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Asio flammeus en la Península de Yucatán: la importancia de los especímenes en las colecciones de museo.McAndrews et al. (2006) describieron el “primer registro documentado” del búho cuerno corto (Asio flammeus) para el estado de Yucatán. Debido a la aparente falta de un ejemplar voucher colectado por Phillips y Dickerman, no se había considerado su presencia en el estado de Campeche; sin embargo, al revisarse la colección del Museo de las Aves de México, dicho ejemplar apareció. Con ello se resalta la importancia de contar con ejemplares voucher en las colecciones científicas.

The convergence between wildlife trafficking and other serious crimes has received increasing attention within criminological studies. The present study examines how and why Mexican organized crime groups, in particular drug cartels, have shifted their operations from drug trafficking into specific parts of the illegal trade in totoaba maw. By drawing upon literature research, semi-structured interviews and official documents of the Mexican state, empirical data indicate that Mexican organized crime groups may infiltrate into the poaching and smuggling of totoaba maw as a result of a diversification process, influenced by the social context in which these groups operate. The different interactions between actors involved along the supply chain revealed that organized crime groups adapt to new illicit markets by means of corruption and violence; by establishing alliances with local fishermen and Asian criminal networks along the trafficking chain; by using their existing routes and concealment methods. Finally, in the light of this empirical evidence that infers the complexity of crime convergence, we suggest the introduction of a National Environmental Task Force in Mexico.

BackgroundImmigration is a determinant of tuberculosis (TB) epidemiology. The US-Mexican border state of Tamaulipas serves as a migration waypoint for further immigration to the US, and has the second highest incidence of TB in Mexico. Here, we determined the contribution and characteristics of immigrants to the TB burden in Tamaulipas.MethodsTB surveillance data from Tamaulipas (2006-2013) was used to conduct a cross-sectional characterization of TB immigrants (born outside Tamaulipas) and identify their association with TB treatment outcomes.ResultsImmigrants comprised 30.8% of the TB patients, with >99% originating from internal Mexican migration. Most migration was from South to North, with cities adjacent to the US border as destinations. Immigrants had higher odds of risk factors for TB [older age (≥ 65 yr old, OR 2.4, 95% CI 2.1, 2.8), low education (OR 1.3, 95% CI 1.2, 1.4), diabetes (OR 1.2, 95% CI 1.1, 1.4)], or abandoning TB treatment (adjusted OR 1.2, 95% CI 1.0, 1.5).ConclusionsThe US port of entry of Tamaulipas has a predominant south to north migration, positively impacting TB prevalence in this region. There is a need to identify strategies to prevent and manage TB more effectively in this Mexican migration waypoint.

Background. Due to the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19), some social sectors were affected;one of them is girls and women, and it is feared some inequalities may worse. Objective. To analyze pneumonia, hospitalizations, and fatality among confirmed cases of COVID-19, by the state of residence, in Mexican women under 19 years. Methods. A quantitative, ecological, comparative, and retrolective study was designed. The study population was female patients under 19 years whose data was available from the Mexican open National Epidemiological Surveillance System database up to March 31, 2021. For each Mexican state and at the national level, the proportion of pneumonia, hospitalized, and Case Fatality Ratio (CFR) among confirmed cases were calculated, besides descriptive statistics. The state with the lowest proportion of pneumonia, hospitalizations, and CFR was used as the baseline group to calculate Odds Ratio (ORs) and Attributable Fraction both in exposed and the population. The linear relationship between pneumonia cases proportion and hospitalizations with CFR was tested. Test results with p-values under .05 were considered statistically significant. Data analysis was performed in STATA 13.0 ® (Stata Corp., College Station, TX, USA). Results. The number of registries analyzed was 48,091. Attributable Fractions were above 0.7 for most states. Most ORs were high and statistically significant. The correlation between hospitalization proportion, pneumonia proportion, and CFR was high. High values for the Attributable Fractions and ORs were observed among states from the Mexican coastlines. Conclusion. Level and quality of attention vary across states, which was observed through the values of Attributable Fractions and ORs. Although women under 19 years seem to be mildly affected by COVID-19 in clinical regard, the socioeconomic effects of the pandemic in this sector must be studied and addressed. The sharing of strategies among states may benefit the attention of the COVID-19 emergency is a primary goal.

El presente trabajo es un producto de revisión documental que tuvo por objetivo analizar los derechos de las mujeres en el Estado mexicano desde una perspectiva de los derechos humanos para la igualdad de género. El estudio enfoca un análisis reflexivo a la norma jurídica desde un abordaje crítico jurídico. Se aplicó una metodología cualitativa desde el método exegético y dogmático partiendo del análisis documental. En el estudio se observa el marco teórico-jurídico de los derechos de las mujeres, así como la igualdad de género en el Estado Mexicano. En el estudio se observó que uno de los grupos que ha sufrido las graves consecuencias de la discriminación y de los cuales se han vulnerado sus derechos de manera arrasadora son las mujeres. Se concluye la necesidad de generar mecanismos de atención en perspectiva de derechos humanos para salvaguardar los derechos de las mujeres.

Durante la primera mitad del siglo XX, la capital mexicana experimentó un crecimiento demográfico inusitado. Entre otros aspectos, la migración y el proceso de industrialización llevaron a preocupaciones morales sobre la transformación del espacio urbano y el surgimiento de la mujer moderna. Por su parte, el estado mexicano asoció la epidemia de sífilis de la década de los años veinte con la proliferación de la prostitución. Este marco social propició una abundante producción de cine y música prostibularia que se expresó a través de géneros como el bolero, el danzón y el fox-trot. A través de la proyección en la pantalla de un tema tabú como la prostitución, se reprodujeron mensajes más o menos moralizantes que reforzaban la noción de familia patriarcal y la preservación de la virginidad femenina. Uno de los ejemplos más representativos de este tipo de filmes es Santa (1931). La censura de los géneros musicales prostibularios por parte de los folcloristas mexicanos se alineaba con el modelo de familia promovido por el estado posrevolucionario que reconocía en las mujeres a las encargadas de salvaguardar los valores familiares. El cine y la música de temática prostibularia dejó escaso o nulo espacio para abordar tramas distintas a las del amor romántico, expresado habitualmente por personajes masculinos enamorados las prostitutas, que terminaban siendo los verdaderos protagonistas de estas historias.

On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of his death in 2019, Netflix released two limited series focused on Mexican presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio and his assassination. 1994 (directed by Diego Enrique Osorno) and Crime Diaries: The Candidate (Historia de un crimen: Colosio, directed by Hiromi Kamata and Natalia Beristáin) are, respectively, a documentary series and a drama, both delving into the political conjuncture surrounding both Colosio’s candidacy and the investigations subsequent to his assassination. Since his dramatic death, the image of Colosio has maintained its associations with heroism and his unrealized presidency has come to embody the “México que no fue,” a radically innovated Mexican state that never was and, possibly, will never be. Both series rely on the exploitation of original footage and underlying political takes on the events. This analysis will critically compare the two series from three main thematic perspectives: the Mexican political context at the time of the assassination; Colosio’s characterization and private life; and the procedural aspects of the investigations.

The list of species of fungus beetle families Endomychidae, Anamorphidae and Eupsilobiidae (Endomychidae sensu lato) in Mexico is updated. Fifty three species and two subspecies of Endomychidae, nine of Anamorphidae and two of Eupsilobiidae are reported. Bystus is the most diverse genus in Anamorphidae (4 spp.); Stenotarsus (23 spp.) is the most diverse genus in Endomychidae followed by Epipocus (21 spp.). Veracruz is the Mexican state with the highest diversity for the three families (31 spp. Endomychidae, 5 spp. Anamorphidae and 1 sp. Eupsilobiidae), followed by Chiapas (17 spp. Endomychidae), Oaxaca (15 spp. Endomychidae) and Jalisco (13 spp. Endomychidae). Additionally, first records for Mexican states and countries of the Neotropical region are provided. Stenotarsus lemniscatus Gorham is recorded from Belize, S. mexicanus Arriaga-Varela et al. from Belize, Epipocus alvaradi Strohecker from El Salvador, E. manni Strocheker from Honduras, E. punctatus LeConte from Nicaragua, Anidrytus compactus Strohecker from Ecuador and A. helvolus Gerstaecker from Argentina.

This paper is aimed to analyze the fascist regime as a key transnational phenomenon in the political scenario of the first half of the 20th century, based on a global historiographic approach. Firstly, we review the historical trajectory of fascism in Italy, from its movement stage to the decline of Mussolini’s dictatorship, emphasizing its electoral and legislative dynamics. Immediately we bring the lens closer to the emission of the nationalist discourse and the creation of the corporative devices and the authoritarian mechanisms radiated from Rome and, finally, we reconstruct both the reception that this “third way” had in the post-revolutionary Mexican State, and its impact in the cultural and identity dynamics of the Italian diaspora of the Chipilo colony in the Mexican state of Puebla.

En este trabajo se discuten los impactos del proceso de transición del campo mexicano hacia el libre comercio que ocurrieron en el contexto del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN) sobre la estructura social, productiva y ambiental del sector. El análisis tiene como fin revisar las decisiones y acciones del Estado en este periodo con el fin de ponerlos en perspectiva frente a las consecuencias ecológicas de la erosión genética del maíz y su relación con lo pactado en el apartado de biotecnología en el Tratado entre México, Estados Unidos y Canadá (T-MEC). El análisis retoma conceptos de la Economía Política Internacional que discute el papel del Estado en el control de los mercados para lograr el desarrollo (Gray, 2000; Gilpin, 2001; Hart & Prakash, 1997), y de las teorías de la economía sobre la provisión de bienes públicos necesarios para la operación económica y el desarrollo. Se analiza la transición al libre comercio desde 1992 hasta 2010 cuando concluye la liberalización arancelaria del TLCAN. El análisis abarca cuatro aspectos centrales de la transición al libre comercio: (a) la reforma agrícola mundial, el TLCAN y la creación de mercados (b) la construcción del proyecto nacional agrícola, (c) la gestión de la transición y los desenlaces en el sector social, la erosión genética y las prácticas comunitarias, (d) el T-MEC y sus normativas sobre biotecnología.

Onthe night of September 26, 2014, more than 100 Mexican municipal, state, and federal police officers, soldiers, and un-uniformed armed men coordinated an operation to attack five commandeered pas...

This article examines how the process of indigenous autonomy that began in Cheran (in the Mexican state of Michoacan) on 15 April 2011 managed to reverse the regime of violence and dispossession to...

En este trabajo se refieren las bases fundamentales de los derechos humanos, así como el sustento de la democracia y de las consultas públicas en el contexto mexicano para abordar los marcos teóricos y conceptuales concernientes a tópicos propios de los derechos humanos, democracia y consultas públicas. El objetivo fue para transitar hacia el estudio particular de la regulación normativa de las consultas públicas en el estado mexicano para afrontar ulteriormente un análisis comparativo que en el ámbito de las consultas públicas han experimentado diversos países. Para ello, se han aplicado los métodos sintético, analítico y dialéctico con el fin de determinar si las consultas públicas lograrán acercar el derecho humano de la democracia a toda la sociedad. Como conclusión se puede indicar que el sistema jurídico mexicano no cuenta con una adecuada regulación normativa para dichas consultas, por lo que se puede afirmar que debido a un ínfimo grado de eficacia y eficiencia, no es factible garantizarles un alentador porvenir.

This article focuses on the study of the characteristics of the sociocultural policy of the Mexican state in relation to the indigenous population in the 1910–1920s – a period of revolutionary transformations and the building of a “new type” society in Mexico. During the Mexican Revolution, the “Indian question”, along with the work and agrarian question, became a key point in the policy of the revolutionary governments. The importance of the popular education issue in Mexico in the first post-revolutionary years was determined by the fact that three quarters of the population did not have access to the state education system, as well as by the existence of numerous ethnosocial groups, territorially and culturally separated from each other and the rest of the country. It should be emphasized that the 1910–1920s were marked by the genesis of numerous theories of the unification of Mexican society and the integration of the native population, as well as by the introduction of modern, experimental teaching methods (in particular, the rationalist and socialist school), the purpose of which was to translate into reality the Revolution ideals and build a new Mexican society. The policy of integrating the native population of Mexico was carried out through numerous educational projects, which include the “cultural missions”, “Indigenous Student House”, “House of the People” and others. Analysis of archival materials related to the preparation of the first «cultural missions», as well as the functioning of educational institutions designed to educate the indigenous student, made it possible to identify the characteristics of the socio-cultural integration of the rural population of Mexico during the above period.

The consolidation of armed civilian collectives in the Mexican state of Michoacán arose in a setting in which the illegal regional economy no longer focused on drug smuggling but had turned to a variety of criminal activities and in which the perspective of a moral economy had been restored. This restructuring of the criminal economy was a strong factor in the emergence of the armed collectives.La consolidación de colectivos civiles armados en el estado mexicano de Michoacán surgió en un entorno en el que la economía regional ilegal ya no se centraba en el contrabando de drogas, sino una variedad de actividades delictivas y el restablecimiento de la perspectiva de una economía moral. Esta reestructuración de la economía criminal se convirtió en un factor importante en el surgimiento de los colectivos armados.

Aims: The objective was to analyze the clinical data in population from Mexican Guanajuato state as a suspected case of COVID-19 and with result positive of rRT-PCR, reported until October 2, 2020. Study Design: It is a cross-sectional based in data from National Epidemiological Surveillance System from General Epidemiological Directorate, Secretary of Health in Mexico. Place and Duration of Study: Sample: All registries from confirmed and discarded cases of COVID-19 in database until October 2, 2020. Methodology: It was included 100,919 registries, and from them, 810 were excluded by missing the result of rRT-PCR test. A suspected case was one with a clinical finding considered greater (cough, fever, headache or dyspnea and accompanied by at least one of the following: myalgia, arthralgia, odynophagia, chills, chest pain, rhinorrhea, anosmia, dysgeusia or conjunctivitis); a confirmed case of COVID-19 is a person with a positive rRT-PCR test for SARS-CoV-2, regardless of the clinical data presented. We included age, sex, and clinical data registered and result of rRT-PCR for SARS-CoV-2. It was used logistic regression to analyze the effect of clinical data on positive rRT-PCR. Results: It was analyzed 100,109 registries. From them, 41,734 were positive for SARS-CoV-2. Fever (OR 1.72, CI95% 1.68 to 1.77), cough (OR 1.70, CI95% 1.66 to 1.74), and odynophagia (OR 1.71, CI95% 1.66 to 1.75) shown a stronger effect on positive rRT-PCR test. Cyanosis did not have any effect on the result of the rRT-PCR test. Conclusion: There are not pathognomonic clinical data for COVID-19. All clinical data in confirmed cases are similar to another respiratory viral infections.

The violence perpetrated against the students of the Ayotzinapa Rural Normal School by the Mexican state constitutes an extreme form of social control and capital accumulation. The forced disappearance of the 43 students can be explained in two dimensions, political and economic. The political explanation is that the state administers institutional repression and dispossession against peasant and indigenous communities to inhibit social protest. The economic explanation is that violence meted out by the state and criminal organizations is used to facilitate capital accumulation both by legal means, through the extraction of natural resources, the exploitation of cheap labor, and the establishment of favorable contracts for transnational corporations, and by illegal means, through drug and human trafficking, money laundering, extortion, and the expropriation of community lands.La violencia perpetrada contra los estudiantes de la Escuela Normal Rural de Ayotzinapa por el Estado mexicano constituye una forma extrema de control social y acumulación de capital. La desaparición forzada de los 43 estudiantes puede explicarse en dos dimensiones: la política y la económica. La explicación política es la represión institucional de la protesta social, y la económica es la facilitación de la acumulación de capital tanto por medios legales (la extracción de recursos naturales, la explotación de mano de obra barata y contratos favorables para las empresas transnacionales) como ilegales (el tráfico de drogas y la trata de personas, el lavado de dinero, la extorsión y la expropiación de tierras comunitarias).

Collections of mosquitoes were conducted as part of the entomological vector surveillance in Quintana Roo State, Mexico, during September 2015. Species collected included Anopheles gabaldoni, An. darlingi, Psorophora columbiae, Culex inflictus, Cx. trifidus, Cx. lactator, and Wyeomyia guatemala s.l. All the specimens were identified by morphological and molecular characters (DNA-barcoding). This is the 1st time these species are reported in the Mexican state of Quintana Roo. This research updates and increases the list of species of mosquitoes in Quintana Roo from 79 to 86.

This article examines the Mexican state's surveillance of Spanish political exiles. As the Mexican government publicly welcomed over 20,000 political refugees fleeing the Spanish Civil War (1936–9), its intelligence apparatus characterised anarchist and communist refugees as subversive threats to the Mexican nation. Despite these efforts, the Mexican secret police failed to prevent the emergence of new political bonds between the two countries’ popular classes. This article shows the consequences of the Mexican secret police's campaign against radical exiles while also highlighting instances in which Spaniards evaded the state's purview and contributed to revolutionary projects in Mexico, Latin America and Spain.

La seguridad pública en México es uno de los mayores problemas que actualmente enfrenta el país. El gobierno basa su estrategia de seguridad pública en la creación de la Guardia Nacional, un cuerpo de seguridad conformado por militares, pero con mando civil. Este artículo analiza normativamente la política criminal del estado mexicano sobre seguridad pública mediante el uso de la Guardia Nacional.

El objetivo de este estudio fue analizar los procesos y mecanismos de permanencia en actividades informales de los vendedores ambulantes de la zona centro de la ciudad de San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. Para lograr el objetivo planteado se realizó una descripción detallada de las percepciones de los actores sociales a través de una aproximación cualitativa mediante entrevistas y observación participante. Los principales hallazgos de la investigación muestran que los factores de inserción a las actividades como vendedor/a ambulante son concretados a través del reconocimiento de una identidad étnica principalmente, vínculos familiares y de amistad. Su permanencia y progresión lo atribuyen a sus formas organizativas, pues cumplen con una función determinante para la apropiación de ciertos espacios en la vía pública.

El bajareque es una de las técnicas de construcción con tierra que suele recibir menor atención para su estudio y análisis, pese a que en algunas regiones fue la más utilizada para la erección de viviendas, por la existencia de los materiales de origen natural en los entornos inmediatos, y a que tiene probada pervivencia y potencial de aplicación en la edificación sostenible. En el presente texto, se realiza una caracterización del uso de este sistema constructivo en la entidad mexicana de Colima, donde se conserva su aplicación en diversas viviendas rurales en las que ha mostrado sus cualidades térmicas y resistencia a los sismos. ___ Bahareque, a type of wattle and daub, is one of the construction techniques with earth that has received little study and analysis. However, in some regions it was the method most often used for the construction of houses, due to the existence of materials of natural origin in the immediate surroundings, and its proven survival and potential for application in sustainable construction. The present text analyzes the use of this construction system in the Mexican state of Colima, where it is still used in various rural houses in which it has shown its thermal qualities and resistance to earthquakes.

This article examines how an expanding Mexican state sought the insights of ethnographic theory and practice between the 1940s and 1950s. Focusing on the Instituto Nacional Indigenista Coordinating...

The irregular migration of children has increased alarmingly in recent years, which is why the institutions of Mexican State have acted accordingly; but nevertheless; the excessive flow and the conditions in which the phenomenon occurs are complex; given the circumstances that surround it. In this sense, the purpose of present is to reflect about the challenges of our country in the application of the internal norm and the control of conventionality, the harmonization between both in order to protect the rights of irregular migrant girls and boys, whit special attention to those who travel without the protection of their family. The conclusions point to the impossibility of Mexico to face the phenomenon that reaches the point of humanitarian crisis, the inapplicability of the internal norm and even less the international one the matter.

For the traditional Mexican asylum policy, the 1970s proved significant by confrontation with other realities. They were also significant because of the challenges that diplomacy had to overcome with the existing instrument (Convention on Diplomatic Asylum of 1954). They were also significant because of the various perceptions of risk of the protection applicants, as well as for the particular interests of the Mexican State regarding its peers in Southern Latin America. An approach to the experiences of Argentina, Chile and Uruguay makes it possible to observe considerations and variables presented to the same asylum State, Mexico, from political realities that appeared similar and simultaneous but that were not so according to the facts.From writing the history of its distinctive aspects, the article observes some core issues of the norm regulated in 1954. From this observation, it will be possible to determine ways of interpretation and its application. This journey will lead to a possible explanation of the tensions between the norm and the facts of the asylum, highlighting that the former did not fit the circumstances in which it was applied. The final reflection is potentially useful in the light of a new and diverse present, where protagonists in the decision making are located, both in the (re)elaboration of the inter-American legal instruments as in the national ones. But these experiences should not be ignored in the formation of the diplomatic corps of the various chancelleries.

This article explores how the Mexican state gathered, archived and destroyed information. It focuses on the US–Mexico campaign against foot-and-mouth disease between 1947 and 1952, whose paper archive Mexican officials burned near the successful conclusion of the campaign. This article argues that several factors shaped the context for this documentary bonfire and made the 1940s a key point of inflection in Mexico’s history of official information-gathering: the dominant party’s system of elite power-sharing, the growth of a reading public and the regime’s drift rightward. At the same time, the nature of the foot-and-mouth disease campaign itself ensured that, despite its possible uses, the archive was particularly sensitive, providing evidence of the embarrassing gaps that began to yawn between the state’s language of revolutionary nationalism and its political practise. Indeed, the bonfire represented the culmination of practises Mexican officials had already developed throughout the campaign to reconcile the demands of legibility and deniability, hemispheric integration and nationalism, political stability and state capacity. More broadly, the case illustrates the uneven effects of US assistance on the development of state capacity, the authoritarian but institutionally weak character of the early PRIísta state, and the role of archives in maintaining a coherent image of state sovereignty.

Bajo la premisa de que previo a la implementación de la autodenominada Cuarta Transformación (4T) en el estado mexicano, el procedimiento de juicio político se encontraba obsoleto, superado para las circunstancias y realidad mexicana; que era necesaria una redefinición de tal instrumento a efecto de que verdaderamente fuera un control o medio de defensa de los intereses constitucionales.La forma en que se conducen los gobernantes de la 4T, así como el escenario jurídico-político generado tanto en los ámbitos federal y locales, se estima que dicho mecanismo, aún con las insuficiencias que presenta será utilizado con visos autoritarios, en contra de los fines para los cuales fue instituido, y con ello, contrario a la propia Constitución.Por lo anterior, esta colaboración sostiene la necesidad de repensar la utilidad, como el diseño normativo vigente de la figura en estudio, asimismo, redefinir aspectos específicos que la autora detalla.Recibido: 01.11.2019Aceptado: 12.06.2020Publicación en línea: 03.07.2020

This article points out the concept of militarized security policies –i.e. the direct involvement of the military in homeland security tasks and the armed confrontation of the cartels- in contemporary Mexico. In this context, the administrations of ex-Presidents Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) and Enrique Peña Νieto (2012-2018) are being evaluated based on a number of criteria: the repercussions of their policies in terms of the rise of a war economy, a further weakness of the rule of law and the victimization of the civil population. The concept of «gray areas» controlled by the Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations is also highlighted as a new threat undermining the sovereignty of the Mexican state.

The cultural tradition of stuccoed and polychromatic murals in central Mexico dates back to Early Classic Teotihuacan and continued into the subsequent Epiclassic period, with the stunning murals from Cacaxtla as the most famous and well-studied example. In this paper, we present three examples of stuccoed and richly painted benches or thrones from the mayor Epiclassic site of Xochicalco in the Mexican state of Morelos. A careful iconographic and epigraphic analysis of the imagery, as well as the associated hieroglyphic signs from one of the benches, leads us to suggest that these benches played a pivotal role in displaying the religious, mythological, and historical underpinnings of hierarchical power at Xochicalco. Based on comparisons with benches and seats from Classic Maya culture and, in particular, the contemporaneous Terminal Classic city of Chichen Itza, which was deeply involved in interregional relations with central Mexico, we also suggest that the Xochicalco benches may even have served as royal seats or thrones.

We describe and illustrate Eryngium pugae I. García, J. Martínez-Ramírez & Ocampo as a new species to science. The new taxon grows near streams in places with open oak and oak-pine forests in the Mexican state of Jalisco. Eryngium pugae is morphologically related to E. gentryi, so a comparative table that includes characteristics of these two taxa is provided.

A probabilistic risk assessment is presented for earthquakes in the northwest of the Mexican state of Baja California. Six seismic sources are considered for determining the seismic hazard, and vul...

This study presents an assessment of the various archaeological works conducted in the coastal areas of the Mexican state of Jalisco. Special attention is paid to project objectives and results so that each research approach can be characterized to determine whether they can be considered examples of “coastal archaeology” under the current definition. Furthermore, this study identifies characteristics that should receive greater attention in the design of future coastal archaeology projects located within the broad costal area of Jalisco and discusses effective approaches for achieving this goal.

Resumen El artículo ofrece un recuento sobre las trasformaciones de los servicios sanitarios, hospitalarios, el cuidado y la asistencia en México. Advierte la existencia de una legislación concerniente a la salud y asistencia públicas; y una práctica defacto que adquiere características propias de una política pública evidenciadas desde el Virreinato de la Nueva España. El enfoque se apoya en documentos históricos e investigaciones previas que constatan la existencia de una política pública, normada y ejecutada conjuntamente entre la Iglesia y el Estado durante el periodo colonial, y después por el Estado mexicano. Sin embargo, unas u otras vieron mermadas los resultados de su ejecución, por causas y particularidades propias de sus respectivos momentos históricos. De manera particular, durante el Porfiriato, las razones del fracaso de las políticas de salud no yacen en factores económicos ni en la inestabilidad política, tampoco en el enfrentamiento de poderes de diversa índole, como en la Colonia, sino al hecho innegable de su objetivo como instrumento de control y no de bienestar social. Abstract The article offers a historical account of the transformations of sanitary services, hospital care, attention and support in Mexico. It remarks the exitance of health and public assistance legislations; and a practice that factually acquire characteristics that relate to public policies from the viceroyalty of New Spain. The approach of this article is sustained by historical documents and previous investigations that demonstrate the presence of public policies, regulated and executed by the Church and the State alongside during the colonial period, and then by the Mexican State. Nevertheless, some saw the results of their execution depleted, due to causes and specificities of their respective historical moments. Particularly, during the Porfiriato, the cause for the failure of health policies was not on account of economic factors or political instability, nor of confrontation of power of diverse nature, such as in the Colony, but to the undeniable fact that their aim was to use health policies as instruments of control and not of social welfare. Resumo O artigo oferece um relato sobre as transformações dos serviços sanitários, hospitalários, o cuidado e a assistência no México. Adverte a existência de uma legislação no que se refere à saúde e a assistência públicas; e uma prática defacto que adquire características próprias de uma política pública evidenciadas desde o Vice-reinado da Nova Espanha. O enfoque está baseado em documentos históricos e pesquisas prévias que evidenciam a existência de uma política pública, regulamentada e executada em conjunto entre a Igreja e o Estado durante a época colonial, e depois pelo Estado Mexicano. Porém, umas ou outras viram diminuídos os resultados da sua execução, por causas e particularidades próprias de seus respectivos momentos históricos. De maneira particular, durante o Porfiriato, as razões do fracasso das políticas públicas de saúde não jazem em fatores econômicos nem na instabilidade política, também não no confrontamento dos poderes de diversa índole, como na época Colonial, senão no fato inegável de seu objetivo como instrumento de controle e não do bem-estar social.

This article focuses on how different actors frame and respond to violence, rights, and solidarity along the U.S.-Mexico border, and points to the institutions available for redress – focusing on m...

Based on an examination of key facts from both the economic and electoral area, this paper looks at relations between the business sector and the Mexican state during the government of President Enrique Pena Nieto. Beginning with a historical analysis that brings us up to the present day, the relation between business leaders and PAN governments are studied, which in turn is directly linked to the transition to democracy in Mexico in the year 2000. The center of this analysis is the relationship between business leaders and the Pena Nieto government in light of the most significant reform to the business sector: the fiscal and energy reform, without disregarding labor and education reform. The text concludes with a characterization of the relation between the business sector and Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, both as a candidate and during his first year in office as president.

Para examinar el legado de inseguridad y violencia del periodo presidencial de Enrique Peña Nieto en el contexto de una crisis múltiple, se parte de la relación entre democratización y seguridad en el marco de la transición política, así como de la historia cercana del país. El análisis del perfil de las víctimas de la violencia criminal no sólo permite discernir su carácter discriminado, sino penetrar en su lógica subyacente. Además de identificar el narcotráfico y el crimen organizado como motores de esta violencia, el estudio incursiona también en sus efectos para el Estado mexicano. En la última parte del texto, se revisa la tragedia humanitaria resultante de este legado y sus repercusiones nacionales e internacionales para, finalmente, evaluar las consecuencias de distinta índole para México.

Este artículo analiza el manejo por parte del Estado mexicano de la zona arqueológica de Monte Albán a partir de que fue declarada Patrimonio de la Humanidad en 1987. Asumiendo que existen pocas propuestas metodológicas en este tema en concreto, se propone empíricamente un estudio basado en la perspectiva teórica de las capacidades estatales en donde se considera: la participación del Estado en interrelación con distintos actores, la regulación a través de normas e instituciones vigentes y el proceso encaminado hacia la toma de decisiones. Con la aplicación de estas directrices se obtienen algunas premisas respecto al Estado mexicano frente al manejo del patrimonio mundial en su territorio en el caso de Monte Albán, como la concentración de acciones gubernamentales en el ámbito federal; un marco normativo restrictivo que excluye la participación de actores locales; una agobiante desatención presupuestal; una des-coordinación interinstitucional; una falta de continuidad gubernamental. Todo en conjunto demuestra la necesidad de seguir trabajando con la construcción epistemológica de las capacidades estatales frente al tema transversal y horizontal del patrimonio común de la humanidad.

Profundulus adani, new species, is described from the upper reaches of the Papaloapan River in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. The uniqueness of this new species is supported by morphological and molecular evidence. A combination of color patterns and counts separate P. adani, new species, from its congeners. Profundulus adani, new species, is distinguished from all congeners by the absence of a humeral spot in individuals larger than 45 mm SL. It can further be distinguished from P. balsanus, P. chimalapensis, P. kreiseri, P. oaxacae, P. parentiae, and P. punctatus based on the absence of series of dark dots on the sides of the body. Profundulus adani, new species, shows a faded dark band that extends from the tip of the operculum to the end of the caudal peduncle; this band is absent in P. balsanus and P. parentiae. The new species is described using specimens collected in the upper reaches of the Papaloapan River in the Mexican state of Oaxaca; geographically this represents a significant range expansion and extends the Atlantic slope northernmost limit of the Profundulidae.

En este trabajo se abordan la política y los derechos humanos como aliados y no como rivales. Se presentan los siguientes temas: La sociedad como creadora de la organización política del estado, la creación jurídica del estado mexicano, la actividad del Estado y su enfoque en satisfacer necesidades de la sociedad, la labor de la política pública en el derecho humano al mínimo vital, las políticas del estado en materia de protección al derecho humano a la salud, las políticas del estado en materia del derecho humano a la seguridad e integridad personal y las políticas públicas en materia de derechos humanos consagrados en los tratados internacionales.

El presente artículo analiza el caso de la minería mexicana del estado de Zacatecas, México, a partir de la economía ecológica y la teoría del metabolismo social con un enfoque metodológico mixto. En términos cuantitativos se estimó el excedente ambiental de los principales metales a escala nacional y estatal; cualitativamente se abordaron cuatro casos locales para integrar aspectos sociales y culturales. Se planteó una mayor comprensión de los múltiples problemas del extractivismo minero y la necesidad de una contabilidad de la producción más completa, que contemple lo que está detrás del dato macroeconómico como lo es el daño ecológico, el desplazamiento forzado, las distorsiones en la economía local, la violación de los derechos humanos y la conflictividad social. Se recomienda reajustar la política minera tomando en cuenta los elementos antes mencionados.

Santa Muerte is a Mexican folk saint who personifies death. Santa Muerte has been depicted as a narcosaint, that is to say a saint propitiated only by those who belong to drug cartels, in particular by the Mexican State. As a consequence, the Mexican army, under orders from the Mexican State, has obliterated thousands of shrines dedicated to the folk saint across the country. However, as we evince, the popular figure has followers in all camps involved in the drug war. Both narcos and those who fight them, prisoners and prison guards, venerate the folk saint, turning to her for spiritual favours, protection and even to predict death. This diverse group of people, although divided by their differing positions in the drug war, turns to her for parallel reasons, to explain, predict and control events. As such, Santa Muerte rather than being a narcosaint should be considered the Matron Saint of the Drug War.

En México, la crianza de toros de lidia surge a finales del siglo XIX. Tlaxcala es el estado mexicano con el mayor número de ganaderías. La cultura taurina muestra su arraigo en sus ganaderías, plazas de toros, toreros, escuelas taurinas y corridas de toros. Actualmente los ganaderos enfrentan severos problemas financieros, debido a elevados costos de producción, al oneroso mantenimiento de inmuebles y disminución de eventos, debido al activismo de grupos anti taurinos. Lo anterior ha provocado cierre de ganaderías con repercusiones sociales, económicas, ambientales y patrimoniales. Esta investigación analiza las perspectivas que tiene el turismo taurino, para erigirse en un medio que permita al turista conocer la cultura taurina como un proceso que trasciende la polémica fiesta brava, al tiempo de generar ingresos que garanticen la conservación de este patrimonio. La metodología consideró revisión documental histórica y observación participante con entrevistas a profundidad. In Mexico, the breeding of fighting bulls began in the late 19th century. Tlaxcala is the Mexican state with the largest number of farms. The bullfighting culture is exemplified by the farms, bullfighters, bullfighting schools and bullfights. Currently the cattle‑rearers face severe financial problems, due to high production costs, the onerous maintenance of building and the fall in number of events, due to the activism of anti bullfighting groups. This has caused the closure of farms with social, economic, environmental and patrimonial repercussions. This research analyses the perspectives of bullfighting tourism as a heritage resource outside the debate as to its legitimacy, generating income toward its preservation. The methodology considered historical bibliographical review and participant observation with in‑depth interviews.

The paper aims to analyze climate change adaptation projects funded from international cooperation in Veracruz, which is a Mexican state. They used 5 criteria based on international, national and local dimensions as well as their relation to climate adaptation. From this evaluation, they were able to determine that the results were particularly negative. Mostly, because the objectives set by donor countries are scarcely related to the objectives and priorities of recipient countries, in this case developing countries, which are the most vulnerable to climate change. This provides insight into international collaborative projects in developing states and their impact on the socioeconomic, environmental and vulnerable ecosystems.

As part of a deconstruction of national identity, Jennifer Jolly, in her Creating Pátzcuaro, Creating Mexico: Art, Tourism, and Nation Building under Lázaro Cárdenas, analyzes the tourist town of Pátzcuaro in the west-central Mexican state of Michoacán as a microcosm of cultural power in which tourism, art, history, and ethnicity were woven together under the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas del Río (1934–40).

The objective of the article is to analyze the main features of reform and counterreform processes, in a period of one hundred years of Article 3 of the National Political Constitution. The aim is to understand what public education has gained and what it has lost with emphasis on the most recent educational counterreform, that of 2013. The methodology was based on the comparative analysis of the content of the reforms and their political orientations, under the different situations of the Mexican State, over the one hundred years of commemoration of the Constitution. It is concluded that in the period of a century, 1917-2017, especially in the second half of the twentieth century, educational counter reforms were reported that harmed the middle clalsses and those of more precarious existence in Mexico.

Background: Some regions of Mexico have been relatively well explored floristically and estimates of the vascular plant richness they contain have been obtained. However, there are still regions that require effort to obtain the most appropriate lists of flora possible that consider both systemization of the information and that benefit from recent botanical explorations. Questions: What is the species richness of vascular plants in the Tacaná-Boquerón Priority Terrestrial Region? What proportion of the species are endemic or included in risk categories? Study sites and dates: Tacaná-Boquerón Priority Terrestrial Region, Chiapas State, Mexico. This region is on the Guatemala border and covers an area of 57,400 ha. Between 1920 and 2015. Methods: A database of 14,487 vascular plant records was integrated. Two sources of information were compared: systematization of databases, and recent botanic expeditions. Results: We found 2,485 native species belonging to 185 families. Both data sources were complementary in order to obtain a more complete floristic checklist (systematization of database: 1,774 spp., recent botanic expeditions: 1,514 spp.). As novelties, we found three new species and seven new reports for Mexico. Approximately 14 % of the species documented are included in risk categories or are endemic to the study site. Conclusions: Our checklist is one of the largest in the region (Mexico and Central America) in terms of species count. Our study shows the importance of conducting botanical explorations to complement the information on vascular plant richness in relatively well-explored areas of Mexico.

NAFTA agricultural chapter and the WTO Agreement on Agriculture are external influences to the Mexican agricultural reform, conceived as a historical process in constant transformation, that shapes the terms of the sectoral economic operation in a liberalization and commercial opening context. The work claims that there is clearly an influence of the external trade policy on the domestic agricultural policy and on its outcomes in the institutional framework, that forms the model of sectoral regulation. The methodology reviews three central aspects negotiated in the “access to markets”, “producer support” and “export subsidies” agreements and analyzes the scope for state intervention and the decisions made on each one of them for the 1994-2012 period. The conclusions show that these two agreements complement each other and that there are matters that provide the Mexican State a wide scope for intervention that has not been used sufficiently to promote sectoral development policies. The current international food order is briefly analyzed taking up the theorists of the International Political Economy (Gilpin, 1987; McMichael, 2009; Polanyi, 1957; Gray, 2000).

In the summer of 2006, during a popular uprising in the Mexican state of Oaxaca, a group of Oaxacan women occupied state television and transformed it into TV by and for the people in just twenty-o...

El objetivo de este trabajo se concentró en la revuelta del movimiento estudiantil en Tlatelolco, México, que alteró el orden público en 1968. Las solicitudes de los estudiantes de diversas instituciones educativas, como las Vocacionales 5 y 2 del Instituto Politécnico Nacional (IPN), la Preparatoria Isaac Ochoterena incorporada a la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM), a las autoridades, terminaron en un suceso desdichado y violento, privando de la vida y lesionando a numeroso grupo de estudiantes, con la participación de las autoridades de seguridad pública(ejército mexicano, policía de gendarmería y policía federal), quienes recibieron órdenes del estado mexicano de reprimir dicha revuelta, con los resultados conocidos, estimándose que la ocupación de las diferentes corporaciones de seguridad pública en las universidades es violatoria de su autonomía, así como de las instituciones educativas en general, violatoria de los derechos humanos.