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The article critically analyzes sociopolitical discourses about language(s) and multilingualism in South Tyrolean preschools by combining political and discourse theory. Drawing on empirical material from a discussion on the topic broadcast on public regional television, in which representatives of politics, research, pedagogical practice and parents participated, the author describes a hierarchization of educational rights in favor of the ‘German’ group, which is constructed as endangered. Through references to the historical era of fascism and Italianization measures associated with it, a continuity of minorization is constructed that requires special protection of the German group and makes it possible to demand the exclusion of non-German positioned children from the educational system. Overall, the analysis reveals a reversal of linguistic majority and minority relations. The targeted monolingualization and mono-ethnicization of preschools is legitimized with a quasinatural authority of the Second Autonomy Statute, which can be read as a strategy of depoliticization. (DIPF/Orig.) Mit einer Verknüpfung von Politik- und Diskurstheorie geht der Artikel gesellschaftspolitischen Diskursen über Sprache(n) und Mehrsprachigkeit in Südtiroler Kindergärten nach. Auf der empirischen Basis einer Diskussion, die im regionalen Fernsehen ausgestrahlt wurde, und an der Vertreter:innen aus Politik, Wissenschaft, pädagogischer Praxis und Eltern teilnahmen, rekonstruiert der Text eine Hierarchisierung von Bildungsrechten zugunsten der ‚deutschen‘ Gruppe, die als gefährdet dargestellt wird. Über Bezugnahmen auf die historische Epoche des Faschismus und der damit verbundenen Italianisierungsmaßnahmen wird eine Kontinuität der Minorisierung konstruiert, die besonderen Schutz für die ‚deutsche‘ Gruppe erfordert und es ermöglicht, den Ausschluss nicht-deutsch positionierter Kinder aus dem Bildungssystem zu fordern. Insgesamt zeigt sich im Material eine Umkehrung von Mehr- und Minderheitsbeziehungen. Die von bestimmten Gruppen angestrebte Monolingualisierung und Mono-Ethnisierung von Kindergärten wird mit einer quasinatürlichen Autorität des Zweiten Autonomiestatutes begründet, was sich als Strategie der Depolitisierung lesen lässt. (DIPF/Orig.)

Roma people are likely Europe’s most discriminated and marginalized minority. In the past years, increasing attention has been paid to their migration to Western Europe and their limited social mobility in their countries of destination. Our article focuses on the “post‐return” experiences of Roma and the changes generated by return migration in their communities of origin, a topic largely neglected so far. We build on recent debates around post‐return positionality, asking how adult and old Roma returnees experience return. We thus contribute to the growing literature on return migration and lifecourse that distinguishes between the return migration of children and youth, that of adults, and that of older migrants. Focusing on Roma returnees, we employ an understanding of migration not just as a means of generating resources, but also as a learning process where the Roma population acquires new ideas and a sense of agency and dignity. Informed by long‐term fieldwork in ethnically mixed localities in Romania (including participant observation and 76 semi‐structured interviews), we inquire into the ethnic relations and negotiations between Roma and non‐Roma populations. Migration results in a weakening of the economic dependency of the Roma on the non‐Roma. In this new context, which is still marred by ethnic prejudice and inequality, we analysed how local interethnic relations were reshaped by the returned Roma’s new consumption practices, new modes of communication, and new claims for equality. While adult Roma tend to demand equality and decent treatment, setting in motion a process of ethnic change, older returned Roma tend to maintain more submissive practices.

Planning has historically been used as a tool to regulate queer people in urban space and parades have long been a vibrant, yet overlooked, practice for resisting such municipal regulation—although parades themselves require spatial planning practices. We analyze the 50-year history of the Los Angeles Pride parade through archival materials, asking to what extent and how the historical planning of LA Pride demonstrates a radical planning praxis, especially in relation to policing. We find that LA Pride was initially (a) a ritual of remembrance and (b) a political organizing device. In contrast to heteronormative readings of Pride as an opportunity to “come out” and transform the “straight state,” we argue that the early years of Pride demonstrated intersectional and insurgent planning wherein heterogeneous queer people claimed agency through collectively expressing joy as an act of resistance to municipal governance. Based on theories of Black joy and the feminist killjoy, we conceptualize this experience as a “spatialized queer joy.” This concept is particularly germane given ongoing debates regarding the relationship between queer and BIPOC urban life and policing. We suggest that spatialized queer joy complicates conventional readings of Pride and queer urban space, offering instead powerful tools for radical queer planning praxis.

This article proposes a framework for classifying ethnic minority organisations based on a broad combination of discursive and non-discursive criteria rooted in their political opportunities profile. One diasporic and one non-diasporic organisation were chosen for Russia and Poland, respectively. Diasporicity is understood according to William Safran’s criteria and Rogers Brubaker’s triadic configuration. The Russian study cases are Komi Voityr and the Russian Polish Congress; the Polish, the Silesian Autonomy Movement and the Belarussian House. The analysis of their status, activities, domestic and external political impact, localisation and role in the ‘triadic configuration’ has shown that the four cases are ethnic minority associations, and their legal status and scope of activities differ significantly. Their domestic political opportunities are rather scarce. Out of the four cases, just one organisation is an active part in Brubaker’s classical triadic configuration; its role is not traditional, ascribed to the respective ‘angle’. Although both Russian associations enjoy an official status, their activities are limited to the cultural, memorial and linguistic domains, primarily at the national level. In Poland, both associations act internationally as advocacy groups, and their activities are not confined to culture and language. Far from being universally applicable, the proposed classification framework can still add to the comparative ethnic politics toolkit.

This article tracks how relations between two neighbouring states of the Baltic region, Po­land and Lithuania, developed over the last decades. These relations cannot be described in unambiguous terms. On the one hand, common aspirations for European integration created conditions for rapprochement and cooperation. On the other, the partnership has been complicated by disagreements and mutual claims. The main problem is the situa­tion of the correspondent ethnic minorities in the two countries: Poles in Lithuania and Lithuanians in Poland. According to the Polish authorities, the interests of Lithuania’s Polish residents are not safeguarded, and their rights are infringed. Similar complaints are voiced by Vilnius regarding the situation of ethnic Lithuanians in Poland. These contradictions are partly smoothed by common political interests: cooperation within the North Atlantic Alliance, defiance of the notorious ‘threat from the East’ and joint support for the pro-­Western opposition in the neighbouring Belarus.

Smart engagement approaches are now widely applied in community planning processes. However, there continues to be a lack of representation from marginalized groups such as racial/ethnic minorities in planning processes. In this study, we explore what smart community engagement methods are being applied by small cities in the U.S., and how minority communities are participating in the planning process with those engagement methods. We analyzed planning documents and public engagement data from five small cities located in different regions of the U.S. with varying levels of minority populations. We evaluated the planning processes of the study cities, specifically comprehensive planning, and what smart community engagement tools they have applied. Our study shows that smart engagements are performed primarily through community surveys and online outreach initiatives. Despite adopting these approaches, most cities received lower participation from minority populations compared to non-Hispanic Whites. Cities with higher participation rates provided more engagement opportunities and conducted targeted community events and surveys to reach out to minority and low-income communities. From this study, we conclude that cities should apply varied methods for community engagement and should not rely solely on smart approaches to engage with minority communities. For cities to increase their overall civic participation, including those underrepresented, smart engagement approaches should be supported by targeted public events and outreach activities.

Das Leben in den Städten Zentralasiens hat in den vergangenen dreißig Jahren einen tiefgreifenden Wandel erfahren. Vor allem haben sich das Ausmaß und die Konstellationen kultureller und religiöser Vielfalt verändert. Häufig wird angenommen, dass der urbane Raum für gegenseitige Abhängigkeiten und komplexe Formen des Zusammenlebens nach dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion abgenommen hat. Als Grund gilt die Binnenmigration vom Land in die Städte bei gleichzeitiger Auswanderung ethnoreligiöser Minderheiten. Der Beitrag untersucht, wie vor dem Hintergrund dieser Entwicklungen neue Formen der Vielfalt in den urbanen Zentren Zentralasiens entstanden sind. Dabei steht die Frage im Mittelpunkt, welche Auswirkungen die Diasporagemeinden ethnoreligiöser Minderheiten, die außerhalb der Region entstanden sind, für ihre Herkunftsstädte in Zentralasien haben.

The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated the multifarious roles of information. While the interconnected nature of the globe has seen the rapid transmission of knowledge, disinformation has continued to spread in parallel. In Georgia, the transfer of information is distinguished by high levels of 'bonding' social capital within society. The prevalence of informal networks - characterised by the dual-phenomenon of close ingroup ties and out-group mistrust - has deeply impacted Georgians' attitudes and practices throughout the pandemic, from issues including compliance with regulations to beliefs regarding the severity of the virus itself. As such, this article examines the role of these informal forms of social capital and their impact on the dissemination of information during the COVID-19 pandemic, focusing particular attention on community- level mechanisms in two ethnic minority communities: (1) the Georgian-Armenian community of Samtskhe-Javakheti and (2) the Georgian-Azerbaijani community of Kvemo Kartli.

Mit der sich verändernden Zusammensetzung der Gesellschaften kommen Fragen der sozialen Vielfalt und des gleichberechtigten Zugangs von Minderheitengruppen zur Gesundheitsversorgung zunehmend ins Blickfeld. Gleichwohl gibt es weiterhin Debatten über die praktische Umsetzung der Gleichstellung im Gesundheitswesen. Ziel der Beiträge in diesem Band ist daher ein besseres Verständnis des Phänomens der Ungleichheit und Diskriminierung von Minderheitengruppen beim Zugang zur Gesundheitsversorgung aus interdisziplinären Perspektiven der Medizinethik, der öffentlichen Gesundheit und des Rechts. Ein solches Verständnis kann dazu führen, dass die besonderen Bedürfnisse von Minderheiten in Bezug auf die Gesundheitsversorgung ermittelt werden. With the changing composition of societies, there is growing consideration of questions of social diversity and equal access to healthcare for minority groups. Despite raised attention to this topic in recent years, there are still debates regarding implementation of healthcare equality in practice. Therefore, the aim of the contributions presented in this volume is a better understanding of the phenomenon of inequity and discrimination of minority groups in accessing healthcare from interdisciplinary perspectives of medical ethics, public health, and law. Such an understanding can lead to the determination of minorities' special needs concerning healthcare and barriers precluding them from benefitting from existing opportunities.

To queer urban planning and municipal governance requires explicit civic engagement with sexual and gender minority inclusions, representations and needs in urban plans and policies across departmental and committee silos. This collection questions the hetero-cis-normative assumptions of urban planning and examines the integration of LGBTQ+ issues in municipal governance at the interface of community activism, bureaucratic procedures, and political intervention. The editorial summarizes the contributions to this thematic issue within a tripartite thematic framework: 1) counter-hegemonic reactions to hetero-cis-normativities; 2) queering plans and policies; and 3) governance coalitions and LGBTQ+ activisms.

Die Geschichte des türkisch-deutschen Migrant*innentheaters ist fast so alt wie die der türkischen Arbeitsmigration in die BRD. Von Beginn an befanden sich unter den Ankömmlingen nämlich auch Künstler*innen, die frühzeitig nach artistischen Ausdrucksmöglichkeiten suchten. Bald entstanden so erste Bühnenprojekte fernab der öffentlich subventionierten Theaterlandschaft, und über die Jahrzehnte entwickelte sich eine vitale Kultur, die weitgehend unbemerkt von der breiteren deutschen Öffentlichkeit stattfand. Der Autor präsentiert die Vorgeschichte des zeitgenössischen postmigrantischen Theaters in Deutschland und liefert damit eine unentbehrliche Grundlage für dessen weitere Betrachtung.

This article studies citizenship beyond its manifestation as a formal legal status, by exploring citizenship as a process shaped by people’s everyday practices and experiences of belonging. Through investigating the daily struggles over belonging and membership of young people with migrant background in the autonomous province of South Tyrol in Northern Italy, this study pays particular attention to the ways in which belonging on the macro scale (the nation, the state) and the micro scale (the village, the city, the region) clash, intersect and interact with each other. By highlighting practices of belonging at the margins of a state by actors considered to be at the margins of the state, this article contributes to scholarly debates that “decentre” citizenship by studying it at, from and for the margins.

Mit dem Entwurf National Education Policy von 2019 werden bildungspolitische Rahmenvorgaben für ganz Indien vorgelegt. Diese läuten einen Paradigmenwechsel der nach eigenem Bekunden größten Demokratie der Welt ein. Ideologische Argumentationen der hindu-nationalistischen Regierungspartei stellen die seit der Unabhängigkeit des Subkontinents säkularplurale Demokratie in Frage. Verfassungsmäßig garantierte Einheit in Vielfalt soll durch inkludierenden Hindu-Nationalismus ersetzt werden. Dadurch werden jene ausgeschlossen, die dieser Ideologie nicht folgen wollen. Welthistorisch implizierte Höherwertigkeit wird mit zivilisatorischen Anfängen im Indus-Tal begründet. Der Beitrag ordnet exemplarische Aspekte des Themas systematisch für aufgeklärte Weltbürger/-innen in- und außerhalb Indiens, die sich ihrer historischen Verantwortung bewusst sind. (DIPF/Orig.), The draft of the National Education Policy of 2019 presents an educational policy framework for whole India. This opens up a paradigm shift for the biggest democracy of the world, according to own description. The Hindu nationalist ruling party’s ideological arguments question the secular plural democracy that has existed since the subcontinent gained independence. Unity in diversity guaranteed by the constitution shall be replaced by inclusive Hindu nationalism. This excludes those who do not want to follow this ideology. The implied worldhistorical superiority is based on civilizing roots of the Indus Valley. The article sorts out exemplary aspects of the topic systematically for enlightened global citizens in and outside India who are aware of their historical responsibility. (DIPF/Orig.)

Evidence suggests that as public opinion towards immigration becomes more negative, so the descriptive representation of ethnic minority groups is increasingly restricted. Recently, some initial research into the causal mechanism hinted that this effect is driven by patterns of candidacy. This suggests that political parties are creating an ‘ethnic penalty’ of their own in the selection stage. This paper investigates the relationship between patterns of candidacy, party strategy, and public opinion in Great Britain from 1997 to 2019, and proposes that ‘punitive parties’ are strongly responsible for shaping the representational outcomes of minority groups. I find support for earlier suggestions that parties are increasingly likely to place ethnic minority candidates away from ‘winnable’ contests as anti-immigrant hostility rises. These findings are important for our conceptions of ethnic penalties, of party behaviour in selection processes, and for the study and cause of improving political representation.

Extract ----- Abstract The aim of this study was to explore the application of culturally responsive school leadership (CRSL) in an out of school time organization (OST). This was accomplished by analyzing how the actions of leaders both enabled and constrained CRSL. Research was conducted with Inspire Mentoring an OST organization that provides mentoring services to approximately 90-120 high school students of color from freshman through senior year. Approximately 60% of the mentors identify as people of color. The data collected for this qualitative case study occurred over 6 months and included: 6 semi-structured interviews with executive leaders and adult mentors, 5 observations of organizational meetings and community workshops, and reviewed documents from Inspire Mentoring. The leadership practices observed were analyzed using the behaviors of CRSL. This study suggest that positional OST leaders should become more connected to their community understanding longstanding inequities, interrogate their own worldviews, and work in tandem with minoritized youth and community members to address cultural youth development needs. Keywords: out of school time, culturally responsive school leadership, youth leadership, case study ----- Bibliography: Miller, Ishmael A.: Passing the Mic: Toward Culturally Responsive Out of School Time Leadership, IJREE – International Journal for Research on Extended Education, Vol. 8, Issue 1-2020, pp. 52-65. https://doi.org/10.3224/ijree.v8i1.05

Expanding the scope of inclusion beyond specific groups such as individuals with disabilities has led to the investigation of school systems’ inclusiveness from the perspective of all students. With this in mind, this research investigated the experiences of students and parents belonging to the ancient Syriac community in Turkey, who inhabited Mesopotamia since the inception of Christianity. Obtaining the views of 43 parents and their 46 children through semi-structured interviews, the school system was investigated at a political, cultural, and practical level in terms of the educational inclusion of Syriac individuals. Overall, student and parent views indicated that: (a) policy-making lacked an approach to reach all students and organize support for diversity; (b) school cultures needed to build a community whereby inclusive values were established; and (c) school practices lacked the organization to target and ensure the learning of all and mobilize resources to achieve this aim. Details of findings are included and discussed. Implications address the importance of building schools that consider the increasingly diverse school populations around the world, with a particular focus on cultural and religious diversity.

In interwar Romania, the numbers of Baptists grew exponentially among the ethnic majority population in the border regions of Transylvania, Banat, and Bessarabia. In the competition over souls and for cultural space in the newly formed Greater Romania, the Roma became an important minority to win over. In 1930, Petar Mincov visited Chișinău and spurred outreach to the Roma among Romanian Baptists as he had in Bulgaria. It was here and in the cities of Arad and Alba-Iulia that some of the first Romanian Roma converted to the Baptist denomination. The first Roma Baptist (and first Roma neo-Protestant) Church, called Biserica Credinţa (Faith Church), was founded in Arad city around 1931. Confessional newspapers in English, Romanian, and Russian from the interwar period reveal the initiative taken by members of the local Roma community to convert and to start their own church. The article analyses the role of Romanian Baptist leadership in supporting Roma churches and the development of these new faith communities in the borderland regions. Unlike outsider attempts to foster a Roma Baptist community in Bucharest, the Faith Church survived World War II and communist governments, and provides insight into the workings and agency of a marginalized double minority. The article also looks at the current situation of Roma evangelicals in Arad city and how the change in religious affiliation has helped or hindered attempts at inclusion and policy change.

In the field of international relations and transnational cooperation, normative attitudes and values of foreign cultural and educational policy (FCEP) sometimes precede practice in Germany and within internationally active organisations. However, in order to be able to act credibly to the outside world, cultural mediator organisations in particular should also implement structures of diversity and inclusion. In this study, the concepts of diversity and inclusion will be explained, a selection of existing measures will be presented and concrete steps for implementing diversity and inclusion will be shown. For the area of foreign cultural and educational policy, this results in suggestions as to how a corresponding cultural change within organisations could be supported.

La discrimination à l'encontre des quelque 500 000 immigrés africains (pour la plupart irréguliers) s'est récemment répandue en Chine. Pendant la pandémie de corona, cela dégénère en une véritable afrophobie. Peu de temps auparavant, cinq Nigérians de Guangzhou auraient été testés positifs pour Covid-19. Les Africains sont largement accusés d'être des trafiquants de drogue et des criminels. En outre, ils mettraient en danger la compétitivité mondiale de la Chine pour les ressources de l'Afrique par le biais du dénigrement médiatiques à l'étranger. Les rapports actuels témoignent du déplacement des migrants africains des maisons et des hôtels de Guangzhou (Canton), où vivent la plupart des Africains. Ils dépendent de réseaux informels, pour la plupart illégaux, pour pouvoir rester dans le pays. Dans les réseaux sociaux en ligne, l'afrophobie et le cyber-racisme sont particulièrement prononcés. Ainsi, le racisme est plus profondément enraciné dans la mentalité de nombreux Chinois qu'on ne le pense généralement. Selon un proverbe chinois traditionnel, le plus grand mal à éviter est "la nation détruite et la race anéantie". En outre, depuis 2005, l'accaparement des terres par des entrepreneurs chinois en Afrique subsaharienne a attiré l'attention de la communauté internationale. Son objectif principal est d'assurer la sécurité alimentaire en Chine et de profiter de la spéculation céréalière internationale. Il a été légitimé racialement dès le départ, avec des slogans tels que, seuls les investissements chinois pouvaient sauver les Africains de leur "paresse" traditionnelle. Discrimination against the approximately 500,000 African (mostly irregular) immigrants has recently spread in China. During the corona pandemic, it degenerates into a true Afrophobia. Shortly before, five Nigerians in Guangzhou had reportedly tested positive for Covid-19. Africans are widely accused as drug traffickers and criminals. Also, they would endanger China's global competitiveness for Africa's resources through media baiting abroad. Current reports testify the displacement of African migrants from homes and hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), where most of the Africans live. They are dependent on informal, mostly illegal networks in order to be able to stay in the country. In online social networks Afrophobia as cyber racism is particularly pronounced. Thereby, racism is more deeply rooted in the mentality of many Chinese than is commonly assumed. According to a traditional Chinese proverb, the greatest evil to be avoided is 'the destroyed nation and the annihilated race'. In addition, since 2005 land-grabbing by Chinese entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa arose international attention. Its main purpose is to ensure food security in China and to profit from international grain speculation. It was racially legitimized from the start, with slogans such as, only Chinese investments could save Africans from their traditional 'laziness'. This repeats deeply rooted neo-colonial European prejudices of a 'wild, ahistoric and uncivilized Africa'. The prejudices are still associated with a feeling of racial superiority. The social fabric of China has always embodied essential characteristics of the exclusion of 'foreigners', focused on ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation and gender. The African Union, various African governments and even the United States have sharply criticized Beijing for mistreating migrants, particularly those from Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda. Racist attacks on Africans in China have an oppressively long tradition, associated with the expansion of bilateral Chinese petty trade in sub-Saharan Africa in the early 2000s and the subsequent influx of African petty traders into China.

Discrimination against the approximately 500,000 African (mostly irregular) immigrants has recently spread in China. During the corona pandemic, it degenerates into a true Afrophobia. Shortly before, five Nigerians in Guangzhou had reportedly tested positive for Covid-19. Africans are widely accused as drug traffickers and criminals. Also, they would endanger China's global competitiveness for Africa's resources through media baiting abroad. Current reports testify the displacement of African migrants from homes and hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), where most of the Africans live. They are dependent on informal, mostly illegal networks in order to be able to stay in the country. In online social networks Afrophobia as cyber racism is particularly pronounced. Thereby, racism is more deeply rooted in the mentality of many Chinese than is commonly assumed. According to a traditional Chinese proverb, the greatest evil to be avoided is 'the destroyed nation and the annihilated race'. In addition, since 2005 land-grabbing by Chinese entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa arose international attention. Its main purpose is to ensure food security in China and to profit from international grain speculation. It was racially legitimized from the start, with slogans such as, only Chinese investments could save Africans from their traditional 'laziness'. This repeats deeply rooted neo-colonial European prejudices of a 'wild, ahistoric and uncivilized Africa'. The prejudices are still associated with a feeling of racial superiority. The social fabric of China has always embodied essential characteristics of the exclusion of 'foreigners', focused on ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation and gender. The African Union, various African governments and even the United States have sharply criticized Beijing for mistreating migrants, particularly those from Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda. Racist attacks on Africans in China have an oppressively long tradition, associated with the expansion of bilateral Chinese petty trade in sub-Saharan Africa in the early 2000s and the subsequent influx of African petty traders into China. In China breitet sich in letzter Zeit eine Diskriminierung der ca. 500.000 afrikanischen (meist irregulären) Einwanderer aus. Sie artet in der Corona-Pandemie zu einer wahren Afrophobie aus. Afrikaner werden pauschal als Drogenhändler und Kriminelle beschuldigt. Sie würden zudem über Medienhetze im Ausland Chinas globale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit um Afrikas Ressourcen gefährden. Aktuelle Meldungen berichten von der Vertreibung afrikanischer Migranten aus Wohnungen und Hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), wo die meisten Afrikaner leben. Sie sind auf informelle, meist illegale Netzwerke angewiesen, um im Land bleiben zu können. In sozialen online Netzwerken ist Afrophobie als Cyber-Rassismus besonders ausgeprägt. Rassismus ist in der Mentalität vieler Chinesen tiefer verwurzelt als gemeinhin angenommen. Nach einem traditionellen chinesischen Sprichwort gilt als größtes zu vermeidendes Übel die "zerstörte Nation und die vernichtete Rasse". Hinzu kommt seit 2005 die ‚Landnahme‘ chinesischer Unternehmer in Schwarzafrika. Sie dient hauptsächlich der Absicherung der Nahrungsmittelsicherheit Chinas und der internationalen Getreidespekulationen. Sie wurde von Anbeginn rassistisch legitimiert, mit Sprüchen, wie beispielsweise, nur chinesische Investitionen könnten die Afrikaner vor ihrer tradierten "Faulheit" retten. Damit wiederholen sich tief verwurzelte neo-koloniale europäische Vorurteile von einem "wilden und unzivilisierten Afrika". Dies ist nach wie vor verbunden mit einem Gefühl rassischer Überlegenheit. Das soziale Gefüge Chinas verkörperte schon immer wesentliche Merkmale der Ausgrenzung von "Fremden". Fokussiert auf ethnische Zugehörigkeit, Rasse, Religion, sexuelle Orientierung und Geschlecht. Die Afrikanische Union, verschiedene afrikanische Regierungen und sogar die Vereinigten Staaten haben Peking wegen der Misshandlung von Migranten, vor allem aus Nigeria, Ghana, Kenia und Uganda, scharf kritisiert. Kurz zuvor waren Berichten zufolge fünf Nigerianer in Guangzhou positiv auf Covid-19 getestet worden. Rassistische Angriffe auf Afrikaner in China haben eine bedrückend lange Tradition, die mit der Ausweitung des bilateralen Kleinhandels von Chinesen in Subsahara-Afrika Anfang der 2000er und dem anschließenden Zustrom afrikanischer Kleinhändler nach China zusammenhängt.

Sexual and/or gender minority populations (LGBQ/T) have particular cancer risks, lower involvement in cancer screening, and experience barriers in communication with healthcare providers. All of these factors increase the probability of health decisions linked with poor outcomes that include higher levels of cancer mortality. Persistent discrimination against, and stigmatization of, LGBQ/T people is reflected in sparse medical curriculum addressing LGBQ/T communities. Marginalization makes LGBQ/T persons particularly reliant on knowledge derived from online networks and mainstream media sources. In what is likely the first nationally-funded and nation-wide study of LGBQ/T experiences of cancer, the Cancer’s Margins project (www.lgbtcancer.ca) conducted face-to-face interviews with 81 sexual and/or gender minority patients diagnosed and treated for breast and/or gynecological cancer in five Canadian provinces and the San Francisco Bay area (US). With specific attention to knowledge access, sharing, and mobilization, our objective was to document and analyze complex intersectional relationships between marginalization, gender and sexuality, and cancer health decision-making and care experiences. Findings indicate that cancer care knowledge in online environments is shaped by cisnormative and heteronormative narratives. Cancer knowledge and support environments need, by contrast, to be designed by taking into account intersectionally diverse models of minority identities and communities. Keywords: biographical knowledge; biomedical knowledge; cancer; cancer care; gender; health disparities; health equity; information access; LGBT health; minority cancer patients; transgender; treatment

Im Vorfeld zur Knesset-Wahl 2021 werben jüdische Parteien aktiv um die Stimmen der israe­lischen Araber, die 17 Prozent der wahlberechtigten Israelis stellen. Zugleich äußern arabische Israelis verstärkt das Bedürfnis nach einer Politik, die zur Verbesserung ihrer Lebensumstände beiträgt und ihnen mehr politische Beteiligung er­mög­licht. Während das arabische Parteienbündnis Vereinte Liste seinen traditionellen Op­posi­tionskurs beibehält und dabei die Abspaltung ihres Mitglieds Islamische Bewe­gung (Ra’am) in Kauf nahm, treten im Wahlkampf neue Akteure auf, die eine prag­ma­tischere arabische Poli­tik betreiben und auf Zusammenarbeit mit jüdi­schen Partei­en setzen. Der Konflikt und die Iden­ti­tät des jüdischen Staates Israel spielen für sie allen­falls eine Nebenrolle. Ähn­lich sieht es in der israelischen Kommunalpolitik aus. Dort wird eine interessens­basierte jüdisch-arabische Kooperation bereits praktiziert. (Autorenreferat)

In the run-up to the 2021 elections to the Knesset, Jewish parties are actively courting the votes of Israeli Arabs, who constitute 17 per cent of all Israelis eligible to vote. At the same time, Israeli Arabs are increasingly emphasizing the need for a politics that will help improve their living circumstances and allow them greater political partici­pa­tion. While the Joint List alliance of Arab parties continues to follow its traditional oppo­si­t­ionist course and has come to terms with the decision of one of its members, the Is­lam­ic Movement (Ra’am), to split away, the election campaign has seen the emer­gence of new Arab politics, whose actors advocate a more pragmatic approach and are look­ing to cooperate with Jewish parties. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the iden­tity of the Jewish state of Israel are playing a secondary role. The situation is simi­lar in Is­raeli local politics, where Jews and Arabs are already engaged in interest-based coopera­tion. (author's abstract)

This paper explores the state of minority rights in the three Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. These countries share a lot of similarities in terms of their post-Soviet authoritarian legacy and weakness of democratic institutions. The repressive political landscapes of the Central Asian states have taken their tolls on minority groups, leaving them discriminated against, mistreated, and severely disadvantaged. Minority rights violations range from ethnic and religious discrimination to state-sponsored homophobia. Even though the leadership changes have positively affected the state of human rights in the three countries, there is still a slow pace of reforms. Overall, domestic changes in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan have not yielded considerable results so far in terms of alleviating the plight of minority groups across these countries.

Social media have played a major role as a place where one can meet and socialize with like-minded people, and this is especially important for marginalized groups. Atheists depict such a group in Indonesia where public expressions of atheism are punishable. Whereas social media often plays an important role in finding like-minded people, it is also potentially dangerous to reject religion on social media. In this research workshop, I argue that insights into the ways in which atheists use and engage in social media groups are crucial if one wants to know more about atheist ways of life in Indonesia. However, atheist groups are subject to internal fragmentation, as atheism in Indonesia is highly diverse, and, as a researcher, one can find oneself caught up in these internal struggles. Finally, I argue that social media research is an important addition to offline research, since it enables the researcher, especially when dealing with sensitive issues and identities, to directly enter and critically engage with the premises in which such identities are constituted and developed., Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, Vol. 14 No. 1 (2021)

Im Feld der internationalen Beziehungen und transnationalen Kooperationen gehen normative Haltungen und Werte der Auswärtigen Kultur- und Bildungspolitik (AKBP) bisweilen der Praxis in Deutschland und innerhalb von international tätigen Organisationen voraus. Um nach außen glaubwürdig agieren zu können, sollten insbesondere Kulturmittlerorganisationen auch innerhalb Strukturen von Diversität und Inklusion implementieren. In der vorliegenden Untersuchung werden die Konzepte von Diversität und Inklusion erläutert, eine Auswahl bereits bestehender Maßnahmen aufgezeigt sowie konkrete Schritte zur Implementierung von Diversität und Inklusion erläutert. Für die Auswärtige Kultur- und Bildungspolitik ergeben sich daraus Vorschläge, wie ein entsprechender Kulturwandel innerhalb der Organisationen zusätzlich flankiert werden könnte. In the field of international relations and transnational cooperation, normative attitudes and values of foreign cultural and educational policy sometimes precede practice in Germany and within internationally active organisations. However, in order to be able to act credibly, cultural mediator organisations in particular should also implement structures of diversity and inclusion internally. In this study, the concepts of diversity and inclusion will be explained, a selection of existing measures will be presented and concrete steps for implementing diversity and inclusion will be shown. For the area of foreign cultural and educational policy, this results in suggestions as to how a corresponding cultural change within organisations could be supported.

We analyse Roma fertility in four neighbouring countries in Central and Eastern Europe with a large Roma minority: in Hungary, Slovakia, Romania and Serbia. The sources of data are the respective national population censuses from 2011. Fertility is measured at the birth cohort level as the average number of children ever born. We make an international comparison of the fertility of Roma and non-Roma majority population women on the basis of completed education. In the case of Hungary, we also explore how the correlation between fertility and ethnic identity is modified when completed education and ethnic residential segregation are controlled. The fertility of Roma women is far above the majority population average in all birth cohorts and in each country. Educational attainment modifies this relationship. The fertility of highly educated Roma and majority population women is converging. The exposure to majority behaviour also has an effect. The lower the level of ethnic residential segregation, the smaller the difference between the fertility of Roma and majority population women. Completed education and residential segregation may exert different forces at the two ends of the educational hierarchy when their joint effect is explored. At the upper end of the social hierarchy, neither segregation nor ethnicity matters; at the lower end, however, both exposure to ethnic majority behaviour and ethnicity matter.

Infolge des Konflikts zwischen Russland und der Ukraine seit 2014 wurde die Anfälligkeit der baltischen Staaten für Destabilisierung zu einem wichtigen Thema in den transatlantischen und europäischen Strukturen. Nicht nur das Problem der militärischen Verwundbarkeit ist in diesem Zusammenhang wesentlich. Zahlreiche weitere Themen gerieten ins Blickfeld. Sie reichen von der Rolle der russischen und russischsprachigen Minderheiten über Energiesicherheit und wirtschaftliche Verflechtungen bis zu Desinformation und zur digitalen Sphäre. Seit Mitte der 2010er Jahre haben die drei Länder ihre Resilienz gegenüber Destabilisierung spürbar verbessert, und zwar durch eigene Anstrengungen sowie die Unterstützung ihrer Partner in EU und Nato. Nach wie vor bestehen aber offene Flanken. Das gilt sowohl für mili­tärische Sicherheit als auch für Felder der "soft security". Für Deutschland heißt dies, seine Beziehungen zu Estland, Lettland und Litauen fortzuentwickeln und daran mitzuwirken, eine nachhaltige Resilienzpartnerschaft in EU und Nato aufzubauen. (Autorenreferat)

For decades, social scientists have been interested in studying individual attitudes toward ethnic minorities or immigrants and their development over time. Whereas these attitudes have been commonly studied among adults, little is known about children’s and teenager's attitudes toward immigrant minorities. This gap might have been a result of a lack of standardized, cost-effective, and efficient large-scale survey measures tailored to young people. In the current study, we try to overcome this gap by introducing and validating a new, child-friendly, easily administrable picture-based survey measure of attitudes toward immigrants belonging to two ethnic minorities: blacks and Muslims. For this purpose, we collected a panel dataset at three measurement time points in two countries, Switzerland and Poland, including 5332 school children and teenagers aged 8 to 19 years, divided into three age cohorts. We performed confirmatory factor analyses within and across the samples and found that the new picture-based measures were reliable and highly comparable across measurement time points, age cohorts, and country samples. The findings suggest that picture-based measures may be a promising tool to measure attitudes among children.+++Correction to: Measuring school children's attitudes toward immigrants in Switzerland and Poland, s. https://doi.org/10.1186/s42409-021-00024-9 (14 April 2021).

While gender perspectives have become a burgeoning focus of analysis in transitional justice, the dominant conceptualization of 'gender' in such processes is effectively an exclusive one. As a result, careful consideration for the roles of masculinities and for the experiences of sexual and gender minorities remains strikingly absent. To engage with these blind-spots, in this article I initiate a move towards a more inclusive understanding of gender in transitional justice, which includes masculinities and queer perspectives. I also indicate how a move from the macro- to the micro-level of TJ implies opportunities and challenges for more inclusive understandings of gender.

The scholarship on political transnationalism aims to understand how and why emigrants keep relevant political ties with their state of origin as well as cultivate new ones with their country of residence. Through the multiple formal shapes that such political ties can adopt, much has been written on the electoral channel, neglecting other important formal mechanisms of political participation from abroad. In this short paper we contribute to the study of one such mechanism: consultative bodies of emigrant affairs. Looking at an entire world region -Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC)- we compare the creation of such consultative bodies to the adoption of electoral rights and account for the main characteristics of consultative bodies, creating a typology of them along on two dimensions: independence from governmental authorities and degree of entitlement in the policy-making process. This work aims to set the ground for and encourage further comparative large-N and in-depth case studies that will contribute to better understand the possibilities that emigrant consultative bodies open for emigrant participation.

Anti-minority rhetoric as an almost universal feature of extremeright parties is often analytically and empirically linked to their electoral success. This article tests the link between the presence of an outgroup and the vote for the extreme right in an attempt to explain the electoral success of the first openly anti-system extreme-right party to enter the Slovak parliament in 2016. A multilevel approach is used to analyse the connection between Roma presence in a municipality and extreme-right support while controlling for the individual characteristics of voters. Analysis using exit-poll data covering 161 municipalities and 20 128 voters reveals no relationship between the presence of Roma in a municipality and support for the extreme right. A partial exception seems to be observed for older voters and the university-educated, who are generally the least inclined to far-right support. Interaction effects suggest that, for these groups, Roma presence might be connected to a higher probability to cast a vote for the extreme right. However, a notably higher chance of voting for the extreme right was associated with young, male, manual labourers and people without university education.

Existing research found strong and convincing evidence of ethnic discrimination in housing markets in almost all Western countries (Pager and Shepherd, 2008). This also holds for Germany, where particularly applicants with Turkish or Arabic names face severe discrimination. In large German cities applicants with Turkish names get up to 16 percentage points fewer responses than applicants with German names (Auspurg, Hinz, and Schmid, 2017). However, almost all of these studies look at “traditional” housing markets, where a landlord rents a flat to a family or individuals. Another segment of the housing market is mostly ignored, even though it has become increasingly common: Shared housing. About five million Germans are currently living in shared flats (Institut für Demoskopie Allensbach, 2017, p. 12). Discrimination in this market likely differs from other housing markets because of differences in the recruiting process and differences in the rationales and composition of tenants., Informationsdienst Soziale Indikatoren No. 64 (2020). Beginn und Erscheinungsfrequenz: Jahr: 1989, Ausgaben pro Jahr: 2, Social Indicators Information Service No. 64 (2020). Beginn und Erscheinungsfrequenz: Year: 1989, Issues per Year: 2, Social Indicators Information Service, Informationsdienst Soziale Indikatoren

Zusammenfassung Die postmigrantische Perspektive versucht, das im gesellschaftlichen Umgang mit Migration vorherrschende Integrationsparadigma zu uberwinden, indem sie den Blick auf das Zusammenleben in pluralen Gesellschaften richtet. Der vorliegende Beitrag thematisiert einen postmigrantischen Paradigmenwechsel als Programm zur soziologischen Erforschung und Theoretisierung von gesellschaftlichen Lebensrealitaten, die bereits von Migration und Vielfalt gepragt sind. Ein besonderer Fokus des Beitrags liegt auf den Aushandlungsprozessen von politischen Reprasentant*innen judischer und muslimischer Minderheiten im Kontext der deutschen Gesellschaft. Auf Grundlage von Expert*inneninterviews wird danach gefragt, ob und wie in einem konfliktiven Aushandlungsraum strategische Allianzen und Kooperationen zwischen religiosen Minderheiten, die zu stigmatisierten und marginalisierten Gruppen zahlen, entstehen und wirken. Exemplarisch wird am Umgang mit Rechtspopulismus sowie an ihrer Erinnerungspolitik gezeigt, dass politische Reprasentant*innen kooperative Beziehungen im Sinne einer Postmigrantisierung pflegen, was einen gesamtgesellschaftlichen solidarischen Moglichkeitsraum eroffnet. Schlagworter: Postmigrantische Gesellschaft; Integration; Minderheiten; Religion; Migrationssoziologie; Solidaritat; boundary work ----- Bibliographie : Mannlein, Daniel: Auf dem Weg zum postmigrantischen Paradigmenwechsel? Eine Analyse von Reprasentationsbeziehungen religioser Minderheiten, Soziologiemagazin, 1-2020, S. 19-39. https://doi.org/10.3224/soz.v13i1.03

Das folgende Protokoll der Konferenz "Wohin treibt der Nahe Osten?" in Berlin im November 2019 entstand aus den Notizen, die der Unterzeichnete als Konferenzteilnehmer für sich erstellt hatte. Insofern ist es das Ergebnis eines unvermeidbar selektiven Hörens. Nicht alles Wichtige, was gesagt wurde, kann sich in diesem Protokoll niedergeschrieben finden, und nicht jede Rednerin und jeder Redner wird sich hier zufriedenstellend wiedergegeben sehen. Indes entwickelte sich nach Ende der Konferenz der Wunsch, angesichts der Bedeutung, die das Thema hat, und im Hinblick auf die politischen Schlussfolgerungen, die aus Manchem, was gesagt wurde, zu ziehen wären, wenigstens einiges für künftige Verwendungen festzuhalten.

The Kingdom of Serbia fought in three consecutive conflicts between 1912 and 1918. These events merged into a devastating experience of an all-out war, completely reshaping all aspects of contemporary life. As the first centenary of these events has recently shown, the memories of wartime still play a very prominent role in the Serbian national narrative. By 1915 around 20% of Serbian combatants belonged to some of the country’s minorities. Second class citizens on the social margins of society, the Serbian Roma constitute those whose wartime history is the least known to research and the public. However, the wartime diaries kept by Serbian soldiers are full of causal references to their Roma fellow combatants. This article provides an overview of the duties Roma soldiers played in the war, based on the perspective of Serbs who were fighting alongside them. The article tackles the general image and the position of the Roma population in the Kingdom of Serbia. In addition, the horrific challenges the war created for Serbian society are tackled from the perspective of those who were, already in peace time, in the most disadvantageous situation socially and economically. Overall, despite the unifying experience which the wartime suffering imposed on all citizens of the Kingdom, the old prejudices towards the Roma survived after 1918.

This study focuses on how Roma communities are represented in the Lithuanian online media. The aim is to answer the question of how news about the Roma is embedded in the broader practices of neoliberalism and racist discourses. Representation of the Roma in the media is inseparable from constructivism, power and influence. Roma communities have little opportunity to make their voices heard in society, i.e., their voice is not heard or represented in the media. Political representation of the Roma is particularly important due to the weak opportunities to participate in the formulation and decision-making of certain political decisions, both in the national and international context. It is assumed, that the negative and even stereotypical portrayal of the Roma in the media encourages a negative public attitude towards this ethnic group and has an impact on the (in)successful integration of the Roma into society. The aim of the research is to find out how Roma are represented on the online news portals15min.ltandLrytas.ltand to reveal how stereotypes are formed in relation with this national minority. The following tasks are used to reveal the aim of the work: to present the history of the Roma and the problems of their identity, to analyze the concept of Romaphobia, to present the theory of social constructivism and the role of the media in shaping social reality; to perform a qualitative analysis of the content of the news portals15min.ltandLrytas.lt: comparing how Roma perceptions are formed on these news portals and how different groups of actors contribute to constructing and maintaining stereotypes in the media/society. The qualitative analysis of the content revealed that the information, provided in the media, aims to portray the Roma as a threat to public security and to the local population, who experience socio-economic exclusion, who have different values and are reluctant to integrate. However, Roma are not given the right to self-representation because the unilateral narrative of the event dominates and the audience for which the report is addressed is too homogeneous. Manifestations of Romaphobia are observed in the news portals' discourse. It can be assumed, that this creates a negative value orientation for readers, as Roma is perceived as an “undesirable” ethnic group in Lithuania. However, the Roma themselves do not have effective means to make heard their “voice” and participate in public life in order to challenge the dominant negative images

This research project was developed to explore the types of social infrastructure that people aged 50 and over from ethnic minority communities use in specific places. The aim of this project is to understand how organisations working with ethnic minority groups engage with older members from their community and how this might have changed over time and to explore how individuals from ethnic minority communities use places, organisations and services for social contact and interaction.

The southern parts of Yugoslavia, especially Macedonia, experienced massive emigration by non-Slavic Muslims in the 1950s after an agreement was concluded between Yugoslavia and Turkey in 1953. The movement raises questions of ethnic belonging and policy towards minorities in socialist Yugoslavia, especially regarding the Albanian population in Kosovo. It also raises questions regarding the entanglement of (migration) policy and emigration and the character of state intervention in an on-going emigration process. Thus, the author's aim is to analyse the pillars of migration policy, the legal and regulatory framework as well as the extent, causes and consequences of state intervention on emigration processes to Turkey. The author further questions the emigration factors and their ethno-political dimensions, also examining how the mass emigration of Muslims influenced different fields of society in the region of origin as well as the Muslim lifeworld in the region.

This article addresses the critical role that civil society at the urban level plays in integrating and empowering immigrants and minorities in Canadian society. From a place-based approach, it investigates how key agencies in the local community have been instrumental in including immigrants in general and refugees in particular into the fabric of Canadian society. Empirically the analysis focuses on Neighbourhood Houses in Greater Vancouver and the Privately-Sponsored Refugee program in Canada. With the interpretative lens on the urban context, the article shows how immigrants and refugees have gained agency and voice in the public arena through place-based communities. The insight into these two empirical cases provides the basis for conceptualizing the socio-political dynamics of immigrant settlement and integration in terms of the effects generated by urban governance structures.

One third of Eritrea's citizens live in exile, and their government uses coercion, intimidation, and manipulation of patriotism to maintain financial flows from the diaspora through a rehabilitation tax and by delegating welfare responsibilities to its citizens abroad. Over one million Eritreans reside in Arab states, yet, we know little about their attitudes towards the homeland regime. Contrary to their compatriots in Europe and North America, they do not have political asylum and instead depend on work contracts for their residence permits. This makes them vulnerable to demands of transnational Eritrean institutions, which issue vital documents in exchange for fulfillment of financial obligations. The diasporic political space is doubly restricted, since authoritarian host states neither permit political activities, nor do they provide reliable protection from the Eritrean regime. This article explores the extent to which Eritreans in the Arab Gulf and Sudan can avert coercion by their home government, and how these states disempower diasporic contention. Cover Image: Market in Asmara, Eritrea. Image by author.

Language planning and policy (LPP) in postcolonial island states is often strongly (co)determined by the former colonizer’s state tradition. Comparable to the examples of the development of LPP in Cabo Verde (Baptista, Brito, & Bangura, 2010), Haiti (DeGraff, 2016), and Mauritius (Johnson, 2006; Lallmahomed-Aumeerally, 2005), this article aims to illustrate and explain in what way the current situation of the dominance of Dutch in governance, law and education in Aruba (and Curaçao) can only be explained through path dependency and state tradition (Sonntag & Cardinal, 2015) in which, time and again, critical junctures, have not led to decisions that favour the mother tongue of the majority of the population (Dijkhoff & Pereira, 2010; Mijts, 2015; Prins-Winkel, 1973; Winkel, 1955). In this article, three perspectives on LPP in small island states are explored as different aspects of the continuation of the former colonizer’s state tradition and language regime. The first part will focus on the (non-)applicability of international treaties like the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML) on the challenges of small island states. The point will be made that international treaties, like the ECRML, do not (currently) provide sufficient basis for the protection of languages in former colonial islands and for the empowerment of individuals through language rights. The second part explores the meaning of fundamental legal principles and specific demands, deduced from international treaties. The point will be made that the structure of the Kingdom of the Netherlands brings with it several limitations and obstacles for the autonomous development of LPP. The third part will focus on the way in which current Aruban legislation reflects the dominance of Dutch in governance, the judiciary and education. While bearing in mind that choices for legislation on language for governance, the judiciary and education are rooted in very diverse principles, a critical reading of existing legislation reveals an interesting dynamic of symbolic inclusive legislation and exclusive practices through language restrictions that favour the Dutch minority language. Recent research, however, demonstrates that law/policy and practice are not aligned, as such creating an incoherent situation that may call for a change in legislation and policy.

Namibia's Husab uranium mine is the Chinese government's largest investment in Africa to date. This article develops a theoretical framework of hybridity to analyse the (geo)political and ecological implications of China's rising global influence in uranium mining. Drawing on multiple-methods fieldwork, the article explains how Husab has resuscitated Namibia's uranium industry and facilitated the political goals of both Chinese and Namibian leaders. Husab's materialisation of “South–South solidarity,” however, also appears to be deepening the marginalisation of minority communities near uranium mines. Far from paradoxical, this uneven distribution of benefits and costs is as intertwined with nuclear geopolitics as it is with the materiality of uranium mining.

We examined the link between victimisation and life satisfaction for 85,301 gay and bisexual individuals across 44 European countries. We expected this negative link to be stronger when the internalised homonegativity of the victim was high (e.g. because the victim is more vulnerable) and weaker when victimisation occurs in countries that express intolerance towards homosexuality (e.g. because in such contexts victims expect victimisation more and they attribute it to their external environment). Additionally, we expected internalised homonegativity to relate negatively to life satisfaction. Multilevel analyses revealed that victimisation (i.e. verbal insults, threats of violence, minor or major physical assaults) and internalised homonegativity were negatively related to life satisfaction. Furthermore, as we expected, the negative link between victimisation and life satisfaction was stronger when high internalised homonegativity was reported (and the interaction effect occurred for verbal insults and major assaults as outcome variables), while it was weaker when there was low national tolerance of homosexuality (and the interaction effect occurred for verbal insults and for minor assaults). Future research and social policy should consider how the consequences of victimisation are dependent on personal as well as national attitudes towards homosexuality. Nous avons examiné le lien entre la victimisation et la satisfaction de vivre chez 85,301 personnes gays et bisexuelles dans 44 pays européens. Nous nous attendions à ce que ce lien négatif soit plus marqué lorsque l’homonégativité intériorisée est forte (par exemple, parce que la personne qui souffre de cette victimisation est plus vulnérable), et plus faible lorsque la victimisation se manifeste dans les pays où l’intolérance vis-à-vis de l’homosexualité est exprimée (par exemple, parce que dans ce contexte, de manière plus forte, les victimes s’attendent à la victimisation et l’attribuent à l’environnement externe). De plus, nous anticipions un impact négatif de l’homonégativité intériorisée sur la satisfaction de vivre. Nos analyses multiniveaux ont révélé que la victimisation (c’est-à-dire, les insultes verbales, les menaces de violence, les agressions physiques mineures ou sévères) et l’homonégativité intériorisée avaient un impact négatif sur la satisfaction de vivre. En outre, comme nous nous y attendions, le lien négatif entre victimisation et satisfaction de vivre était plus marqué en présence d’une forte homonégativité intériorisée rapportée (et les effets d’interaction pour les insultes verbales et les agressions sévères se sont révélés en tant que variables des résultats), tandis qu’il était moins marqué dans un contexte de faible tolérance de l’homosexualité à l’échelle nationale (et les effets d’interaction se sont révélés pour les insultes verbales et les agressions mineures). À l’avenir, la recherche et les politiques sociales doivent prendre en compte la manière dont les conséquences de la victimisation dépendent des attitudes à la fois personnelles et nationales vis-à-vis de l’homosexualité. Aquí analizamos el vínculo entre victimización y satisfacción con la vida de 85.301 homosexuales y bisexuales de 44 países europeos. Previmos que este vínculo negativo sería más fuerte cuando la víctima presenta un nivel alto de homonegatividad interiorizada (p. ej., porque la víctima es más vulnerable) y más débil cuando la victimización ocurre en países que expresan intolerancia hacia la homosexualidad (p. ej., porque en tales contextos las víctimas esperan que la victimización sea mayor y la atribuyen a su entorno externo). Además, esperábamos que la homonegatividad interiorizada estuviese relacionada negativamente con la satisfacción con la vida. En análisis de varios niveles se observó que la victimización (es decir, insultos verbales, amenazas de violencia, agresiones físicas leves o graves) y la homonegatividad interiorizada estaban negativamente relacionadas con la satisfacción con la vida. Asimismo, tal como esperábamos, el vínculo negativo entre victimización y satisfacción con la vida era más fuerte cuando se informaba una alta homonegatividad interiorizada (y el efecto de interacción ocurría en casos de insultos verbales y agresiones graves como variables de resultado), mientras que era más débil cuando había un nivel bajo nacional de tolerancia hacia la homosexualidad (y el efecto de interacción ocurría en casos de insultos verbales y agresiones leves). En los estudios futuros y las políticas sociales debería tenerse en cuenta el modo en que las consecuencias de la victimización dependen tanto de la actitud personal como de las actitudes nacionales hacia la homosexualidad.

One of the most striking features of the contemporary world is the scale and complexity of international and internal migration and the rapidly increasing size of indigenous ethnic minorities in the national populations of many countries. International migration continues to be mainly from poor to rich nations but the more recent years have seen migration patterns becoming multidirectional, with migration flows moving between developed countries, amongst developing countries as well as from developing to developed countries. The scale of internal migration in some countries is dazzling. For instance, an estimated 260 million ‘peasant workers’ have moved to cities in China. The number of indigenous ethnic minorities in the country has also grown substantially, now reaching 106 million. These and other features of population change pose a serious challenge to policy-makers and the general population in many counties, in terms of making and implementing policies of social inclusion for migrant and indigenous ethnic minorities, ensuring equal access to educational and occupational opportunities, and taking measures to facilitate societal acceptance of the ethnic minority groups. With this in mind, we have, in this thematic issue, collected papers that address issues of ethnic integration in both developed and developing countries.

Religion has been taking an increasingly contentious character worldwide. Deprivation, grievances and protest by religious groups seems to be on the rise. Previous research has shown that the marginalization of ethnic groups can contribute significantly to violent conflict. However, we know little about religious groups as existing research has lacked the necessary fine-grained data. This paper introduces the “Religious Minorities at Risk” dataset comprising data on 771 religious minorities worldwide for the period between 2000 and 2014. The dataset contains pertinent worldwide information on relevant characteristics of these minorities, especially those that may explain their motivation and capability to mobilize. Such characteristics include objective deprivation in religious, economic and political terms as well as corresponding subjective grievances and intensities. The dataset also includes group-related features and structural variables that arguably influence minorities’ capability to mobilize. Moreover, while previous studies have focussed exclusively on violence, we now have more information available on the exact character of mobilization enabling scholars to distinguish between peaceful and violent forms of mobilization.

This is the first harmonised correspondence study on the recruitment behaviour of employers in the US and in Spain. By comparing the call-back rates of Latino minority and majority group applicants, we measure the labour market discrimination that Latinos experience in these two national contexts. Due to their proximity in terms of culture and language, Latinos are expected to experience less discrimination in Spain than in the US. This is supported by our findings, as the level of discrimination against Latinos in the US is high and statistically significant, while we find no evidence of statistically significant discrimination against Latinos in Spain. In line with research on the intersection between ethnicity and gender in stereotyping, we find gender differences regarding discrimination in both countries, though in opposite directions. While Latino males are more discriminated than Latino females in the US, Latino females experience more discrimination than their male counterparts in Spain, who are not treated differently from Spanish native men. Our results indicate that ethnic group stereotypes are country-specific and different for males and females of the same ethnicity. Moreover, we find partial evidence that ethnic group stereotypes can be counteracted when favourable information on warmth and competence is provided.

In this article, the author reflects on her ethnographic-historical study of the genocide experiences and memories of Roma and the identified gaps between archival and family memory. In order to illustrate these gaps, she draws on her case study of a small community of Roma in Vidzy, Belarus. The field research reveals the interconnectedness of Romani family memory and local memory, as well as the silence of Soviet archival records on the mass killing of a Roma group in a Vidzy forest. In the second part of the article, the author seeks an answer to the question "How does archival silence happen?" By following Stoler's proposition for the ethnography "of" and "in" archives, she trys to reconstruct the sociopolitical context of the work of the Soviet Extraordinary Commission, as well as potential tensions between the local population (eyewitnesses) and the Soviet state (representatives of the Commission). For these purposes, the author combines an engaged reading of the Commission's records with her field observations and other scholarly works in the field of Soviet studies. At a theoretical level, this article seeks to improve our understanding of the archival silence and its potential implications for memory. Additionally, it shows a potential of the ethnographic method in revealing, and even filling, archival silences in the case of ethnic minorities and indigenous populations whose memory narratives have been predominantly oral and who have not yet created their own archives.

Introduction: Hard-to-reach and minority groups are often at higher risk for adverse sexual health outcomes. While such groups are therefore of interest to sexual health researchers, it can be difficult to locate and recruit sufficient sample sizes using probability sampling methods. This study aims to establish whether web-panel surveys can provide a viable less resource intensive means of boosting sample sizes of two hard-to-reach groups (people of Black African ethnicity, and gay men) for a sexual health survey, and the extent of any bias. Methods: Results from a national probability sample survey (Natsal-3, administered using a computer-assisted personal interview (CAPI) and self-interview (CASI) with 15,162 participants), which included 211 black African participants and 83 gay men, were compared with results from a web-panel survey (using identical questions) of 529 black Africans and 592 gay men. Web-panel survey results for socio-demographics were compared with external benchmarks, and for sexual behaviours and attitudes reported in Natsal-3. Odds ratios (ORs) were used to examine differences between variables and the average absolute OR, along with the number of estimates for which the web-panel survey differed significantly from the benchmarks, were used to summarise survey performance. Results: At least 18% of estimates differed significantly between surveys for gay and black African men, and 28% for black African women. For black African women average absolute ORs were: 1.6 for attitudinal questions asked in CAPI, 1.5 for attitudinal CASI questions, 3.2 for behaviour questions asked in CAPI and for 1.7 for behaviour CASI. For black African men average absolute ORs were: 1.5 for attitudinal questions asked in CAPI, 1.8 for attitudinal CASI questions, 2.5 for behavioural questions asked in CAPI and 1.6 for behavioural questions asked in CASI=1.6. For gay men, average absolute ORs were: 2.2 for attitudinal questions asked in CAPI, 2.8 for attitudinal CASI questions, 1.8 for behavioural questions asked in CAPI to 1.6 for behavioural questions asked in CASI. Discussion: Web-panel surveys may be able to sample hard-to-reach groups but may not be able to replace probability-sample surveys where accurate population-level estimates of sensitive sexual behaviours are required. Differences between web and CASI responses, where mode effects may be similar, suggest web-panel survey selection bias.