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The paper aims to analyze the early ecumenical views of Amfilohije Radović with reference to the influence exerted on him by his spiritual father Justin Popović. This investigation is important because Radović’s ecumenical engagement is often a matter of controversy, which results in conflicting views. Sources for studying Radović’s early ecumenical views are: his correspondence with Justin Popović on ecumenism, his engagement in editing and publishing Popović’s book Orthodox Church and Ecumenism, and finally, his article written as a report from an inter-Orthodox conference held in September 1972 in Thessalonica. In addition to Radović’s similarity with Popović's views, the paper also aims to show their differences, i.e. their different interpretations of the same phenomena.

To be monetised, a society requires a unit which measures the values of a wide range of goods. Being thus measurable, the values of goods are mutually commensurable, a point which Aristotle theorised in the Nicomachean Ethics (Book V). But whereas Aristotle gives rise to the impression that the stipulation of a currency unit suffices to make goods commensurable, societies themselves must undergo a process of commensurabilisation whereby people become habituated to valuing goods in terms of a unit of value. This essay examines the development of practices of valuation and commensurability in ancient Greece, paying particular attention to the rule of Solon and his division of the citizenry into census classes according to their yearly income. The assessment of citizens’ income presupposes a unit for measuring income. The stipulation of this unit, it is argued, had a decisive influence in developing practices of valuation and commensurability.

By setting the relationship between human and divine reality in a whole new way, Christian anthropology has provided an authoritative framework for understanding and valuing the dynamics of human life as moving “from the old to the new man”, according to the famous phrase of the apostle Paul. Other great European humanistic traditions with their ideas of man and visions of his progress can be placed in the critical perspective of this Pauline anthropological formula. One of those traditions that relatively recently entered the stage of European intellectual culture is the so-called “Transhumanism”. In this article, a contrast is made between Paul’s understanding of the dynamics of human life and the human enhan­cement with the help of technology in transhumanism.

The communicative function of the language of translation, as can be seen from the examples of God's names contained in the oldest Slavic translations of a biblical nature, is an important component of understanding a whole range of liturgical texts and part of the Christian cultural identity of the believer. The need to translate biblical and liturgical texts therefore stems from the needs of believers. One desires to understand as best and as accurately as possible not only the text of the Bible but also the liturgical process itself. The liturgical process contains a number of symbols, actions, gestures and scenes reminiscent of the Divine Performance in the cosmos. In the Bible and in the Divine Liturgy, individual biblical events are constantly present. The understanding of the biblical and liturgical texts is therefore based not only on the correct use of terms but also on a reliable description of the realities. This principle is one of the starting points on which the holy Thessalonian brothers built their translation work.

In the Republic, the paradigmatic character of Plato’s best city appears incompatible with the use of deception in the procreative practices of the Auxiliaries and Guardians. I argue that this incongruity, as well as the exact provisions of Plato’s reproduction festival, are explained by three facts: his commitment to eugenics, his insistence on the abolition of the typical Greek household and his belief that there are serious limitations to the type of knowledge that Auxiliaries can achieve.

The article shows that the character of Odysseus in Sophocles’ Ajax and Philoctetes constitutes a crucial element for the redefinition of the concept of ‘nobility’. This figure has already been seen to promote a new definition of the concept, but previous analyses have tended to focus only on one or the other of the two plays, as Odysseus appeared too dissimilar to be considered from one and the same viewpoint. However, a closer analysis reveals that he in fact defends the same values and is endowed with the same non-elite features in both plays. Among those values is the idea that nobility has nothing to do with descent, but rather with the ability at proving helpful to the social group to which one belongs. The perception other characters have of Odysseus, however, changes between the earlier and the later play. The paper shows that this change can be linked to the evolution of fifth-century Athenian society. With the development of democracy, non-elite citizens redefined concepts such as eugeneia to make them their own. The variation in the staging of Odysseus was not only caused by this evolution, but also used to promote it and at the same time to show its dangers.

With this decree Ilion’s demos honours king Antiochus I because he made peace in the region disturbed by several rebellions and because of royal evergetism toward the city. The decree first presents Antiochus’ credits and then the manners by which Ilion honours him. The honour seems to be a royal cult: Ilion is ordered to pray gods, especially Athena and Apollon, for the king; to build a gold statue of him; finally to celebrate him during Panathenee. Even though nowadays it is sure that the decree was issued by Ilion and not by Sigeum, scholars still do not agree on the king’s identity (Antiochus I, as traditionally claimed, or Antiochus III). The question implies a new dating and a new interpretation of the historical events presented in the decree., Axon

In 2015, a new 22-line-long fifth-century-BC Arkadian inscription was published for the first time. While prior editors thought that the document dealt with rites pertaining to a single festival, a new interpretation of the text as a sacrificial calendar covering a few months is here envisaged. In addition, closer examination of the inscription’s economic aspects calls for a lower dating. Although spits recur twice, local silver coinage is likely mentioned in line 22. Therefore, the text cannot be earlier than the mid-fifth century BC. Lastly, an educated guess is made about the nature of the “one-hundred” mentioned in line 10., Axon

The present paper presents the first volume of Collezioni epigrafiche della Grecia occidentale/Epigraphische Sammlungen aus Westgriechenland. It reflects, on the one hand, on the absolute necessity to preserve multilingualism in Altertumswissenschaft; on the other, on the purposes and methods of making catalogues or inventories of epigraphic collections; and finally on the past conditions and the current state of epigraphic and prosopographic research in West Greece and especially in Aetolia.

Mare Nostrum is a cultural project for students about ancient and modern migration in the Mediterranean. It is realised by Liceo Classico “Pilo Albertelli” in Rome. Conferences, movies, reportages and readings are sources to understand modern migration. The main source for us is the informative website Open Migration, “a project which aims to give data, competencies and knowledge in order to inform and raise awareness on migrants’ and migrations’ issues” (from the website). The main sources for ancient migration and routes overseas are selected epigraphic texts. Migration cannot be simplified through stereotyped formulas and prejudices. People of different nationality, ethnicity and religion travel because of multiple reason. The conclusive aim of this project is to cast out prejudices about foreigners and refugees understanding ancient and modern data.

This paper offers an overview of an ongoing research project on priesthoods in Roman Athens, whose first purpose is to realise a prosopography of the Athenian cult personnel during the Roman imperial period (c. 27 BC-267 AD). Despite a growing interest in the last years on the social aspects of Greek (and Roman) religion and specifically on priesthoods as is also shown by the publication of several collective volumes on the latter subject, systematic investigations on the cult personnel of single poleis are still lacking. As regards Athens, in particular, while there are studies on specific priesthoods such as the Eleusinian priesthoods or the priests of Asklepios, to date there is no comprehensive investigation on the Athenian cult personnel. Furthermore, while different aspects connected with priesthood have been studied for Classical and Hellenistic Athens, the Roman imperial period has been left largely ‘in the shadows’. Having this in mind, I have begun a research on Athenian cult personnel during the Roman imperial period. Since any such investigation must be based on a systematic collection of the epigraphic evidence on the individual holders of the different priesthoods, my first aim is to realise a prosopography of all religious functionaries, both male and female, of Athenian cults (that is to say of cults performed in Athens) from Augustus up to the 3rd c. AD (ca. AD 267). The prosopography is to be followed in due time by a synthesis on the religious, social, and cultural aspects of priesthood in Roman Athens. The prosopographic catalogue, collecting the relevant epigraphic and literary testimonies, will provide for each priest the main data (name, chronology, status, other charges, bibliography) and a thorough commentary on his family relations and on his priestly activity and public career., Axon

In the first part of my ‘workshop report’, I will provide information about the current state of the epigraphical editions of the Inscriptiones Graecae. Subsequently, I will focus on the plans for the upcoming years. In this context, questions pertaining to epigraphic research in new geographic regions, on the one hand, and the revision of past editions, on the other hand, are paramount. In the second part of my report, I will outline the current state and future perspectives of the digitisation of the IG.

Review of: Torstein Theodor Tollefsen, St Theodore the Studite's Defence of the Holy Icons: Theology and Philosophy in Ninth-Century Byzantium, New York: Oxford University Press, 2018

The inscription, written on two continuous lines in the two fluting cuts of an Ionic column, is a dedicatory epigram and consists of five hexameters. The dedication is attributed to Kallimachos of Aphidna, the Athenian polemarch who died at Marathon in 490 BC, according to Herodotus. The reconstruction of his name was made possible starting with the demotic Ἀφιδναῖο[ς] (l. 1) and the term πολέ]μαρχος (l. 3): it leads to the conclusion that the writing of the dedication took place likely in two moments: when Kallimachos was still alive (lines 1-2) and after his death (lines 3-5). The state of conservation is fragmentary: hence the multiple restitutions of the text proposed by scholars., Axon

This fifth-century-BC dedicatory inscription ‘to the goddess’ reports the three offerers, who were likely some local magistrates, whose names, i.e. Oinadas, Eukelados, Cheimaros, are rarely attested outside Locroi. The stone was found in the chora of the ancient polis, suggesting that it probably belonged to the rich extra moenia sanctuary of Persephone, which is well documented by ancient literary sources that refer to pillages and destruction, as well as by archaeological evidence, among which helmets and the famous pinakes., Axon

The inscription was rediscovered in the early years of the last century among the ruins of the town of Tylisos. It contains the text of an alliance agreement between the Cretan towns of Knossos and Tylisos–probably stipulated after a controversy–where Argos seems to play the mediator role; the dating oscillates between 460 and 450 BC. Particular attention has been paid to the role played by Argos in the controversy: indeed, Knossos and Tylisos would have turned to Argos with the aim of putting hostilities aside and establish peace relations because of Argos’ status of metropolis., Axon

Pentelic marble table with a brief dedicatory inscription of a patient, Archinos, found in the Amphiaraos sanctuary in Oropos during the excavations of Leonardos. The pinax, in relief, shows three significant moments of the postulant’s stay in the shrine. The narration begins on the left, where Amphiaraos is represented (with greater size if compared to the patient) intent to intervene with an instrument on Archinos’ right shoulder. Below is a scene of enkoimeterion, where Archinos, lying on a kline, is overhung by the sacred snake and touched on the right shoulder. The third image of the patient represents him at the right end of the pinax and seems to be looking and pointing at the votive table on the stele with his right hand: it is an offer as a sign of gratitude to the god., Axon

It is an epigram inscribed on a circular tomb and found in Corfu (Korkyra) in 1843; at present, it is one of the most ancient funerary Greek epigrams. Its text, made of six hexameters, memorialises Menecrates, son of Tlasia of Oeantheia in the Ozolian Locris, who died far away from his homeland. The inscription employs an archaic alphabet that is typical of Corinth., Axon

Account of a sanatio (miraculous healing) carved on a fragmentary marble slab coming from the sanctuary of Asclepius in Leben, Crete. The inscription, conceived as a dedication to the god, was made by the Roman Publius Granius Rufus, who appears to have been an influent personality in the nearby town of Gortyn. He applied to the sanctuary in order to cure a form of pulmonary tuberculosis that had been affecting him for almost two years, and that maybe the ʻnewʼ Hippocratic medicine had not been able to handle. The therapy, probably inspired by the mystic sleep of the incubatio, was quite elaborate, implying the consumption of herbs, spicy wine, a bread bun, sacred ash, an egg, resins, a vegetable decoction and figs. The existence itself of the epigraph makes sure that this treatment was successful, and allowed Publius Granius to honour the deity and to ʻpubliciseʼ its ability. Basing on the other known records of the gens Grania, the stone may be approximately dated between the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD.