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Images cover our world and can be viewed as a threat to its everyday reality. On inspection, images thicken that everyday reality or animate events that pair bodies with the media where images are found. On another interpretation, those events are viewed as scaffolds traced in media by basic minds animating those bodies or as affordances that turn up in media for embodied minds. As affordances, images prove to be resources that, for good or ill, advance the forms of life embodied in minds. It is up to those embodiments to form lives which pick up what is good in affordances and cast aside what is not including the distractions images often present. Education can help us form lives that more regularly turn up the good that images afford us, but that education must be enacted in lives also regularly disposed to enhance the reality where we find images.

Thirty-Three states in the US have passed laws to legalize marijuana usage, increasing its prevalence by 50% within the last year. Though society generally regards cannabis as safe, the exponential increase in users can evince dangerous side effects in patients presenting to physicians, such as the case presented below. A 37-year-old female presented to the ED with chest pain and an initial troponin of 24 that peaked at 29. The coronary arteries were found to be angiographically normal. She was discharged without any definitive diagnosis. Now 38, she again presented with complaints of crushing, substernal chest pain radiating down her left arm, unrelieved by nitro. Since the onset of pain, she progressively developed shortness of breath, nausea, diaphoresis, and anxiety, stating that she felt like she “was going to die.” Her presentation and impending sense of doom were ominous harbingers for a myocardial infarction; concerns that were validated with an initial troponin of 11.4. EKG showed normal sinus rhythm with nonspecific ST changes. CT Angiogram showed no evidence of pulmonary thrombo-embolism or dissection. Significant CAD leading to this extent of troponin elevation was not suspected as the patient had a normal angiogram a year prior. Stress-Induced Cardiomyopathy was unlikely based on the unremarkable echocardiogram findings. Coronary-Thrombus was considered, however, the hypercoagulable workup was negative along with lack of coronary thrombus on prior angiogram. Under these circumstances, the only explanation for the extent of troponin elevation was myocarditis. Viral infections are the most common cause of myocarditis, however the patient denied any associated symptoms. After ruling out viral etiologies, we subsequently evaluated and eliminated rheumatological disorders and medication-induced myocarditis. The patient’s history revealed that she led a healthy lifestyle, but had struggled with chronic back pain, which led to her cannabis use. By the time of her admission, she smoked up to 1.5 grams of cannabis a day, and stated that chest pain began immediately following smoking cannabis. Her previous episodes also correlated with her cannabis usage. Given the strong correlation of the patient’s symptoms with cannabis use, we theorized her cardiac stress was resultant from it, and recommended that she discontinue its use. To date there have been four reported cases of cannabis-induced myocarditis, making this a fifth case. Of note, the contaminants of marijuana may be variable and include substances like aluminum from soil or pesticides in grass that could traverse the marijuana plant. Inhaling such components has been correlated with an upregulation of cannabinoid receptors in platelets, vascular smooth muscle, and endothelium. CB1R activation has been observed to induce oxidative stress, inflammation, and fibrosis of the cardiomyocyte. With increased cannabis use, it is imperative that we document adverse events to definitively connect its use to cardiac damage.

In a previous issue of Zygon (Carvalho 2007), I explored the role of scientists—especially those engaging the science‐religion dialogue—within the arena of global equity health, world poverty, and human rights. I contended that experimental biologists, who might have reduced agency because of their professional workload or lack of individual resources, can still unite into collective forces with other scientists as well as human rights organizations, medical doctors, and political and civic leaders to foster progressive change in our world. In this article, I present some recent findings from research on three emerging viruses—HIV, dengue, and rotavirus—to explore the factors that lead to the geographical expansion of these viruses and the increase in frequency of the infectious diseases they cause. I show how these viruses are generating problems for geopolitical stability, human rights, and equity health care for developing nations that are already experiencing a growing poverty crisis. I suggest some avenues of future research for the scientific community for the movement toward resolution of these problems and indicate where the science‐religion field can be of additional aid.

Ghostwriting became a popular practice in sports journalism during the 1920s, as championed by sports press agent Christy Walsh. The practice has re-emerged in the 21st century, in social media and particularly as demonstrated by the new website The Players’ Tribune. Its popularity encourages ethical discussion about ghostwriting’s conflation of journalism and public relations, and the ethical debate it incites. Particular attention centers on the core journalism value of transparency, as it relates to both professions. The article posits that the blurring of professional boundaries between public relations and journalism can have detrimental effects to the credibility of both fields. The authors call for greater transparency in the use of ghostwriting, particularly when used in a sports journalism setting.

On January 1, 1926, Alabama upset the University of Washington, 20–19, in the Rose Bowl. The game has been assigned a high degree of significance, both athletically and culturally. This paper employs both quantitative and qualitative methods in exploring how newspapers interpreted the 1926 Rose Bowl from a regional and national perspective. The sample comprises newspapers from the state, the region, and the nation for the week before and the week after the game. The quantitative method of framing is used in a descriptive content analysis, to analyze the frames employed by sportswriters in their coverage. Then the Burkeanbased concept of symbolic boasting is used to analyze how media outlets used the team's performance to fashion a strong common identity for the rebuilding South. The content analysis describes differences in frame from the Birmingham News , an Alabama newspaper, compared to newspapers in Seattle, Chicago, or Los Angeles. The qualitative rhetorical analysis revealed elements of symbolic boasting as a means of strengthening regional identity, throughout the South after the game.

As sport increased in popularity in the nineteenth century, the emerging mass media were there to both contribute to public interest and then to benefit from it, creating a synergism that has lasted until the present. The media–sport partnership mainly promoted the development of spectator sports, both amateur and professional, submerging (though not ignoring) participant sports.

In 1895, William Randolph Hear st bought the New York Morning Journal for $180,000 from John McLean, publisher of the Cincinnati Enquirer.1 As he and his newspaper fought his famed "yellow journalism" wars with Joseph Pulitzer's New York World, sports coverage immediately became one of his favorite and most successful strategies-or did it?This assumption can partially be traced to an oft-cited article by John Betts, "Sporting Journalism in Nineteenth-Century America," from American Quarterly journal in 1953. He proclaimed, "In an unparalleled exploitation of every phase of athletic life the Journal was the first to develop the modern sports section."2 Betts' source was an article in H.L. Mencken's American Mercury by William Henry Nugent:Before turning his talents three years later to his war with Spain, [Hearst] had worked out the modern newspaper sports section.3Among the developments that Nugent attributed to Hearst were an increase in pages devoted to sports, articles bylined by famous athletes and writers, banner section "flags" attracting sports readers and multi-page coverage of important sports events like the Yale-Princeton game.4Other authors perpetuated this perception of Hearst's influence on the sports page. Oriard claimed that Hearst's Journal "was regularly doubling, tripling, even quadrupling the space usually given to sport."5 Cozens and Stumpf wrote, "It might be said that Hearst invented the present-day sports page makeup,"6 while McChesney referred to it as "the first distinct sports section."7 Indeed, the article and its assertions about Hearst have even been cited in sports journal- ism textbooks.8 Even this author has cited the information in previous articles.9Betts accurately reflected Nugent's appraisal of Hearst's contribution. How accurate, however, was Nugent's claim? Was the sports section among Hearst's "first strikes" in his yellow journalism war? For all of the biographical and historical evidence related to his other strategies, information on his sports innovations is scant.This article will examine the first six years of the New York Journal under Hearst's ownership, beginning Oct. 1, 1895. The article will look at sports sec- tions for two "constructed weeks" comprising the period from Oct. 1 to Jan. 13 of the following year for five of the six years.10 The article will look for sports section developments that Nugent cited. Although Nugent did not specifically mention the use of visual elements such as illustrations and photographs, they will be included in the developments examined because they represent an im- portant innovation for newspapers in general and sports sections in particular.Most journalism historians agree that as the 19th century drew to a close, sports coverage in newspapers was still haphazard: Articles were sprinkled throughout the newspaper and coverage was inconsistent. A reporter who covered a home baseball game one day could be sent to report on a factory fire the next day, leaving the next game unreported. By the Jazz Age, the transforma- tion of the modern sports section was complete, and it was considered central to a newspaper's circulation strategy. "There is no single classification of news that sells more papers than sports," said W.P. Beazell, managing editor of the New York World, in 1929.11 What Hearst contributed to this evolution, however, is debatable.Sports Journalism in the 19th CenturyBefore the sports page could gain popularity, American culture had to overcome a Puritan revival that placed a premium on work and dismissed as idleness recreational sports. But eventually, with the population transitioning from a rural farm society to an urban industrial society, city dwellers sought a substitute for the active games of rural life, and sports grew. Even more, those who did not participate could watch the games for entertainment as spectators.12From the beginning, the media played a vital role in promoting organized sports-recreational and spectator-helping establish them as cultural institu- tions. …

The authors examine tennis champion Bill Tilden and his discussion of his sexual orientation in his 1948 autobiography My Story. The investigation uses two strategies. Media coverage of Tilden is compared for 1924, at the height of his fame, and 1947–9, when he was arrested twice for morals charges involving young men. Then, Tilden's explanation of his sexual orientation is studied from a rhetorical perspective. Two conclusions are drawn: that newspapers minimized coverage of Tilden's arrests, and that Tilden's strategy of ‘bolstering’ is undermined by a contradictory rhetorical approach. Overall, the study provides a historical perspective of an iconic tennis champion who faced public censure for his sexual orientation later in life.

Enterococcus faecalis and Enterococcus faecium are both human intestinal colonizers frequently used in medical bacteriology teaching laboratories in order to train students in bacterial identification. In addition, hospitals within the United States and around the world commonly isolate these bacteria because they are a cause of bacteremia, urinary tract infections, endocarditis, wound infections, and nosocomial infections. Given that enterococci are becoming more of a world health hazard, it is important for laboratories to be able to distinguish these bacteria within hospitalized patients from other bacterial genera. In addition, laboratories must differentiate different species within the Enterococcus genus as well as different strains within each species. Though enterococci are differentiated from other bacterial genera via classical culture and biochemical methods, nucleic acid sequencing is required to differentiate species within the genus—a costly, time consuming, and technically challenging procedure for laboratory technicians that, in itself, does not necessarily lead to speedy identification of bactericidal antibiotics. In this study, we perform antibiogram analysis to show (1) that penicillin can be rapidly employed to distinguish strains and clinical isolates of E. faecalis from E. faecium, (2) E. faecalis is susceptible to ampicillin, and (3) that vancomycin resistance in enterococci shows no sign of abating. Additionally, we show that E. faecalis can grow on mannitol salt agar and ferment mannitol, while E. faecium lacks these phenotypes. These data reveal that we now have rapid, cost effective ways to identify enterococci to the species, and not just genus, level and have significance for patient treatment in hospitals.

This paper presents an analysis of sports sections in eight metropolitan newspapers over six decades, from 1956 until 2006. Results demonstrated that newspapers devoted more space to sports, although a slight decrease (perhaps due to increased popularity of the Internet) was noted in 2006. Newspapers also used more locally written articles on their section front. Spectator sports coverage increased over the period, at the expense of participant sports.

The genus Enterococcus is composed of 38 species, the most important of which are Enterococcus faecalis and Enterococcus faecium—both human intestinal colonizers. Hospitals within the United States and around the world commonly isolate these bacteria because they are a cause of bacteremia, urinary tract infections (UTIs), endocarditis, wound infections, meningitis, intraabdominal and pelvic infections, and nosocomial and iatrogenic infections. Given the ubiquity of enterococci within the human population, it is important for laboratories to be able to distinguish these agents within hospitalized patients from other bacterial genera and also differentiate different species within the Enterococcus genus as well as different strains within each species. Unfortunately, the enterococci are emerging as serious pathogens in both the developed world, where surveillance needs to be improved and speciation procedures are inadequate or cumbersome, and in developing nations, which lack the trained hospital personnel or funding to sufficiently identify enterococci to the genus or species level. This review explores the Enterococcus genus and highlights some of the concerns for national and international clinical microbiology laboratories.

Analyzing newspaper articles and television news transcripts (N = 484), this study explores how American news media have framed the issue of illegal immigration. More specifically, we analyze the way the media present the questions of why illegal immigration is a problem, what the causes are, and how to fix the problem. We also make a comparison across different media outlets (border-state newspapers vs. papers elsewhere; newspapers vs. television news), looking at whether news coverage of the issue has been consistent across the media.

With almost $14 billion spent annually in the U.S. on marketing through sports,1 and top sponsorships for the 2008 Olympics averaging $72 million each,2 marketers need to assess every bit of value they get out of their sponsorships. One of the most valued components of a sponsorship, according to some practitioners, 3 is the exposure to brands placed within a sports context (uniform/ equipment logos, arena signage) received through media coverage of sports. Television, magazine and newspaper editorial coverage of sports give added exposure opportunities beyond those gained with event attendees through verbal mentions-" today's Chicago Bulls game at the United Center,"-or visual brand appearances-photos of action.Although television4 and magazine5 exposure to brands in sports have been studied, newspapers' exposure has not. This study attempts to fill that void in the literature at a time of major change in the newspaper industry. Readership is down for printed versions, but up substantially for online versions. This bodes well for brand exposures, since online newspaper versions tend to have more, larger and more colorful photos than does the print version. This gives sponsors' brands greater potential for impacting consumers either cognitively or affectively.Newspapers have another advantage when considering the exposure potential of brands appearing in sports photographs. As the local medium capable of providing the most intense, detailed coverage of area sports teams, newspapers sports page consumption may spark a level of intensity and involvement among readers that makes brands in photos more noticeable and influential attitudinally. A recent ESPN sports poll shows 90 percent of Americans consider themselves sports fans, and 30 percent say they are avid sports fans.6 A 2009 study showed 36 percent of avid sports fans first check their local newspaper for team information, with another 17 percent going to the paper's website.7 An historical perspective on brand exposures in newspaper sports photographs may also give insights on what the future holds for brand exposure opportunities through sports.Literature ReviewNewspaper Sports CoverageThe newspaper sports section has undergone many changes since Joseph Pulitzer organized the first department of sports writers at The New York World in the 1870s and William Randolph Hearst combined lively expert coverage with increased pages devoted to sports in The New York Journal in 1895 to create the prototype for the modern section.8 Mass media augmented sports' influence on society at the turn of the 20th century.Following World War II, the advent of television initiated a flattening of newspaper circulation, but in sports, the two media established a complementary relationship.9 With television providing the game information to fans, newspapers focused less on game reports and more on analytical articles and on human-interest features.10 By the early 1980s, sports editors were reporting that their newspapers were devoting more space to sports coverage and that the quality of sports writing had improved.11By 1991, The New York Times had increased the space devoted to sports by 50 percent, and its sports staff by 10 percent.12 Within a few years, The Times, long a holdout from having separate sports sections, was starting a separate run for sports, with pictures in color.13As of the late 1990s, the Internet's effects were beginning to emerge.14 Nevertheless, sports coverage in newspapers was at an all-time high. Some newspapers, such as The Washington Times, had converted their Sunday issues almost entirely to sports.15 After the turn of the century, however, sports sections began to plateau and decline in print versions. Recognizing the challenges posed by new media, one writer warned as early as 2001 that sports sections must change as both reader interests and television coverage change.16 Another change was that even more sports information was found on the Internet; however, the Internet most often contained access to articles that were found in the print version, as newspapers also put their stories online. …

This study explores how the American news media frame the poverty issue, looking at the way the media present its causes and solutions. It also examines the notion of frame building, exploring the factors that may influence the media's selective uses of certain frames. Media attributions of responsibility are largely societal, focusing on the causes and solutions at the social rather than personal level. Liberal newspapers made more references than conservative papers to social causes and solutions. Television news is slightly less likely than newspapers to make social-level attributions.

Where there is baseball, there are sports journalists--a relationship that has evolved as the media and the sport have evolved. In some periods (the 1920s and 1930s, for example), baseball teams and local sports journalists worked together to promote the home team and its games. In other periods (the 1970s, for example), journalists took a more objective approach as baseball culture experienced important transformations. Baseball players, sports journalists, and even academic scholars have offered their insights into this working relationship. But how is this relationship presented in films? This article will examine three classic baseball films that are set early in the twentieth century and feature journalists as prominent characters--Pride of the Yankees (1942), The Natural (1984), and Eight Men Out (1988)--to see how Hollywood perceived the sportswriters who covered baseball. Although each film is set during this time period, the films themselves were produced at two different times: The Pride of the Yankees in 1942, and The Natural and Eight Men Out in the 1980s. Thus, a study of these films provides an additional perspective, by reflecting two different views of baseball's Golden Age. The films also present a variety of approaches to journalism, particularly in relation to ethics. But the profession's response to the journalists' behaviors in these films could differ from how audiences might be expected to respond. Sports journalism suffered a tarnished reputation from its early days as a favorite strategy of yellow journalism newspaper publishers. (1) The popularity of sports in the 1920s presented publishers with an ethical dilemma. As W. P. Beazell, managing editor of the New York World, said, "There is no single classification of news that sells more papers than sports." (2) Sports promoters gladly offered media access, recognizing that media coverage translated into ticket sales, which made sports coverage easier. The ethics of the interplay resembled a business relationship more than a journalist-source relationship. Recognizing the relation of newspaper coverage to healthy gate receipts, baseball club owners paid the travel expenses of the sports journalists who covered their teams. (3) At many of these newspapers, "old guard" senior editors tried to protect their newspapers from the evils of professional sports, promoting amateur athletics as a wholesome activity for young people. (4) Still, sports journalists faced pressure from several angles--promoters, sources, and even publishers--and they often succumbed. Factor in an organizational flaw--lack of editorial supervision--and the potential for unchecked unethical behavior was clear. Sports editors often enjoyed professional autonomy, with their pages bypassing the copy desk and going directly to the composing room. (5) The Depression might be expected to cause a decrease in sports coverage, given the depth of the economic crisis. But sports retained its proportion of newspaper page counts, even if loss of advertising caused those newspapers to publish fewer pages. Even to Depression-era newspapers, sporting events like the World Series were an important focus of coverage. (6) Baseball team owners also responded to the challenge of Depression-era economics, through an increased emphasis on public relations. (7) One valuable reflection of an era's attitudes toward journalists can be found in films from the era that feature journalists. As one author wrote, "The narrative patterns of the journalism film genre are mirrors of, and metaphors for, the relationship between the public and the press, its ruined hopes, desperate wishes, and ambiguous promises." (8) Sports journalists rarely serve as the central characters in films. (Even in the films of this study, the journalists serve as supporting characters.) Only one recent film, 1985's Fever Pitch (as distinguished from the 2005 baseball film of the same title), featured a sports journalist. …

In 1961, Baseball Commissioner Ford Frick announced that Roger Maris's home run record would not be recognized unless he set it in 154 games, as record-holder Babe Ruth did. Frick's announcement sparked criticism and was later rescinded. This article demonstrates that the motive for Frick's actions was not concern for integrity of the game, but loyalty toward Ruth, as reflected both in his ghostwriting for Ruth and his columns in the New York Journal newspaper. Before becoming president of the National League in 1934, Frick was a newspaper sports journalist and one of the first sports broadcasters. His columns are examined both for his depictions of Ruth and for insight into his professional ethic as a sports journalist. The article concludes that Frick ignored the ethical conflicts inherent in his close friendship with Ruth—both in his ghostwriting and in his handling of the home run record.

In recent issues of Zygon, numerous reflections have been published commenting on where the field of science-and-religion has been, where it presently stands, and where it should move in the future. These reflections touch on the importance of the dialogue and raise questions as to what audience the dialogue addresses and whom it should address. Some scholars see the dialogue as prospering, while others point out that much work needs to be done to make the dialogue more accessible to a larger audience and more successful at tackling the provocative questions before us. Other academics view the questions themselves as needing further consideration and focus before answers to them can even be explored. In this article I provide a general overview of these essays by outlining some general categories of thought that seem to emerge from the contributors. I then present some of my own opinions concerning the future of the science-religion field and emphasize that the dialogue, in addition to its traditional roles, must further the philosophical framework that can aid humanity in resolving the most pressing global concerns of our time.

One of the most threatening problems the world faces is the growing poverty crisis and the related human rights inequalities and the spread of diseases in underprivileged areas. Human rights and relief organizations try hard to contain the devastation of these interconnected difficulties. What is the role of the biomedical scientist in this endeavor? The challenges that biomedical scientists face in their research lead us to question whether scientists can go beyond the time-consuming realm of experimental investigation and engage the issues of society in a more public way. I suggest how the scientist's role can be expanded in our complex and precarious world, introducing the idea of the modern biomedical researcher as scientist, scholar-philosopher, and statesman for the scientific community and the larger human rights community. I provide examples of where the scientist can interface with human rights organizations, medical doctors, political and civic leaders, and the science-religion dialogue. My argument reveals the emerging role of the biomedical scientist as one of public service in addition to and beyond the realm of the experimental investigator. This role, however, is formidable, and I list some of the obstacles it entails.

In 1924, the USLTA announced that any amateur tennis player would be banned from competition if he or she accepted money for writing about the sport. Bill Tilden, a journalist before he became the world's No. 1 player, responded that he would retire from tennis rather than give up journalism. The ensuing debate reflected not only the evolving conflict between professional and amateur sports, but also the high interest in "Jazz Age" sports coverage, with its corresponding ethical challenges. In March 1924, tennis champion Bill Tilden declared, "I cannot give up my profession." He was not referring to his sport, but to his profession as a journalist. Tilden was responding to a ruling by the United States Lawn Tennis Association (USLTA) that players had to either stop writing about their sport for pay or lose their amateur status.1 The organization's leaders portrayed their decision as protecting the integrity of the game. However, to many sportswriters and tennis fans it seemed that they were trying to silence their most vocal critic. Tilden frequently and strongly criticized USLTA decisions-and not just as they related to the game itself. A strong proponent of amateur athletics, Tilden considered his writing separate from his tennis. The willingness of newspaper publishers to pay generously for articles he and other well-known athletes wrote created a conflict that raged within the journalism profession during the 1920s.2 The USLTA's action raised questions about the relationship of sport and journalism. Should a sports governing body be able to restrict an athlete's right to make money by pursing an outside profession? How did amateur competition ideals, as expressed by the USLTA, conflict with the goals of journalism? Could these conflicting ideals be reconciled? Changes in Sport and Sports Journalism The conflict between Tilden and the USLTA came at a time when sport was changing as a cultural institution and sports journalism was at a crossroads as a profession. In the late nineteenth century, sport was seen as a positive force in creating workers and leaders for industrial society, prompting many business leaders to sponsor company baseball teams.3 As the United States recovered from World War I, spectator sports provided a diversion that was part of the Jazz Age obsession with entertainment. The emergence of professional sports was troubling to those who believed the activity should serve societal purposes.4 Victorian work values faded when a charismatic athlete with a home-run swing or a knockout punch would achieve sudden fame and wealth. Sports heroes like Babe Ruth and Jack Dempsey understood how to promote themselves for public fame and financial success.5 Literary Digest estimated that Americans spent well over a billion dollars annually on sports, more than the rest of the world combined. "Practically all of our huge expenditure goes to pay for watching other people play," the article said.6 Sports promoters relied on press publicity, and newspapers profited from the coverage. W. P. Beazell, managing editor of the New York World, said, "There is no single classification of news that sells more papers than sports."7 Newspaper reports drew fans to games and more fans could mean higher newspaper circulation.8 Overall, sports coverage cost less to produce than news coverage, and lively sports articles were less likely to offend than other kinds of stories.9 With increased popularity and profitability came ethical difficulties. A 1927 ethics committee report by the American Society of Newspaper Editors claimed that sports writers accepted direct payments from sports promoters, as well as gifts such as free tickets to sporting events. The report noted that sports editors often sent their pages directly to the composing room, bypassing the copy desk.10 Newly established professional journalism organizations were trying to establish codes of ethics on the international and national level. …

Understanding the structure of a scientific worldview is important for the dialogue between science and religion. In this essay, I define comprehensive worldview and distinguish it from the more focused noncomprehensive worldview. I explain that scientists and the public at large agree that modern research works in a scien- tific as opposed to nonscientific worldview. I give some of the essen- tial elements of any scientific worldview that differentiate it from nonscientific ones. These elements are the general presuppositions of science, the methods of science, and the articles of justification for the conclusions science puts forward. I question whether a scientific worldview can allow philosophical and theological tenets, which might appear to stand opposed to scientific paradigms, and conclude that the answer lies in the scope of its comprehensiveness.

Sports broadcasts feature celebrities and athletes, to attract viewers. But this practice was prevalent even in the early print-dominated days of sports journalism. This paper reviews articles written by sports-related and celebrity non-journalists and published in three newspapers concerning the 1924 and 1932 World Series. The paper demonstrates that this practice was widespread, in print form, during the 1924 Series. By 1932, relating to economic realities as much as newspaper policy, it was much less popular.

The Great Depression was a time of severe social and economic upheaval for the United States. The hardships precipitated by the stock market crash and subsequent bank and business closings resulted in widespread unemployment, disillusionment, and turmoil. Though newspapers proved a surprisingly resilient industry during the late 1920s and early 1930s, even they were not immune to the harmful effects of economic decline. (1) Average circulation (and thus newspaper readership) dipped only slightly, but as businesses closed, newspapers lost advertising revenue--45 percent over the four years following 1929. (2) Even today, newspapers in similar situations, to compensate for the advertising revenue shortfall, often reduce production expenses by decreasing the number of pages they print. The decisions on how to cut content, however, do not come easily. Certain sections are preserved at the expense of others--an agonizing decision-making process that can anger both journalists and readers. One likely victim of cuts would seem to be the sports section, with its emphasis on diversion and escape over hard news. Previous studies have attested to the popularity of the sports page in the years preceding the Depression, particularly the 1920s. (3) But that decade was a period of economic prosperity, both for the nation and for its newspapers. How well did the sports section survive the economic disaster of the years that followed? Did readers lose their appetite for sports coverage during harsh economic times? Did the growing need for so-called hard news during a critical point in history relegate sports to a smaller portion of the newspaper? Previous research has not addressed such questions. This paper will help remedy that shortfall by presenting research that examines sports coverage from eight newspapers in 1927 and in 1932. Coverage of a specific sporting event of high public interest--baseball's World Series--will be compared to see whether major newspapers from a variety of geographical regions devoted less space to that sporting event, and to sports in general, when the Depression's effects were being fully felt. Such data can help determine the priority assigned sports during a period when most of the hard news, while bad, was in fact arguably more important news. More than merely quantifying editorial decisions, however, this paper will also seek to interpret Depression-era culture by using newspapers as a cultural text. As one sports researcher acknowledged: "American newspapers are a mirror in which the nation is reflected in all its complex cultural diversity." (4) Sports heroes such as baseball players were popular (though perhaps not as well paid) cultural icons in the 1930s as much as in the 1920s. A sustained level of sports coverage would demonstrate that, even in the midst of economic depression, newspaper readers valued the diversions of the sports page, and newspaper editors obliged them. EVOLUTION The development of sports journalism, starting in the nineteenth century and climaxing in the Jazz Age, the 1920s, has been the subject of extensive previous research. In many ways the evolution of the newspaper sports page paralleled the evolution of baseball and other modern sports, reflecting their symbiotic relationship. By the early nineteenth century the Industrial Revolution provided Americans with more leisure time, and they began to turn their interest toward sports. (5) The earliest sports journals originated in Great Britain, the first being Pierce Egan's Life in London and Sporting Guide, which began publication in 1824. It was retitled Bell's Life in London four years later. Under that title it gained in popularity, reaching a circulation of 75,000 by the mid-1800s. (6) Similarly, in the United States, magazines reached enthusiasts more successfully than did newspapers. While James Gordon Bennett's New York Herald reported on horse races and prize fights from the 1840s on, most newspaper publishers looked down on such pursuits and left sports reporting to magazines such as Spirit of the Times. …

Carbon and nitrogen are two basic nutrient sources for cellular organisms. They supply precursors for energy metabolism and metabolic biosynthesis. In the yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae, distinct sensing and signaling pathways have been described that regulate gene expression in response to the quality of carbon and nitrogen sources, respectively. Gln3 is a GATA-type transcription factor of nitrogen catabolite-repressible (NCR) genes. Previous observations indicate that the quality of nitrogen sources controls the phosphorylation and cytoplasmic retention of Gln3 via the target of rapamycin (TOR) protein. In this study, we show that glucose also regulates Gln3 phosphorylation and subcellular localization, which is mediated by Snf1, the yeast homolog of AMP-dependent protein kinase and a cytoplasmic glucose sensor. Our data show that glucose and nitrogen signaling pathways converge onto Gln3, which may be critical for both nutrient sensing and starvation responses.

Gln3p is a GATA-type transcription activator of nitrogen catabolite repressible (NCR) genes. Gln3p was recently found to be hyperphosphorylated in a TOR-dependent manner and resides in the cytoplasm in high quality nitrogen. In contrast, during nitrogen starvation or rapamycin treatment, Gln3p becomes rapidly dephosphorylated and accumulates in the nucleus, thereby activating nitrogen catabolite repression genes. However, a detailed mechanistic understanding is lacking for the regulation of Gln3p nucleocytoplasmic distribution. In this study, we applied a functional genomics approach to identify the nuclear transport factors for Gln3p. We found that yeast karyopherin alpha/Srp1p and Crm1p are required for the nuclear import and export of Gln3p, respectively. Similarly, the Ran GTPase pathway is also involved in the nuclear translocation of Gln3p. Finally, we show that Srp1p preferentially interacts with the hypophosphorylated versus the hyperphosphorylated Gln3p. These findings define a possible mechanism for regulated nucleocytoplasmic transport of Gln3p by phosphorylation in vivo.

The target of rapamycin protein (TOR) is a highly conserved ataxia telangiectasia-related protein kinase essential for cell growth. Emerging evidence indicates that TOR signaling is highly complex and is involved in a variety of cellular processes. To understand its general functions, we took a chemical genomics approach to explore the genetic interaction between TOR and other yeast genes on a genomic scale. In this study, the rapamycin sensitivity of individual deletion mutants generated by the Saccharomyces Genome Deletion Project was systematically measured. Our results provide a global view of the rapamycin-sensitive functions of TOR. In contrast to conventional genetic analysis, this approach offers a simple and thorough analysis of genetic interaction on a genomic scale and measures genetic interaction at different possible levels. It can be used to study the functions of other drug targets and to identify novel protein components of a conserved core biological process such as DNA damage checkpoint/repair that is interfered with by a cell-permeable chemical compound.

Gln3p is a GATA-type transcription factor responsive to different nitrogen nutrients and starvation in yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae. Recent evidence has linked TOR signaling to Gln3p. Rapamycin causes dephosphorylation and nuclear translocation of Gln3p, thereby activating nitrogen catabolite repressible-sensitive genes. However, a detailed mechanistic understanding of this process is lacking. In this study, we show that Tor1p physically interacts with Gln3p. An intact TOR kinase domain is essential for the phosphorylation of Gln3p, inhibition of Gln3p nuclear entry and repression of Gln3p-dependent transcription. In contrast, at least two distinct protein phosphatases, Pph3p and the Tap42p-dependent phosphatases, are involved in the activation of Gln3p. The yeast pro-prion protein Ure2p binds to both hyper- and hypo-phosphorylated Gln3p. In contrast to the free Gln3p, the Ure2p-bound Gln3p is signifcantly resistant to dephosphorylation. Taken together, these results reveal a tripartite regulatory mechanism by which the phosphorylation of Gln3p is regulated.

Clinical microbiologists are highly skilled scientists within national hospitals and reference laboratories who diagnose patients with infections by emerging pathogens. Most advanced training for clinical microbiologists occurs at universities, where an individual can receive certification as a "Medical Laboratory Scientist" (MLS). Unfortunately, many MLS programs have closed in the United States and this has caused a shortage of clinical microbiologists at U.S. hospitals and reference laboratories. This paper explores the present crisis in MLS training and its ramifications for the emergence of antibiotic-resistant bacteria, the economics of hospitals, and the overall health of the nation, and provides resolutions for better public health policy with respect to MLS education.

Gln3p is a GATA-type transcription factor responsive to the quality of nitrogen and carbon. In preferred nitrogen such as glutamine, Gln3p is phosphorylated and sequestered in the cytoplasm in a manner that is dependent on the target of rapamycin (TOR) protein and Ure2p. In nonpreferred nitrogen or nitrogen starvation, Gln3p is dephosphorylated and imported into the nucleus via karyopherin alpha/Srp1p. Upon reintroduction of preferred nitrogen, Gln3p is exported from the nucleus by Crm1p/Xpo1p. Although recent work has provided insights into Gln3p, a more detailed understanding is needed to elucidate the mechanism of its localization and function. In this study, we show that Gln3p contains canonical nuclear localization signal and nuclear export signal sequences necessary for its localization and interaction with its relevant karyopherins. In addition, we identify an N-terminal domain of Gln3p interacting with Ure2p and a C-terminal region for binding to TOR. Finally, we find a lysine/arginine-rich domain essential for the rapamycin-sensitive function, but dispensable for its localization. Our results reveal key domains of Gln3p important for its function and regulation.