%). These results suggest that the countries which host most of the infrastructure of the network and house the Tor Project plausibly experience a disproportional amount of harm from the Tor anonymity network., The Tor anonymity network allows users to protect their privacy and circumvent censorship restrictions but also shields those distributing child abuse content, selling or buying illicit drugs, or sharing malware online. Using data collected from Tor entry nodes, we provide an estimation of the proportion of Tor network users that likely employ the network in putatively good or bad ways. Overall, on an average country/day, ∼6.7% of Tor network users connect to Onion/Hidden Services that are disproportionately used for illicit purposes. We also show that the likely balance of beneficial and malicious use of Tor is unevenly spread globally and systematically varies based upon a country’s political conditions. In particular, using Freedom House’s coding and terminological classifications, the proportion of often illicit Onion/Hidden Services use is more prevalent (∼7.8%) in “free” countries than in either “partially free” (∼6.7%) or “not free” regimes (∼4.8%).

Despite advances in recognition of women’s rights, they are still victims of everyday violence. National and international regulations on gender equality and the promotion of female political participation had a low impact on the underrepresentation of this minority. Law produced without a share of citizenship lacks democratic legitimacy. Mexico and Brazil have a similar history of excluding women from the public sphere, but they currently have different strategies to overcome this democratic deficit. The article, with a descriptive methodology, presents the history and the present situation in both countries. We conclude that there are different ways to increase the representation of women in politics, but parity is a demand for justice. Resumo Apesar dos avanços no reconhecimento dos direitos das mulheres, elas ainda são vítimas de violências cotidianas. As normativas nacionais e internacionais sobre igualdade de gênero e promoção da participação política feminina tiveram baixo impacto na sub-representação dessa minoria. O Direito produzido sem uma parcela da cidadania carece de legitimidade democrática. México e Brasil têm uma história similar de exclusão das mulheres na esfera pública, mas apresentam atualmente estratégias distintas para superar esse déficit democrático. O artigo, com uma metodologia descritiva, apresenta a história e a situação atual nos dois países. Conclui-se que há diferentes caminhos para incrementar a representação de mulheres na política, mas a paridade é exigência de justiça.

Resumo Durante quase meio século, entre 1881 e 1930, o Brasil registrou seus menores índices de participação eleitoral desde a independência até os dias atuais. O presente artigo evidencia que esses índices não eram consequência apenas das cláusulas constitucionais que excluíam do direito de voto mulheres e analfabetos. Ao longo do período enfocado o parlamento brasileiro atuou como uma barreira de contenção, promulgando reformas eleitorais ordinárias que dificultavam o alistamento de cidadãos que, em teoria, poderiam gozar dos direitos políticos. Essas reformas eram decretadas em momentos de expansão do eleitorado e acabavam por estancar pequenos ciclos de aumento da franquia eleitoral. As dificuldades de acesso aos direitos políticos criadas por meio desses mecanismos atingiram principalmente os mais pobres e os egressos da escravidão, os impactos dessas reformas no corpo do eleitorado serão demonstrados ao longo do texto. Abstract Brazil registered its lowest records of post-independence electoral participation thus far, for nearly half a century, between the years of 1881 and 1930. This article highlights the fact that such low records were not the consequence of constitutional clauses alone, which impeded the vote of women and illiterates. Throughout the period under consideration, the Brazilian parliament enacted electoral reforms that hampered voter registration for citizens who were eligible to vote anteriorly. The enactment of the three reforms happened during a time of electorate expansion and so led to the stagnation of small cycles of eligibility growth. The hindrances to access political rights exacerbated by these mechanisms affected mainly the poor and former slaves. The impact of such reforms on the electorate will be argued throughout the text.

espanolEn este trabajo se analiza la revocatoria de inscripcion de las candidaturas y sus efectos en los derechos al sufragio pasivo y a la representacion politica. Para ello se estudiaron los 106 tramites de revocatoria de candidaturas que conocio el Consejo Nacional Electoral (CNE) con ocasion de las elecciones del Congreso de la Republica 2018-2022. Los casos se clasificaron de acuerdo con las condiciones para la presentacion de listas de candidatos al Congreso de la Republica: (i) circunscripciones ordinarias; (ii) circunscripcion especial de las comunidades afrodescendientes; (iii) circunscripcion de las comunidades indigenas, y (iv) las curules de las FARC reconocidas en el Acto Legislativo 03 de 2017. Este estudio se confronto con las acciones de nulidad electoral promovidas ante la Seccion Quinta del Consejo de Estado para el mismo periodo electoral, con el objeto de establecer coincidencias y determinar la utilidad de la coexistencia de dos mecanismos independientes con una finalidad similar. EnglishThis chapter analyzes the revocation of the registration of candidates and its effects in passive suffrage and political representation. 106 cases for the revocation of candidacies, solved by the National Electoral Council (CNE), during the elections to the Congress of the Republic 2018-2022, were considered for the analysis. The cases were classified according to the conditions by which the lists of candidates for the Congress of the Republic were issued: (i) ordinary constituencies; (ii) special constituency of Afro-descendant communities; (iii) constituency of indigenous communities; and (iv) The FARC seats recognized in Constitutional Amendment 03 of 2017. This analysis is confronted with the electoral nullity actions solved by the Fifth Section of the State Council for the same electoral period, in order to establish coincidences and determine the utility of the coexistence between two independent mechanisms with a similar purpose.

China is a rising power of the twenty-first century with its brilliant economic performance as a result of the transition to the free market economy model. However, China’s economic development process has caused high environmental costs. For the past decade, China has been the leading country responsible for global carbon dioxide emissions (CO2). Therefore, determining the dynamics that have a reducing effect on CO2 emissions in China is very important for the development of sustainable environmental policies. This paper aims to examine the impacts of the institutional structure on environmental sustainability in China. To this end, the study follows the method of cointegration with multiple breaks that produce robust econometric results and consider structural changes. According to the results, (i) the validity of an N-shaped EKC relationship is supported between economic growth and environmental pollution. (ii) Industrialization and trade have an increasing impact on environmental pollution. (iii) Political rights and civil liberties have a reducing effect on environmental pollution. Consequently, this study implies that political rights and civil liberties can make an important contribution to achieving sustainability goals in China. © 2020, Springer-Verlag GmbH Germany, part of Springer Nature.

Purpose: There are significant differences between countries in transition from socialism to market economy, and hence differences in investment flows. As a result, the level of economic growth, competitiveness, and integration into the world markets differs significantly. Different transformation strategies, economic policies, and the level of openness of the economy explain the differences between countries. It is revealed that the level of political rights, civil liberties and economic freedom significantly affect investment flows. The aim of this article is to highlight these differences and evaluate them. Design/Methodology/Approach: Data from 18 countries in transition are used to analyze investment security management. Findings: The study has found that countries in transition have a low level of investment flows and a low level of investment security. On average, net investment inflows account for 3.5% of GDP. There is a positive relationship between investment outflows and gross capital formation, gross savings, GDP growth, and the index of economic freedom, however, on the other hand there is negative relationship between capital outflows and the index of political rights and civil liberties. Originality/Value: Investment security management depends on institutions and institutional infrastructure as well as the ability to stimulate investment in the country. Reducing trade barriers and opening up the economy also contributes to increase investment in the country. Over the past ten years, investments in countries in transition have declined considerably due to weak investment security management., peer-reviewed

Presented article is prepared within the Research Project “Law of Political Parties” held by the faculty of Law and International Relations of Georgian Technical University. Тhe purpose of the article is to analyze the main mechanisms that guarantees the parliamentary representation of national and ethnic minorities in Romania. Authors review in detail the correlation of concept of equality principle and positive discrimination in regard with national and ethnic minorities. Clear distinction is given between Hungarian minority, as a successfully political movement and all other minorities, which were able to gain mandates only through positive discrimination. In conclusion authors underline some advantages of Romanian electoral system, but also refer to weaknesses, which should be eliminated and suggest some recommendations for possible improvements., Данная статья подготовлена в рамках исследовательского проекта «Право политических партий», который реализуется факультетом права и международных отношений Грузинского технического университета. Основной целью статьи является анализ механизмов, гарантирующих представительство национальных и этнических меньшинств в парламенте Румынии. Авторы подробно рассматривают соотношение концепции равенства и позитивной дискриминации по отношению к национальным и этническим меньшинствам. Четкое различие проводится между венгерским меньшинством, как успешным политическим движением и всеми другими меньшинствами, которые смогли получить мандаты только благодаря позитивной дискриминации. Отмечены определенные преимущества румынской избирательной системы, а также выделены недостатки, требующие устранения, а также предложены рекомендации, направленные на улучшение этой системы., Статтю підготовлено в рамках дослідницького проекту «Право політичних партій», який реалізується факультетом права і міжнародних відносин Грузинського технічного університету. Основною метою публікації є аналіз механізмів, що гарантують представництво національних і етнічних меншин у парламенті Румунії. Докладно розглянуто співвідношення концепції рівності і позитивної дискримінації по відношенню до національних та етнічних меншин. Чітке розмежування проводиться між угорською меншиною як успішним політичним рухом і всіма іншими меншинами, які змогли отримати мандати тільки завдяки позитивній дискримінації. Зазначено певні переваги румунської виборчої системи, а також окреслено недоліки, які потребують усунення. Сформульовано рекомендації, спрямовані на поліпшення цієї системи.

Interdisciplinary Academic and Research Journal, 2, 2, 179-200

Resumen El derecho a la libre determinación en materia política de los pueblos originarios de México, aun cuando se encuentra reconocido en el artículo 2 de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (2020), debe judicializarse para su ejercicio. En el Derecho constitucional de las entidades federativas de México, si bien es cierto se les reconocen derechos colectivos, no existen leyes de desarrollo constitucional que refieran a los procedimientos a seguir, en caso de que la Asamblea comunitaria de un municipio de mayoría indígena decida elegir a sus autoridades municipales conforme a sus sistemas normativos propios. Ese vacío procesal del sistema electoral mexicano impacta en el ejercicio del derecho colectivo que tienen los pueblos originarios de decidir su destino en materia electoral municipal respetando las reglas constitucionales. Para demostrar lo anterior se hace un análisis del contexto político y jurídico del municipio indígena de Oxchuc-Chiapas, que impulsó la judicialización de ese derecho colectivo y culminó con la celebración de elecciones bajo sistemas normativos propios el 21 de abril del 2019. Abstract The right to self-determination in political matters of the native peoples of Mexico, even when recognized in Article 2 of the Constitución Política de Los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (Political Constitution of the United Mexican States) (2020), must be judicialized for its exercise. In the constitutional law of the federal entities of Mexico, even if collective rights are recognized, there are no constitutionally developed laws that refer to the due procedures, in the case that the Asamblea Comunitaria (Communal Assembly) of a municipality with an indigenous majority decides to elect their municipal authorities in accordance with their own regulatory systems. This procedural gap in the Mexican electoral system impacts the exercise of the collective right that the native peoples have of deciding their destiny regarding municipal electoral matters while respecting constitutional rules. To demonstrate the aforementioned, an analysis is made of the political and legal context of the indigenous municipality of Oxchuc-Chiapas, which caused the judicialization of the mentioned collective right and ended with the holding of elections under its own regulatory systems on April 21, 2019.

The present study investigates the impact of freedom (i.e. the effects of political rights and civil liberties) on tourist arrivals for the eight countries with the highest tourist arrivals in 2016 (France, the United States, Spain, China, Italy, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Mexico), using annual data from 1998 to 2016, through advanced panel data methods. Notably, the key strengths of this study are as follows: (i) it examines the impact of institutional quality on international tourism demand for the most visited countries and (ii) it employs advanced panel data techniques, which have been suggested in recent years. We first constituted a freedom index using political rights and civil liberties data. Second, we performed cross-sectional dependence (CD) tests to examine whether there existed CD in the panel data set. After detecting the presence of CD, we used panel unit root and cointegration tests, which are robust to CD to avoid problems from spurious regression. Finally, we estimated long-run parameters of the empirical model through a panel data estimator that is capable of presenting efficient and unbiased output in the presence of CD. Our empirical findings show that the level of freedom may play a role in explaining the volume of international tourist arrivals. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed in the study, particularly with respect to the importance of rights and freedom in the context of international inbound tourist arrivals.

This research endeavors to build an egalitarian social order that emphasizes human equality and eradicates all forms of discrimination based on identities created by the current social system, including race, religion, ethnicity, skin color, nationality, etc. This is done because research into issues of citizen equality within Muslim political systems is an interesting part of discourse regarding national diversity and ideological issues in governance. Using an empirical approach, this study analyzes the involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics and government in Muslim-majority areas such as Makassar. The involvement of non-Muslims in practical politics is key to the creation of a democratic system of governance. This study contributes an explanation as to why the recognition of non-Muslims' political rights must not solely be viewed in terms of theory, but also in terms of normative and practical structures, as Islam promotes democratic governance in which equality, justice, and tolerance are realized well and no political discrimination is committed against citizens. Through this, the purity of Islam can remain undistorted and the gap between the practiced reality among this Muslim-majority population and fundamental Islamic teachings can be bridged. Keywords: Muslim’s thought; political rights; non-Muslims; Makassar; الملخص يسعى هذا البحث إلى بناء نظام اجتماعي للمساواة الذى يشدد على المساواة بين البشر ويستأصل جميع أشكال التمييز على أساس الهويات التي أنشأها النظام الاجتماعي الحالي، بما في ذلك العرق والدين والعرق ولون البشرة والجنسية وما إلى ذلك. ويتم ذلك لأن البحث في قضايا تعد المساواة بين المواطنين داخل الأنظمة السياسية الإسلامية جزءا مهما من الخطاب المتعلق بالتنوع الوطني والقضايا الأيديولوجية في الحكم. باستخدام منهج تجريبي، تحلل هذه الدراسة مشاركة غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية والحكومة في المناطق ذات الأغلبية المسلمة مثل ماكاسار. إن إشراك غير المسلمين في السياسة العملية هو مفتاح إنشاء نظام حكم ديمقراطي. تسهم هذه الدراسة في تفسير لماذا يجب ألا ينظر إلى الاعتراف بالحقوق السياسية لغير المسلمين من الناحية النظرية فحسب، بل أيضا من حيث الهياكل المعيارية والعملية، حيث أن الإسلام يشجع الحكم الديمقراطي الذي تقوم فيه المساواة والعدالة والتسامح تتحقق بشكل جيد ولا يوجد تمييز سياسي ضد المواطنين. من خلال هذا، يمكن أن تظل نقاء الإسلام غير مشوهة ويمكن سد الفجوة بين الواقع الممارس بين السكان الذين تسكنهم أغلبية مسلمة والتعاليم الإسلامية الأساسية. الكلمات المفتاحية: فكر المسلم؛ الحقوق السياسية؛ غير المسلمين: ماكاسار: Abstrak Penelitian ini merupakan ikhtiar untuk membangun suatu tatanan masyarakat egaliter yang diderivasi dari suatu penegasan tentang kesetaraan manusia dan menghapus segala bentuk diskriminasi berdasarkan identitas-identitas yang diciptakan oleh sistem sosial, seperti, perbedaan ras, agama, suku, warna kulit, golongan, kebangsaan dan sebagainya. Sebab isu kesetaraan warga negara dalam sistem politik Islam menjadi kajian menarik dalam wacana menghadapi kemajemukan warga negara dan isu-isu ideologis dalam sebuah pemerintahan. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan empiris, studi ini menganalisis keterlibatan non-muslim dalam politik praktis pada pemerintahan yang mayoritas penduduknya beragama Islam seperti di Makassar. Adanya keterlibatan non-muslim dalam politik praktis menjadi kunci dalam membangun sebuah pemerintahan yang demokratis. Secara teoritis, studi ini memberikan penjelasan bahwa pengakuan terhadap hak-hak politik non-muslim tidak hanya dipahami pada tataran teoritisnya, tetapi juga pada tataran normative dan praktisnya sebab Islam yang mengusung pemerintahan demokrasi yang bertumpuk pada prinsip-prinsip persamaan, keadilan dan toleransi yang menjadi tuntutan modernitas saat ini dapat berjalan dengan baik, manakala tidak melakukan diskriminasi politik terhadap warga negaranya. Sehingga kemurnian ajaran Islam tidak mengalami distorsi, tetapi kesenjangan yang ada antara realitas masyarakat Islam dengan ide dasar ajaran Islam dapat dijembatani. Kata kunci: Peta pemikiran; hak politik; non-muslim; Makassar

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena partycypacji kobiet w systemie politycznym Afganistanu w XXI wieku. Dotyczy to więc okresu po obaleniu władzy talibów przez międzynarodową koalicję pod amerykańskim przywództwem. Główny problem badawczy zawiera się w pytaniu czy zagwarantowane Afgankom prawa polityczne faktycznie są respektowane oraz czy kobiety mogą swobodnie, na równi z mężczyznami, partycypować w systemie politycznym państwa? Podczas pisania artykułu wykorzystano metodę analizy źródeł tekstowych. Ponadto oparto się na badaniach ankietowych przeprowadzonych w Afganistanie przez Fundację Azjatycką. W artykule przeanalizowano trzy główne zagadnienia, tj. aktywność kobiet-polityków, bariery działalności kobiet w przestrzeni politycznej oraz postrzeganie tej kwestii przez Afgańczyków. Mimo, że w XXI wieku osiągnięto znaczący postęp w formalnym i praktycznym upodmiotowieniu kobiet w systemie politycznym Afganistanu, to nadal istnieje wiele barier, głównie natury społeczno-kulturowej i ekonomicznej, które ograniczają możliwość większego zaangażowania Afganek w procesy polityczne. The aim of the article is to present and evaluate the participation of women in the political system of Afghanistan in the 21st century. This applies, therefore, to the period after the overthrow of Taliban rule by the international coalition under the American leadership. The main research problem lies in the question of whether the political rights guaranteed to Afghan women are actually respected, and whether women are free, equally with men, to participate in the political system of the state? During researches the method of analysis of the source text was used. In addition, based on surveys conducted in Afghanistan by the Asian Foundation. The article analyzes three main issues, ie the activity of wom- en-politicians, the barriers of women’s activity in the political sphere, and the perception of this issue by Afghans. Although significant progress has been made in the formal and practical empowerment of women in the political system of Afghanistan in the 21st century, there are still many barriers, mainly of socio-cultural and economic nature, which limit the possibility of involvement of Afghan women in political processes.

This study investigates the role of information and communication technology (ICT), political instability and violence, and international protocols on global carbon emissions. Our empirical analysis used archival data for 146 economies from 1996 to 2019. The study’s estimates are also based on subsamples from the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development member countries. The study found that ICT has statistically significant impacts on reducing CO2 emissions globally, but the extension of the impact for OECD member countries is considerably more substantial. Therefore, the subject of study is considered to be among the first few studies to measure the effects of violence and regional conflicts on global warming—a notable result for conflict regions around the world. Additionally, the authors narrowed down the findings to a micro level and conducted a comparative study between Canada and the United Kingdom to evaluate the countries’ performances concerning climate mitigation initiatives.

Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (FGM/C) is a development issue and a form of violence against women and girls that affects at least 200 million women in the world FGM/C is a harmful practice proven to impact the physical and mental health of affected women and girls from the moment of the cutting, with prolonged and irreversible consequences during their entire lives. Studies show that FGM/C has economic and social consequences and a high obstetric cost although a comprehensive study on the exact extent of these economic, health and social costs is still to be carried out. Beyond the data and the statistics, researcher have shown that FGM/C deprives women of sexual satisfaction, sexual health and psychophysical wellbeing. The Compendium of International and National Legal Frameworks on Female Genital Mutilation (the "Compendium") was prepared to contribute to this urgent and important development debate with the understanding that the knowledge of the law is an important empowerment tool to end FGM/C. It provides a survey of the key international and regional instruments as well as domestic legislation as they relate to the prohibition of FGM/C.

The Constitution of the Republic of Poland mentions as one of the principles of electoral law its universality. This means that anyone who meets the requirements of law is entitled to vote. The admissibility of exclusions from this principle is also expressly defined by the law. One of the limitations in the exercise of electoral rights is an intellectual disability resulting in the incapacity of the individual. Meanwhile, Poland’s international obligations resulting e.g. from the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities provides with a necessity of a deeper reflection on the present solutions. The ratification by Poland of the UN Convention has stimulated discussion on the political rights of people with intellectual disabilities, extending the field of debate on the legitimacy of the current form of institution of incapacitation. The aim of this article is to reflect on the current solutions in the exercise of electoral rights by people affected by intellectual disability but not being incapacitated.

RESUMEN:El propósito de este artículo es explicar el cambio de significado que lo civil sufre en el Código napoleónico. Me centro, a tal efecto, en el discurso preliminar pronunciado por Portalis en la presentación del proyecto de 1801, y comparo su concepción con la de Montesquieu. Para este último, las leyes civiles son aquellas que regulan las relaciones de los ciudadanos entre sí, a fin de garantizar el mantenimiento y la unidad de la comunidad política. Portalis pretende, en cambio, que esta misma función de cemento cívico la desempeñe un Código civil que se ocupa únicamente de esa esfera privada en la que los individuos disfrutan de su propiedad. Como muestro en la conclusión, Benjamin Constant asumirá este cambio y lo llevará un paso más allá, identificando el mencionado disfrute privado con la verdadera libertad de los tiempos modernos., The purpose of this paper is to explain the change in meaning of the civil sphere in the Napoleonic Code. To this end, I focus on the introductory speech given by Portalis at the presentation of the 1801 project, and I compare his conception with Montesquieu's. For the latter, civil laws are those regulating citizens' relations with each other, in order to guarantee the maintenance and unity of the political community. Portalis, by contrast, intends to have this civic engagement function performed by a Civil Code that deals solely with that private sphere in which individuals enjoy their property. As I show in the conclusion, Benjamin Constant will assume this change and take it one step further, identifying the aforementioned private enjoyment with the true liberty of modern times.

Рассмотрены некоторые аспекты совершенствования правового регулирования и реализации конституционного права граждан на обращения. Проводится анализ действующего законодательства и высказываются предложения по внесению изменений и дополнений в Федеральный закон «О порядке рассмотрения обращений граждан Российской Федерации» от 2 мая 2006 г. № 59-ФЗ.

В статье исследуются значимые события в период между Семилетней войной и нача-лом Американской революции в Южной и Северной Каролинах. Социальные, политические, экономические, культурные различия между давно обжитыми графствами побережья и внут-ренними районами, отсутствие средств по поддержанию общественного порядка и законно-сти, пренебрежение восточной элитой законных прав и интересов жителей глубинки привели к возникновению протестных движений, которые многими историками оцениваются как прелюдия к революции., In the article the author explores some events of importance between the Seven Years War and the American Revolution in South and North Carolinas. The social, political, economic, cultural differences between the long before colonized tidewater areas and the backcountry, the lack of means to maintain social order and the rule of law, the eastern elite’s neglect of the legal rights and interests of the inhabitants of the backcountry led to the emergence of the protest movements that some historians would regard as a prelude to the revolution.

U radu se razmatra razvoj temeljnih obilježja političkih prava u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca u vremenu od nastanka države do proglašenja Šestosiječanjske diktature 1929. godine. Autori kao temeljna obilježja političkih prava u prvim godinama Kraljevine SHS detektiraju značajnu prisutnost nacionalnog kriterija pri definiranju ovlaštenika političkih prava, zatim nejednakost državljana u pogledu biračkog prava, autoritarnost vlasti u reguliranju, ali i mogućnostima ostvarenja političkih prava te partikularizam u uređenju političkih prava. Autori nadalje analiziraju odnos Ustava prema temeljnim obilježjima političkih prava te argumentiraju tezu da su usprkos odredbama Ustava, osnovne smjernice razvoja političkih prava prisutne u predustavnom razdoblju, bile u značajnoj mjeri vidljive i kasnije., The authors analyse the development of basic features of political rights in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in the period from its formation in 1918 until the proclamation of the 6th January Dictatorship in 1929. The authors identify four basic features regarding development of political rights in the first years of the Kingdom and these are a strong con- nection of ethnicity and enjoyment of political rights, inequality of suffrage, authoritarianism in defining and implementation of political rights, and legal particularism. In addition to dis- cussing the basic features in pre-constitutional period, the authors analyse the relation be- tween the Constitution of 1921 and basic features of political rights. They provide arguments supporting the thesis that, despite rules contained in the Constitution, the basic features of development of political rights present in the first formative years could be detected, to a con- siderable degree, later in the period from 1921 until 1929, as well.

En las sentencias Ruiz Zambrano y Dereci, el STJCE falló que el Tratado prohibía la expulsión de un miembro de la familia de un ciudadano de la Unión, si la expulsión conllevaba también la salida del territorio comunitario al ciudadano de la Unión. Esta situación tiene una especial relevancia cuando el ciudadano de la Unión es un menor dado que estos son especialmente dependientes de sus padres y es improbable que puedan permanecer en el territorio sin ellos. Estos asuntos presentan un derecho de residencia - calificado y enrevesado - para los padres de los menores nacionales de la Unión Europea. Este ´derecho´ parental de residencia se enfrenta a las prácticas migratorias nacionales que han devenido especialmente restrictivas en los últimos años. Por tanto, resulta necesario que se precisen los límites de la decisión judicial. Por ejemplo, qué relación deben de tener los padres con los hijos para que este derecho sea efectivo. Este derecho debe quedar limitado en exclusiva a los titulares de un pasaporte europeo o también se puede extender a aquellos que han presentado una demanda de nacionalidad. In the Ruiz Zambrano and Dereci judgments, the European Court of Justice found that the Treaty forbids the removal of family members of European Union citizens if that removal would force the exit of that given citizen from the European Union borders. This situation is of special significance when the citizen is a minor, due to the special care that they need being implausible that they remain with the parents away. These cases highlight a residence right - qualified & convoluted - for parents of minors’ nationals of the European Union. This parental ´right´ of residency faces migratory practices increasingly restrictive. Judicial activism is welcomed but it is require drawing the boundaries, namely, which is the relationship among parents and children in order to trigger the right; secondly, is this right limited to holders of a European passport or can be extended to those with a valid claim for nationality.

In the direct democratic arena, the consensus of voters is required to deliberate policies; without that consent policies are blocked. When bills that support cultural diversity or foreigners' integration are put into referendums, voters may or may not exert their veto power over the proposed policies. In order to determine under which circumstances these types of bills are successful in referendum, I have undertaken a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis of 39 referendums about the extension of political rights to foreigners at the Swiss cantonal level. My analysis identified a total of five theoretically-informed conditions that explain citizenship liberalization and the success of popular votes. I then located these conditions within two configurational hypotheses which postulate how referendum proponents might overcome direct democratic hurdles. The analysis of the success of referendums reveals that the only sufficient path that leads to the popular vote's success is to insert the sensitive issues into a multi-faceted bill. As demonstrated by a more in-depth case analysis, the sensitive object is successful because it is hidden from voters during the referendum campaign or because other priority objects inside the bill reduce its salience., + ID der Publikation: unilu_41511 + Sprache: Englisch + Letzte Aktualisierung: 2019-07-02 08:54:26, + ISSN: 2183-2463

As a social relationship of submission whose scope goes beyond those directly affected, torture is still an ongoing practice, widespread everywhere, and this is also due to several processes typical of the neo-liberal era – starting from the policies aimed at the security armoring of society. The essay, which examines the causes and dimensions of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment of migrants, shows how this global phenomenon today has a close link with the worsening conditions of migration, the global war on immigrants, the tightening of migration policies, the stigmatization of immigrants, the rise of institutional racism, the illegalization of migrations, all elements that favor the production of contexts, environments and situations permeable to torture.

Статья посвящена актуальной на сегодняшней день проблеме египетского феминизма. Раскрыва-ется понятие данного термина. Рассматриваются проблемы развития феминизма. В статье анализиру-ется сложный и противоречивый процесс стремления женщин к равноправию на примере мусульманского Египта и идейно-политический феномен. Рассмотрены основные проблемы, связанные со статусом му-сульманских женщин. Делается вывод ο том, что еще не решилась судьба движения феминисток и каким данное движение станет в будущем еще не известно., The article is devoted to the current problem of Egyptian feminism. The concept of this term is revealed. The problems of the development of feminism are considered. The article analyzes the complex and controversial pro-cess of women's desire for equality on the example of Muslim Egypt, it is considered as an ideological and political phenomenon. The main problems associated with the status of Muslim women are considered. It is concluded that the fate of the movement of feminists has not yet been decided, and what this movement will become in the future is not yet known.

This paper places women at the centre of analysis, examining the potential and promise of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) in the advancement of women’s political rights. This is a highly under-researched topic, necessitating a mapping of the current political landscape for women and an understanding of how ACDEG addresses these challenges as well as provides opportunities for advancing women's political participation. This paper argues that ACDEG provides a good basis and framework to operate from for member states - some of whom already have suitable policies, and more importantly suitable practices, in place that emerge from a range of normative frameworks, including the Maputo Protocol. ACDEG complements these frameworks and makes a further case for women's full and meaningful participation in public and private life by obligating states to take concrete steps to guarantee women's political rights. Considering this, the paper identifies prospects for women's rights activists and organisations to invoke ACDEG and monitor its implementation in the move towards the realisation of African women's political rights. Dieser Artikel untersucht, ob und wie die African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) zur Förderung politischer Rechte von Frauen beiträgt. Dieses Thema wurde bisher nicht ausreichend erforscht. Daher erfolgt zunächst eine Bestandsaufnahme der Lage von Frauen um verstehen zu können, wie die ACDEG diese Herausforderungen thematisiert und Möglichkeiten zur Förderung der politischen Partizipation von Frauen bietet. Wir argumentieren, dass die ACDEG gute Grundlagen und Rahmenbedingungen für die Mitgliedsstaaten schafft, von denen einige bereits über geeignete Politiken und Praktiken verfügen, die sich aus einer Reihe von normativen Rahmenbedingungen, einschließlich des Maputo-Protokolls, ergeben. Die ACDEG ergänzt diese Rahmenbedingungen und plädiert für eine umfassende und sinnvolle Beteiligung von Frauen am öffentlichen und privaten Leben. Die Staaten werden dabei verpflichtet, konkrete Schritte zur Gewährleistung politischer Rechte von Frauen zu unternehmen. Vor diesem Hintergrund zeigt der Artikel Möglichkeiten für Frauenrechtlerinnen und -organisationen, sich auf die ACDEG zu berufen und deren Umsetzung im Hinblick auf die Verwirklichung der politischen Rechte der afrikanischen Frauen zu überwachen.

The issue of citizenship is one part of the study of state studies or commonly referred to as State Administration Law. One element of state existence is citizenship (algemene staatslehre). In the context of citizenship, the issue of citizenship is critical because, in general, the state consists of three elements, namely the territory, people who are identical with citizens, and sovereign government as a constitutive element and the recognition of other countries as declarative elements. Every citizen must have citizenship because it is an essential thing. After all, citizenship has a close relationship between the citizen and the country in which the citizen lives. These matters relate to citizens related to identity, rights, obligations, participation or participation, and shared social ownership. In addition, with citizenship, citizens automatically have legal protection wherever they are. Having two citizenships is no longer a taboo for citizens and is likely to continue to develop in the future. The fact is that there are citizens aged 18 years or over who have dual citizenship, even though the ownership of dual citizenship should be limited. One of the rights of every citizen is the right to be elected and elected. However, there are still citizens who have dual citizenship. Because of dual citizenship, approaching the General Election confuses citizens of those who have dual citizenship but still wants to fulfill their rights in electing potential national leaders and also the right to lead Indonesia. Keywords: Political Rights, Citizenship, Dual Citizenship.

How does U.S. security assistance affect host nation democratization? This thesis analyzes Department of State and Department of Defense assistance over time to Lebanon and Pakistan to evaluate its effects on the host nation's political rights and civil liberties, measured by Freedom House ratings. In both cases, changes in Freedom House ratings did not correlate consistently with changes in U.S. security assistance. The influence of U.S. security assistance on host nation governance is frequently over-stated. U.S. security assistance has minimal effect on democratization compared to local and regional actors, because it is designed and resourced primarily to accomplish security objectives, not to drive enduring institutional reform. If the United States wanted security assistance to decisively support democratization, then it would need to design and resource security assistance and security cooperation programs differently. Redesigning U.S. security assistance to supersede the influence of other factors on democratization would require increasing funding toward defense institution building, making security assistance conditional on political rights and civil liberties performance, and consistently integrating security assistance within a whole-of-government strategy toward the host nation for a generation or more. http://archive.org/details/howdoesunitedsta1094559560 Major, United States Marine Corps Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Political participation and the public education that have always been deployed to support the incipient progress of the civic life are revived in the modern political discourses. It has been believed that the age of pre-Socrates was the age of the Sophists whose acrid fallacy works occupied the political sphere, a malaise in government. However, speaking non-traditionally in the modern pedagogical system, there were some pre-Socratic thinkers and political philosophers/orators who’s works are the backbone of modern discourse on this matter. It will be examined whether any part of the classical rhetoric apparatus can be recovered and put to a good practice in the modern education and modern political participation. This point will be illustrated, furthermore, in this paper by alleging the importance of rhetoric, its role in Ancient Greek Democracy, and its influence on the modern concepts of power and democracy, as a continual element in a historical-political life. The further consideration is whether there was any democratic Polis existed in Ancient Athens and then, if there was, what characteristics it consisted of. Moreover, whether such concept can or should be considered in modern political discourses. In this sense, the liberal, non-dogmatic strain of the sophistry of Isocrates tradition urges us to indicate that the findings of this educational principles are, if not necessary, but adjutant complementary metes to our modern political knowledge of the states. In the end, it is inquired to see comparatively that how the tradition of rhetorical art and the concept of power in the Ancient Greek society have pertained to the modern democratic elements and whether we are able to empower this influential element in modern states.

Большаков Лев Михайлович – аспирант кафедры теории государства и права, конституционного и административного права, Южно-Уральский государственный университет, г. Челябинск. E-mail: levbolshakov74@gmail.com. Bolshakov Lev Mihailovich – postgraduate student of the Department of Theory of State and Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law , South Ural State University, Chelyabinsk, Russian Federation. E-mail: levbolshakov74@gmail.com. В статье рассматривается ряд существующих законодательных ограничений конституционного права граждан на свободу слова в Российской Федерации, действующих в ходе избирательной кампании и в период предвыборной агитации, анализируются их конституционность, обоснованность и необходимость, а исследует проблемы реализации данных ограничений свободы слова в правоприменительной практике и их влияние на избирательный процесс. Автор уделяет отдельное внимание ограничению конституционной свободы слова в ходе предвыборной агитации в Интернете и социальных сетях, как особому предмету правового регулирования, а так же затрагивает проблему соблюдение баланса между конституционной защитой свободы слова и нормами избирательного законодательства.The article deals with a number of existing legislative restrictions on the constitutional right of citizens to freedom of speech in the Russian Federation, acting during electoral process and election campaign, their constitutionality, reasonableness and necessity, and the implementation of these restrictions on freedom of speech in the law enforcement practice and their impact on the electoral process are analyzed. The author pays special attention to limiting the constitutional freedom of speech in the course of election campaign on the Internet and social networks as a special subject of legal regulation, as well as the problem of balancing the constitutional protection of freedom of speech with electoral legislation.

Большаков Лев Михайлович – преподаватель кафедры теории государства и права, конституционного и административного права, Южно-Уральский государственный университет, г. Челябинск. E-mail: levbolshakov74@gmail.com. Lev Mihailovich Bolshakov – lecturer of the Department of Theory of State and Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, South Ural State University, Chelyabinsk, Russian Federation. E-mail: levbolshakov74@gmail.com. В данной статье автор анализирует ценность конституционного права на свободу слова для развития гражданского общества и правового государства, взаимосвязь права на свободу слова с иными правами и свободами – правом на свободу собраний, правом на свободу объединений, правом на свободу творчества и свободу преподавания. В научной статье автор оценивает влияние конституционной свободы слова на реализацию прав и свобод человека и гражданина, рассматривает позиции Европейского Суда по правам человека, связанные с защитой права на свободу слова, правоприменительную практику Верховного Суда США в области охраны права на свободу слова, конституционные гарантии свободы слова в Российской Федерации, а также затрагивает вопрос пределов свободы слова в современном мире. In this article, the author analyzes the value of the constitutional right to freedom of speech for the development of civil society and the rule of law, the relationship of the right to freedom of speech with other rights and freedoms - the right to freedom of assembly, the right to freedom of association, the right to freedom of creativity and teaching. In the scientific article, the author assesses the impact of constitutional freedom of speech on the realization of human and civil rights and freedoms, examines the positions of the European Court of Human Rights related to the protection of the right to freedom of speech, the law enforcement practice of the US Supreme Court in the area of protecting the right to freedom of speech, constitutional guarantees of freedom speech in the Russian Federation, and also dwells on the issue of the limits of freedom of speech in the modern world.

This chapter – in a volume analysing aspects of the putative withdrawal of a Member State from the European Union and/or the secession of a ‘region’ from a (Member) state – makes use of the lenses of citizenship to explore the interaction between the two dimensions of ‘troubled membership’. It applies a law-and-politics approach, which locates legal change in its broader political context and focuses on the contestation of the boundaries of polity membership. After setting the scene (Section 2), the chapter explores the content of a possible future Scottish citizenship regime (Section 3) and then examines the intertwining of formal legal membership and political citizenship in respect of both the Scottish referendum and the UK’s referendum on EU membership (Section 4). The threads are drawn together in the conclusions (Section 5) through a discussion of how the EU referendum outcomes may impact upon the issue at the heart of the Scottish referendum debate, namely the ongoing viability of the UK as a union state.

Like in many other countries, the status of women in Croatian politics is neither satisfactory nor have their political rights been developed to an adequate degree. Croatian women face numerous prejudices and stereotypes and are almost invisible at a high political level. Consequently, the number of Croatian female MPs is small despite the fact that the rules on electoral gender quotas were introduced in 2008. As stipulated by those rules, there shall be at least 40% of women on parliamentary candidate lists. Instead of a rise in the number of female MPs, both the 2015 general election and the 2016 snap election brought a considerable fall of this figure, which causes great concern of the public. For instance, at the last snap election held in 2016, only 19 women (12% of all MPs) got into the Croatian Parliament. This paper provides an overview of the negative trends with respect to the number of women in the Parliament and analyses the reasons for the ineffectiveness of electoral gender quotas, using the Croatian example. The paper also proposes potential measures and redefines the respective sanctions with the aim to change the current situation.

This report derives from the work of coordinators of Work Package 9 of the FP7 programme bEUcitizen coordinated by Utrecht University (NL) and the University of Turin (IT) and is based on the findings of four work packages focusing on the economic (WP5), social (WP6), civil (WP7) and political (WP8) citizenship rights with regards to gendered and generational biases in the access to these citizenship rights. These findings have been discussed at a panel meeting in the Oviedo work conference of the bEUcitizen consortium in June 2016. Contributions have been presented by the University of Trento (WP5; IT), the University of Oxford (WP6; UK), University of Oviedo (WP7; ES), and Utrecht University (WP8; NL). In addition, the Institut Barcelona d'Estudis Internacionals (WP4; ES) and Utrecht University (WP3, NL) have contributed to the panel meeting. This report presents the findings of these WPs as well as the discussions during the meeting. It first presents the questions the WP9 coordinators have raised regarding gendered and generational biases in the access to the four citizenship rights to each of the representatives of WP5 to 8. Second, it summarizes the reactions to these questions. Third, the discussion at the panel meeting is presented and finally some conclusions are drawn.

The Estonian government has taken many steps in order to integrate minorities into Estonian society. Although some international organisations’ reports indicate to obstacles in equal treatment, still the integration policy during the last twenty years can be described as successful. The latest integration policy paper until 2020 has shown the Estonia is still paying greater attention to the integration policy and cohesion between Estonian and non-Estonian people. Estonian Government has during the decades adopted different programmes in order to develop the integration policy. The main concern is connected with Russian minorities. Although there has been some criticism, still those programmes can be evaluated as successful. The realisation of civil and political rights is sometimes connected with ability to communicate in Estonian. The language requirements seems to be one of the most crucial issue. Although the Estonian government is seeking for opportunities to offer language courses for minorities, it seems to be, that in some regions (e.g. eastern part of Estonia) still the Russian language prevails. Still the necessary information for exercising of the political rights are also provided in Russian. In realisation of economic, social and cultural rights the possible benefits are not connected to citizenship, but to a right to stay in Estonia (permanent or fixed term). Accessing the labour market again the problem of language has been raised. Although there is no case law, still one can observe, that the knowledge of Estonian language gives to a certain extent a better position.

The necessity to strengthen in a way or another citizen's involvement in the political life of the European Union (EU) is an old issue, but the first unsuccessful attempt to introduce it in a treaty, as a binding legal instrument, took place in 1992. Since then, the importance of involving the Europeans increased constantly taking into account the political, economical, and social realities of the 1990s and 2000s, which determined the leaders of the Member States of the European Union to find the best "political channels" to stipulate both in the primary and in the secondary European legislation, as a "blank insurance" that this right will be officially regulated and promoted at the European level. Therefore, this article will examine, on the one hand the evolution of the European citizenship and enshrining the political rights for the Europeans, and on the other hand will present a brief history of designing this instrument, if the outcome of these political efforts, namely the European Citizens' Initiative Regulation (ECI), adopted in 2011, represents, after all, a useful or un-useful instrument to be used by the citizens, having also the belief that this supranational instrument will make the citizens more active in using this right of initiative.

This study analyses the European Union's (EU's) citizenship regime as a demoi-cratic institution. It explores the effect of supranational citizenship on subjective legitimacy and focuses particularly on special access to the political system that is granted to moving EU citizens. The first section critically reviews the EU's citizenship regime as a model of gradual citizenship. Based on that, the second section examines the effects of EU citizenship status on subjective legitimacy, measured as political efficacy and satisfaction with democracy. It is argued that gradual political membership fosters political efficacy and satisfaction with democracy in national political systems. The empirical study examines perceptional differences at the most aggregate level and tests them against factors at the individual and contextual levels. The results provide evidence for the postulated effects on efficacy and point to the importance of domestic policies regulating access to the political system for the eff...

La acción pública de inconstitucionalidad en Colombia es un derecho político y se aplica para demandar actos legislativos. Sin embargo, los requisitos de estas demandas requieren de una técnica elaborada. Por tanto, nos interesa saber si este diseño puede ser un obstáculo para el ejercicio de los derechos políticos y el control de las reformas constitucionales. La hipótesis del texto es que los requisitos para accionar el derecho político a controlar los actos legislativos son razonables en una sociedad mínimamente ilustrada. Para demostrar la hipótesis el escrito combina análisis dogmáticos y jurisprudenciales propios del Derecho Constitucional y categorías de la Ciencia Política. El artículo inicia con un corto recorrido histórico-político, después se hace una ilustración de la técnica jurídica para demandar los actos legislativos, y finaliza con unas breves consideraciones sobre la conveniencia de esta técnica en este tipo demandas a la hora de desplegar un efectivo control político y jurídico al poder de reforma del Congreso. The "acciónpública de inconstitucionalidad" is, in Colombia, a constitutional writ and a political right. That is the way to present a constitutional question about a constitutional amendment act before the Constitutional Court. However, those suits have a complex constitutional method. The main question of this article is if the design of the process is an obstacle for the citizens to control the constitutional amendments and to exercise a political right. The hypothesis is that the established requirements are reasonable in an educated society, but Colombia is not one of them. Nevertheless, the exigent method to present a constitutional suit could be convenient. It could promote social organization and a major interest in the legislative process. In that sense, the requirements could be a way to improve the political control over the branches of power. To demonstrate this hypothesis, the text uses normative and jurisprudential analysis as well as Political Science concepts. The article starts with a brief history of the "AcciónPública de Inconstitucionalidad", its political consequences, and the structure of the process to demonstrate that the method to present a suit is reasonable and convenient to exercise political and juridical control.

La participación política, tanto de los extranjeros que residen en Argentina como de los argentinos que residen en el exterior, constituye el tema a desarrollar en el artículo. Ambos colectivos comparten limitaciones a través de leyes que los discriminan de forma total o parcial en relación con los derechos electorales. Para su identificación, se realiza un estudio empírico con énfasis en el marco legal que permite constatar si se considera o no al migrante como un actor político, habilitado a participar activamente en la vida pública y formar parte de la voluntad común como sujeto activo. Se desprenden importantes hallazgos que muestran un heterogéneo escenario del marco legislativo que habilita el voto en elecciones nacionales, provinciales y municipales (según el caso). Se sostiene que circunscribir la ciudadanía a la nacionalidad o la residencia constituye un abordaje simple y poco coherente en relación con los procesos de movilidad humana contemporáneos. Una ciudadanía abierta, inclusiva y flexible, resulta más afín con un verdadero orden democrático., Political participation for both, foreigners living in Argentina as well as nationals living abroad, is the topic of this paper. Through legislation, both groups have limited, in whole or in part, voting rights. An empirical study is carried out in order to identify that discrimination. The study of the legal framework allows us to verify whether or not migrants are considered political actors, empowered to participate actively in public life, and become part of the common will. This review reveals that there is a heterogeneous landscape of the legislative framework that enables the vote in national, provincial and local elections. It is argued that restricting citizenship to nationality or residence is a simple and unrealistic approach to contemporary human mobility. An open, inclusive and flexible citizenship is more consistent with a true democratic order.

According to the Constitution or laws, individuals today have extensive political rights closely associated with the right to vote. Here is meant the active and passive right of voting. Membership in a party is not only because of the desire, but also for the fact that the party gives individuals the possibility of career progress, further realization of their political rights. The purpose of this paper is to present the development of political parties and individual rights, not only in Albania, but also combined with the European experience. In this paper we will focus on how political parties have evolved as well as the political rights of individuals after the independence in 1912. The development of political parties in Albania has passed in two stages in the communist system where only one party was known and in the democratic system where was recognized political pluralism. Highlighting the role of political parties, as an important promoter of the functioning of state and of the coverage of the political rights of individuals, makes this study important.

The civil and political rights as protected under the Covenant from the core of human rights protection on the international plane. This paper seeks to demonstrate how this goal may be archieved. The genesis of the Covenant will be discussed in the context of the evolution of human rights law. Starting from the normative framework and its development after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the scope of the Covenant rights as well as the duties of the State parties will be discussed. The monitoring role of th Human Rights Committee as major element in the implementation process will be closely examined. The paper will be focused on the status of the State parties and the Status of the Covenant in domestic law. Also will specifically focus on the State reporting system and the individual complaint procedure be carefully selected case studies. In conclusion, will be discussed the legal consequences of violations of rights protected by the Covenant.

Since the 1970’s, countries of the sub-Saharan African region have experienced slow economic growth and development in comparison to other regions of the world. This paper studies the role of perceived financial risk in explaining the anemic economic growth among sub-Saharan African countries by employing regression techniques on panel data for the period of 1984 to 2000. Our findings suggest that higher ratings of a country’s investment environment (used as a proxy for reduced perceived financial risk) tend to make the flow of external funds more accessible to African countries and spur their economic growth.- Negli anni ’70 la crescita economica e lo sviluppo dei paesi dell’area subsahariana sono stati inferiori rispetto al resto del mondo. Tramite applicazioni di regressioni panel data per il periodo 1984-2000, questo studio analizza il ruolo che il rischio finanziario percepito può aver giocato ai fini della divergenza della crescita economica dei paesi dell’Africa sub-sahariana. I risultati suggeriscono che rating più alti attribuiti all’investment environment (utilizzati come indicatori di un minor rischio finanziario percepito) tendono a rendere più accessibili i finanziamenti stranieri ai paesi africani in questione, stimolandone la crescita economica.

La presente disertacion desde la metodología de investigación cualitativa y desde una perspectiva histórico-descrptiva, pretende reflexionar sobre la naturaleza jurídica de los partidos politicos y su papel en el Estado colombiano. Lo anterior con la finalidad de comprender las deficiencias que dichas organizaciones han evidenciado en el marco de la política colombiana. Para tal efecto se desarrolla el marco normativo fundamental de la figura y se preven las principales tematicas de debate frente a dicha organización. This dissertation from the qualitative research methodology and from a descriptiveperspective - historical, aims to reflect on the legal status of political partiesand their role in the Colombian state. This in order to understand the deficienciesthat these organizations have demonstrated in the context of Colombian politics.To this end, the fundamental policy framework is developed figure and thematicdiscussion principals are anticipated against that organization.

En dévoilant la base juridique de l’oppression des femmes, Hubertine Auclert établissait un lien entre le refus des hommes de partager le pouvoir politique et leur volonté de limiter l’autonomie économique des femmes. Elle faisait de ce que l’on appelle aujourd’hui « parité politique » et « parité domestique », les conditions de l’avènement d’une société réellement démocratique. By uncovering the legal basis for women’s oppression, Hubertine Auclert was able to show how men’s rejection to share political power is linked with their wish to limit women’s financial autonomy. She developed the idea known today as political and domestic parity, thereby setting the conditions for the emergence of a truly democratic society. Revelando el zócalo jurídico de la opresión de las mujeres, Hubertine Auclert establecía un lazo entre el rechazo de los hombres de repartir el poder político y la voluntad de ellos de limitar la autonomía económica de las mujeres. Hacía de lo que se llama hoy la « paridad política » y la « paridad doméstica », las condiciones del advenimiemto de una sociedad verdaderamente democrática.