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The article examines the monuments of Thebes mentioned by Pausanias and related to the story of Seven against Thebes. It is claimed that these monuments were a part of the local educational practice, which reflected the Theban mythical history and fostered patriotism. Most of the monuments were located near the gates of the Kadmeia (at a distance of up to 260 m) and formed a close cir-cle of monuments. In some cases, the monuments formed a far circle (at a distance of 300 to 500–960 m from the gates). The first of the monuments considered is the monument associated with Am-phiaraos. Regarding the place where the earth swallowed Amphi-araos, there exist two traditions, namely the “Theban” and the “Tanagrian” ones. It is hypothesized that the “Tanagrian” tradition was adapted by the residents of Oropos and, thus, reflected in Eu-ripides’ tragedy The Phoenician Women. The educational topogra-phy of Pausanias shows that the “Theban” version is consistent with the text of Aischylos’ tragedy Seven against Thebes, while the “Tanagrian” version is consistent with the text of The Phoenician Women by Euripides. The location of the tombs of Melanippos and Tydeus near the Proitides gates also corresponds to the tradition captured by Aischylos, which presumably reflects the local, or “Theban”, version of the myth. Through Pausanias’ educational topography, the connection of the figure of Kapaneus with the Elektrai Gates and the walls of Thebes is emphasized, which is confirmed by the evidence of material culture. As a possible grave of Oidipous’ children, the largest of the chamber tombs on the hill of Megalo Kastelli is considered. A large number of monuments associated with the story of Seven against Thebes symbolized mil-itary valour and glorified Thebes in their victory over the Argives. Some of the monuments possess ambiguous symbolism, among which are the tomb of Menoikeus and the place of the duel be-tween the sons of Oidipous. The article is equipped with a map reconstructing the probable location of the monuments, including various versions of their localization, as well as illustrations with the images on the objects of material culture associated with the War of the Seven.

The stance of Greek intellectuals towards the idea and the practice of Roman emperor cult has been often examined, with the main result that the complacent, conformist attitude of these subjects of the Empire has been ascertained (thus in a still basic study by G.W. Bowersock, 1973). A new scrutiny of the available evidence, however, spots also serious reserves in that circle towards the real content of emperor worship at least since the Antonine age, while outright and conscious flattery as driving force and quintessence of the imperial cult appears even earlier. After the proper analysis, cultic acceptance of a real benefactor-emperor, refined flattery or careful, direct or indirect, rejection appear as the three poles around which the attitudes of Greek intellectuals towards the imperial cult circled. Essentially, all three variant stances continued threads of reaction to the practice of ruler-cult beginning already in Hellenistic times, thus pointing to an underlying continuity between the ideological picture of the ruler in this period and the Roman Empire. La posizione degli intellettuali greci nei confronti dell'idea e della pratica del culto dell'imperatore romano è stata spesso oggetto di indagine, permettendo di accertare l’attitudine compiacente e conformista di questi sudditi dell’Impero (come emerge da uno studio ancora fondamentale di G.W. Bowersock, 1973). Un nuovo esame delle testimonianze disponibili, tuttavia, consente di mettere in evidenza anche le pesanti riserve che questi gruppi nutrivano verso la reale concretezza del culto imperiale almeno a partire dall’epoca degli Antonini, mentre la vera e consapevole adulazione come forza motrice e quintessenza del culto imperiale appare già in precedenza. A un’analisi più approfondita, l'accettazione del culto di un imperatore evergete, l'adulazione elegante o il rifiuto attento, diretto o indiretto, appaiono come i tre poli attorno ai quali ruotano gli atteggiamenti degli intellettuali greci nei confronti del culto imperiale. Questi tre atteggiamenti affondano le loro radici anche nelle differenti reazioni alla pratica del culto del sovrano già in epoca ellenistica, indicando così una continuità di fondo tra il quadro ideologico del sovrano in questo periodo e quello che caratterizza l'Impero romano.

Dictionnaire de la Méditerranée, sous la direction de Dionigi Albera, Maryline Crivello et Mohamed Tozy, en collaboration avec Gisèle Seimandi, Actes Sud, 2016, 1694 p., ISBN 978-2-330-06466-2., Imprimés, Dicomed-004, DicoMed : Dictionnaire de la Méditerranée

Este trabajo pretende recopilar y comentar todas las referencias antiguas al poco conocido poeta Panfo para tratar de arrojar algo de luz sobre su vida y su obra. Consiste en un análisis detallado de las principales fuentes transmisoras (Pausanias y Filóstrato) de este autor, probablemente un himnógrafo vinculado a los misterios de Eleusis; en el trabajo se amplía, a partir de las ediciones más modernas, la monografía de Eberhard, citada en la bibliografía., Este trabajo se enmarca en el Grupo de Investigación GRECLAS de la Universidad de Oviedo, GR-2016-0013 Proyecto DISIECTA MEMBRA, financiado por el MICINN: FFI2017-83315-C2-1-P.

Dictionnaire de la Méditerranée, sous la direction de Dionigi Albera, Maryline Crivello et Mohamed Tozy, en collaboration avec Gisèle Seimandi, Actes Sud, 2016, 1694 p., ISBN 978-2-330-06466-2., Imprimés, Dicomed-172, DicoMed : Dictionnaire de la Méditerranée

In 86 BC Sulla sacked Athens. The siege left deep marks in the cityscape and in the literary sources. This article traces a diachronic development in the ancient reception of the sack of Athens in Greek literature, from the first century BC through the second century AD. In earlier authors the siege is presented primarily in a military context, while in later authors the emphasis shifts onto Sulla’s destruction of cultural capital. His treatment of Athens comes to be understood as irrational and excessive. I argue that this latter depiction is an anchoring device that roots the new perception of the city during the Empire in the Republican past. In the first two centuries AD Athens increasingly came to be seen as the symbol of Greek culture. Plutarch and Pausanias react to this growing Athenocentrism by retrojecting an image of Athens as cultural symbol onto the first century BC.

Los textos de Albert Camus que integran Nocesy algunos de L’étédescriben el paisaje argelino. Nuestro trabajo propone demostrar que para estasdescripciones tuvo como referentes la Periegesis de Pausanias y otras lecturas indirectas de dos viajeros que siguieron sus pasos, en concreto Chateaubriand y Frazer, este último traductor de la gran obra del griego y autor de uno de los libros con más interés para las descripciones de los cultos religiosos en ese momento, The Golden Bough, y que pudo influir en la recepción de algunos elementos de origen clásico en su obra, como son las referencias a los misterios eleusinos. Albert Camus’s Noces and some texts in L’été describe the Algerian landscape. The purpose of this work is to show that, for these descriptions, Camus used Pausanias’s Periegesis and some other books by Chateaubriand and Frazer. Frazer translated Pausanias’s book and wrote one of the most interesting books on religious cults at the moment, The Golden Bough,which might have had a great influence on the reception of some classical elements in Camus’s work such as, for example, his references to the Eleusynian Mysteries.

Messene war eine ungewöhnliche Polis. Gegründet in hellenistischer Zeit, war sie eine der wenigen großen Siedlungen auf dem griechischen Festland. Messenes Ansprüche auf eine kulturelle Vergan­genheit, die Maßstäbe setzte und in mythischen Zeiten wurzelte, konnten daher nicht auf bloßen Vermutungen über die Kontinuität des Wissens, das durch bürgerliche, kultische und kommunale Institutionen weitergegeben wurde, beruhen. Dieses Kapitel untersucht wie sich Pausanias in seiner Darstellung von Messene diesem Dilemma nähert (im vierten Buch seiner Periegesis), indem er Wissen sowohl zu einem Artefakt erklärt, das unverändert in Texten erhalten ist, als auch zu einem konzeptuellen Besitz, der durch Reisen erworben werden kann. Es soll gezeigt werden, dass gerade das Zusammenspieldieser beiden Wissensformen von größter Bedeutung für den Text ist, da Pausanias’ Periegesis selbst als ein festgeschriebenes Objekt verstanden werden kann, welches gleichwohl Gelegenheit bietet, vom hodologisch versierten Text-Reisenden eigenständig erkundet und erfahren zu werden.

The following paper seeks to explore the relationship between globality and locality in Greece in the second century AD. In order to achieve that it is proposed a critical reading of Pausanias’ descriptions of his visits to three imperial Greek cities: Tegea, Patras, and Corinth. These three examples are considered as showing in a particularly clear way a disagreement between the author’s Hellenism, which is the universalist imaginary framework from which the local is visited and known in the Perigesis, and the memories, identities, and cult practices, which apparently are particularities of those local places. However, a deeper analysis allows us to notice that apparently particular phenomena are quite evident signs that the localities in which they are inserted are deeply traversed by the global phenomenon of the empire. It is sought here, then, to show how, although Pausanias wants discursively to erase from his work the imperial historical reality, this reality emerges in any case in his text because the empire itself has become a space of intense cultural exchange between global tendencies and local experiences., El siguiente artículo busca explorar la relación que existe entre globalidad y localidad en la Grecia del siglo ii d. C. Se propone, para ello, una lectura crítica de las descripciones de Pausanias de sus visitas a tres ciudades griegas imperiales: Tegea, Patras y Corinto. Se considera que los tres ejemplos exhiben de forma particularmente clara un desacuerdo entre el helenismo del autor, que es el marco imaginario universalista a partir del cual lo local es visitado y conocido en la Periégesis, y las memorias, identidades y prácticas de culto, que aparentemente son particularidades de dichos espacios locales. Sin embargo, un análisis más profundo nos permite advertir que estos fenómenos aparentemente particulares son muestras bastante evidentes de que las localidades en las que se hallan insertos están atravesadas profundamente por el fenómeno global del imperio. Se busca aquí, entonces, mostrar cómo, aunque Pausanias quiera discursivamente borrar de su obra la realidad histórica imperial, esta realidad emerge en su texto de todos modos porque el imperio mismo se ha convertido en un espacio de intenso intercambio cultural entre tendencias globales y experiencias locales.

The conjunction καθότι, which resulted from the fusion of καθ᾽ ὅ τι “according to which, in the manner that”, serves to introduce comparative subordinate clauses of quality or manner. According to the LSJ dictionary supplements, καθότι has an additional, locative function, attested in Pausanias. A second possible example of this locative καθότι occurs in a passage of Herodotus as transmitted through the Roman family of manuscripts. This function could be compared with the pseudo-locative function of ὡς, which, actually, results from an illusion created by the semantic and pragmatic context. However, there are some arguments suggesting that, in the examples in question, καθότι is not a mere substitute for a relative adverb of place, but has its own spatial meaning. Everything indicates that this locative καθότι is merely a misspelling of the manuscripts, which should be corrected to καθ᾽ ὅ τι., La conjunción καθότι, resultado de la fusión de καθ᾽ ὅ τι “según lo cual, de la manera que”, sirve para introducir subordinadas comparativas de cualidad o manera. Según los suplementos al diccionario de LSJ, καθότι tendría además una función locativa que se atestiguaría en Pausanias. Otro posible ejemplo de este καθότι locativo aparece en un pasaje de Heródoto tal como ha sido transmitido por los códices de la familia romana. Esta función podría compararse con la función pseudolocativa de ὡς, que, en realidad, resulta de una ilusión creada por el contexto semántico y pragmático. Sin embargo, hay otros argumentos que sugieren que en los ejemplos en cuestión καθότι no es un simple sucedáneo de un adverbio relativo de lugar, sino que posee un significado espacial por sí mismo. Todo indica que este καθότι locativo es una mala grafía de los manuscritos que debería corregirse en καθ᾽ ὅ τι.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo refletir sobre os fundamentos teoricos que balizam os argumentos apresentados por Pausânias em seu celebre discurso no Banquete . Demonstrar-se-a a forte influencia sofistica que carrega tal encomio, devendo, por isso, ser entendido como uma forte critica platonica ao modelo paidedito proposto por esse grupo de pensadores. Concluir-se-a ainda, evidenciando, que assim como os demais discursos, o elogio de Pausânias a Eros constitui-se, na verdade, um louvor a si mesmo, pretendendo-se conceber como amante/amado ideal.

The object of this study is the analysis of the sanctuary with a double cella or double temple (ἱερὸν διπλοῦν) dedicated to Aphrodite and Ares in the periur­ban area north-west of Argos. Within the context of studies on Greek architec­ture, a specific analysis of the typology of cult structures with a double cella is still lacking, since the attestations have hitherto been considered too limited. The present study, still ongoing, has uncovered a complex situation and the archaeological attestations recovered are not as limited as thought in the past. Hitherto, around twenty examples have been collected, without considering uncertain cases, for which the limited data available have rendered a precise interpretation impossible. The only direct source on the Argive sanctuary of Aphrodite and Ares is the short description provided by Pausanias (2.25.1), whilst its location, ground plan, elevation, chronology and architectural and sculptural decoration remain essentially unknown. New observations may help clarify some of the issues that remain unresolved. The closest archae­ological parallel, at least from the point of view of the ground plan, in the absence of information on the dimensions of the monument, is without doubt the temple of Venus and Roma in Rome, built by the emperor Hadrian (AD 117-138), with which the Argive temple also shares the same east-facing ori­entation of the cella dedicated to the goddess Aphrodite-Venus.

The intention in this paper is analyze how and why Pausanias relate the difference with the mythic Orpheus. This will reveal another face of the vast myth of the bard. For this particular research some aspects of Orpheus myth will be studied: place of birth, appearance, legend, magician’s role and his relation with Musaeus and the Eleusinian Mysteries. La intención de este trabajo es revelar la visión de Pausanias acerca de un mito tan amplio y heterogéneo como es el de Orfeo, así como analizar cómo y por qué surge la noción de «diferencia» en el Periegeta relacionada con la figura mítica del bardo. Para establecer con claridad la posición de Pausanias en lo que respecta a las tradiciones atribuidas al cantor, se analizan aspectos como el origen de Orfeo, el aspecto que poseía, su leyenda, su carácter de mago y su relación con Museo y los Misterios de Eleusis.

This article focuses on Habicht’s interpretation on Paus. V, 13, 7 in his work Pausanias und seine Beschriebung Griechenlands, (Munich:1985), who argues that Magnesia ad Sipylum in Lydia was Pausanias’ birthplace. However, other quotations from Pausanias’ Periegesis in comparison to Epigraphy and Archaeology point to Smyrna as the main cultural and administrative center of the Second Sophistic to which Pausanias would be more related.

How Hellenistic urbanization affected the description of Sparta by Pausanias the Periegite. The travels of Pausanias in and around Sparta cannot be reconstituted based on the text alone and without archaeological benchmarks. On the other hand, a close, unprejudiced reading of the Periegesis can make it possible to identify the monuments with precision. This paper suggests a few conclusions that can be reached through an examination of the structure of the text, the working method of Pausanias, and the changes that had occurred throughout history., Della Santa Mario. Les conséquences de l'urbanisation hellénistique sur la description de Sparte par Pausanias le périégète. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément n°11, 2014. Sparte hellénistique, IVe-IIIe siècles avant notre ère, Actes de la table ronde organisée à Paris les 6 et 7 avril 2012. pp. 77-92.

Analysis of antique Olympic space through Pausanias shows that literature and politics are at stake when one considers the geographical origin of the winners. The study of events and their evolution in time highlights values that are still amazingly modem., L'analyse de l'espace olympique antique à travers le regard de Pausanias met clairement en évidence la lecture et l'enjeu politique qui s'attachent à l'origine géographique des vainqueurs. L'étude des épreuves et de leur évolution révèle des valeurs dont la permanence a des accents étonnamment modernes., El análisis del espacio olímpico antiguo a través de la mirada de Pausanias evidencia claramente la lectura y alcanze político que se derivan del origen geográfico de los vencedores. El estudio de las pruebas y de su evolución, revela valores cuya permanencia toma tonos sorprendentemente modemos., Clavel-Levêque Monique, Mactoux Marie-Madeleine. Pausanias et la mémoire olympique. In: Mappemonde, 1989/2. pp. 44-47.

International audience; Un autre traitement du discours de Pausanias dans le Banquet de Platon est envisageable pour réhabiliter son importance philosophique. La question de savoir si la « pédérastie » peut jouir d’une qualification positive chez Platon demeure une question ouverte. Non seulement il faut se déprendre de l’idée qu’on puisse trouver chez Platon une quelconque affirmation non problématique sur la pédérastie, mais il faut aussi, dans la mesure du possible éviter de projeter sur ces textes une intention qui relève davantage d’engagements personnels et contemporains sur la « sexualité ». Il faut également éviter de vouloir « réhabiliter » Pausanias, ce qui n’aurait pas plus de sens que de prêter à Platon une thèse rigide sur la pédérastie, alors que ce terme est susceptible d’une réforme politique ou d’une réinterprétation philosophique. Mais en réinsérant le discours de Pausanias dans l’économie générale du Banquet, ce sont certains éléments de l’érotique platonicienne qui peuvent être éclairés. Le pari de cette étude consiste à lire le discours de Pausanias comme un défi lancé à l’éducation platonicienne, révélant ainsi les éléments-clefs d’une paideia érotique ou d’une relation homoérotique pédagogique. Trois éléments marquants me semblent devoir être soulignés dans ce discours : a) la formulation d’une règle du jeu de la pédérastie, dont la rectitude se mesure à l’aune de la finalité poursuivie par cette institution ; b) l’intégration subtile des relations sexuelles entre éraste et éromène dans le processus d’éducation à la vertu ; c) l’intrication de l’institution pédérastique et d’une promotion politique de la philosophie.